UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
AT   LOS  ANGELES 


OFFICIAL  REPORT  OF  THE 
PROCEEDINGS 


OF  THE 


Sixteenth     Republican 
National     Convention 

HELD  IN; 

CHICAGO,  ILLINOIS 
JUNE  7,  8,  9  AND  10,  1916 

RESULTING  IN  THE  NOMINATION   OF 

CHARLES   EVANS   HUGHES,  of  New  York,  for  President 

AND  THE  NOMINATION  OF 

CHARLES  WARREN  FAIRBANKS,  of  Indiana 
for  Vice-President 


REPORTED  BY  GEORGE  L.  HART,  OFFICIAL  REPORTER 


Published  Under  the  Supervision  of  the  General  Secretary  of  the  Convention 


THE  TENNYJ  PRESS 

318-326  West  39th  St. 
New  York 


COPYRIGHT.  1916 
Bv  LAFAYETTE  B.  GLEASON 


TK 

2.353 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


Adams,   John   T 210 

Bliss,  Cornelius  N.,  Jr • 132 

Estabrook,  Fred  W 194 

Fairbanks,   Charles  W 6 

Gleason,   Lafayette   B 106 

Harding,  Warren  G 14 

Hart,  George  L l?0 

Hilles,  Charles  D 28 

Hughes   Charles  E 4 

Lodge,   Henry  Cabot 88 

Martin,    Alvah    H 198 

Murphy,    Franklin  • IQO 

Reynolds,  James   B 32 

Sheldon,  George  R 148 

Smoot,   Reed 38 

Stanley,    Fred • 202 

Stone,  William  F 118 

Upham,  Fred  W 186 

Warren,  Charles  B 68 

Willcox,  William  R. . .  • 20 

Williams,   Ralph   E 214 


308085 


OFFICERS  OF  THE  CONVENTION 


CHAIRMAN  OF  THE  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 

CHARLES  D.  HILLES 

OF  NEW  YORK 
SECRETARY  OF  THE  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 

JAMES  B.  REYNOLDS 

OF  MASSACHUSETTS 
TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN  OF  THE  CONVENTION 

WARREN  G.  HARDING 

OF  OHIO 
PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  OF  THE  CONVENTION 

WARREN  G.  HARDING 

OF  OHIO 
GENERAL  SECRETARY 

LAFAYETTE  B.  GLEASON 

OF  NEW  YORK 
SERGE ANT-A  T-ARMS 

WILLIAM  F.  STONE 

OF  MARYLAND 


PROCEEDINGS 


Republican  National  Convention 


HELD  IN 

CHICAGO,  ILLINOIS 

June  6,  7,  8,  9  and  10,  1916 


FIRST   DAY 


CONVENTION    HALL 

CHICAGO,    ILL.,    JUNE    7,    1916. 

THE  CHAIRMAN  OF  THE  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE  (Mr. 
Charles  D.  Hilles,  of  New  York). — The  hour  of  11  o'clock  having  ar- 
rived, and  a  quorum  being  present,  the  Convention  will  be  in  order. 
Paraphrasing  a  remark  made  by  the  late  President  McKinley,  this  is 
a  year — whatever  may  have  been  true  of  past  years — when  politics 
is  patriotism  and  patriotism  is  politics.  (Applause.)  Therefore,  the 
audience  will  please  rise  and  sing  two  verses  of  "America." 

SINGING  OF  THE  NATIONAL  ANTHEM 

Thereupon  the  officers,  delegates,  alternates,  and  guests  of  the 
Convention,  occupying  the  more  than  twelve  thousand  seats  in  the 
Coliseum,  rose,  and  the  band  played  "America"  while  the  immense  audi- 
ence sang  the  first  two  verses  of  the  National  Anthem,  led  by  the  Columbus 
Quartet,  composed  of  Benjamin  Churchill,  Tenor;  William  Ballew,  Lead; 
Forest  Chaffer,  Baritone;  John  Nankevis,  Bass. 

THE  CHAIRMAN  OF  THE  COMMITTEE. — Prayer  will  be  offered  by  the 
Rev.  John  Timothy  Stone,  D.  D.,  Pastor  of  the  Fourth  Presbyterian 
Church,  of  Chicago. 

(7) 


8  OFFICIAL   PROCEEDINGS    OF   THE 

PRAYER  OF  REV.  JOHN  TIMOTHY  STONE,  D.D. 

Rev.  John  Timothy  Stone,  D.D.,  Pastor  of  the  Fourth  Presbyterian 
Church  of  Chicago,  111.,  offered  the  following  prayer: 

Most  holy  and  eternal  God,  we  bow  before  Thee  with  reverent  hearts 
and  thoughtful  minds.  Thou  art  our  God;  Thou  art  the  God  of  all 
nations ;  Thou  art  the  God  of  our  nation ;  Thou  hast  been  the  God  of  our 
fathers.  Thou  hast  been  our  Guide  in  times  of  peace  and  amid  the  per- 
plexities of  war.  Thou  hast  given  to  us  freedom,  liberty,  purpose  and 
prosperity. 

Although  the  immediate  interests  which  now  control  our  gather- 
ing together  have  reference  to  our  own  national  issues,  we  would  not 
forget  the  warring,  suffering  nations  of  the  earth.  We  pray  Thee 
to  bring  them  speedily,  if  it  be  Thy  holy  will,  to  terms  of  peace  and 
conditions  of  adjustment. 

We  bow  before  Thee,  and  pausing  quietly,  ask  Thy  blessing  be- 
fore entering  upon  the  deliberations  of  this  convention.  As  Thou 
dost  order  the  affairs  of  men,  so  frame  the  doings  of  this  great  body. 
Save  from  all  hasty  and  ill-spoken  word.  Control  judgments,  purposes, 
plans  and  platform,  that  all  may  have  Thy  pure  mind  of  wisdom  and 
strength.  May  the  men  of  Thy  choice  be  our  choice,  and  may  motive, 
method  and  result  center  in  Thy  sure  laws  of  right  and  in  Thy  lasting 
victories  of  truth  and  righteousness. 

"Direct,  suggest,  control,  this  day, 
All  we  design,  or  do,  or  say; 
That  all  our  powers,  with  all  their  might, 
In  Thy  full  glory  may  unite." 

We  ask  all  in  the  name  of  our  common  Master  and  Lord-   Amen. 

PHOTOGRAPH  OF  CONVENTION 

THE  CHAIRMAN  OF  THE  COMMITTEE. — The  official  Photographer  of 
the  Convention  wishes  at  this  time  to  take  a  picture  of  the  Convention 
and  I  trust  that  all  present  will  make  an  effort  to  face  the  camera  as  well 
as  they  can  and  be  very  quiet  while  the  picture  is  being  taken. 

Thereupon  a  photograph  was  taken  of  the  Convention. 

CALL  FOR  THE  CONVENTION 

THE  CHAIRMAN  OF  THE  COMMITTEE. — The  Secretary  of  the  Repub- 
lican National  Committee  will  read  the  Call  for  the  Convention. 

MR.  JAMES  B.  REYNOLDS,  of  Massachusetts,  Secretary  of  the  Re- 
publican National  Committee,  read  the  call  as  follows: 


SIXTEENTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  9 

To  the  Republican  Electors  of  the  United  States: 

In  accordance  with  established  custom  and  in  obedience  to  in- 
structions of  the  Republican  National  Convention  of  1912,  the  Repub- 
lican National  Committee  now  directs  that  a  National  Convention 
of  delegated  representatives  of  the  Republican  Party  be  held  in  the 
City  of  Chicago,  in  the  State  of  Illinois,  at  eleven  o'clock  A.  M.,  on 
Wednesday,  the  7th  day  of  June,  1916,  for  the  purpose  of  nominating 
candidates  for  President  and  Vice-Presidennt,  to  be  voted  for  at  the 
Presidential  Election  on  Tuesday,  November  7,  1916,  and  for  the  trans- 
action of  such  other  business  as  may  properly  come  before  it. 

The  Republican  electors  of  the  several  States  and  the  District  of 
Columbia,  Alaska,  Hawaii,  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippine  Islands,  and 
all  other  electors  without  regard  to  past  political  affiiliations,  who 
believe  in  the  principles  of  the  Republican  Party  and  indorse  its 
policies,  are  cordially  invited  to  unite  under  this  call  in  the  selection 
of  delegates  to  said  Convention.  Said  National  Convention  shall 
consist  of  four  Delegates  at  Large  from  each  State,  and  two  Dele- 
gates at  Large  for  each  Representative  at  Large  in  Congress;  one 
Delegate  from  each  Congressional  District;  an  additional  Delegate 
for  each  Congressional  District  in  which  the  vote  for  any  Republican 
elector  in  1908,  or  for  the  Republican  nominee  for  Congress  in  1914, 
shall  have  been  not  less  than  7,500;  two  Delegates  each  from  the 
District  of  Columbia,  Alaska,  Hawaii,  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippine 
Islands.  All  Delegates  from  any  State  may,  however,  be  chosen 
from  the  State  at  large,  in  the  event  that  the  laws  of  the  State  in 
which  the  election  occurs  so  provide.  Alternate  Delegates  shall  be 
elected  to  this  Convention  for  each  unit  of  representation  equal  to 
the  number  of  Delegates  elected  therein.  In  the  absence  of  any 
Delegate  at  Large  or  Delegate  from  a  Congressional  District,  the 
roll  of  alternates  for  the  State  or  the  district  shall  be  called  in  the 
order  in  which  the  names  are  placed  upon  the  roll  of  the  Convention. 

Delegates  at  Large  and  their  alternates,  and  Delegates  from 
Congressional  Districts  and  their  alternates,  shall  be  elected  in  the 
following  manner: 

(1)  By    primary    elections,    in    accordance    with    the    laws    of    the 
State  in  which  the  election  occurs,  in  such  States  as  require  by  law 
the  election  of  Delegates  to  National  Conventions  of  political  parties 
by  direct  primaries;  provided,  that  in  any  State  in  which  Republican 
representation  upon  the  board  of  judges   or  inspectors   of  elections 
for  such  primary  election  is  denied  by  law,  Delegates  and  alternates 
shall  be  elected  as  hereinafter  provided. 

(2)  By  Congressional,  Territorial  or  State   Conventions,  as  the 
case   may   be,   to   be   called   by   the    Congressional    Territorial    or    State 
Committees,    respectively.     Notice   of  the   call  for  such   Conventions 


10  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

shall  be  published  in  a  newspaper  or  newspapers  of  general  circula- 
tion in  the  District,  Territory  or  State.  In  a  Congressional  District 
where  there  is  no  Republican  Congressional  Committee,  the  Re- 
publican State  Committee  shall  issue  the  call  and  make  said  publication. 

No  Delegates  or  alternates  shall  be  deemed  eligible  to  participate 
in  any  Convention  to  elect  Delegates  to  the  National  Convention  who 
were  elected  prior  to  the  adoption  of  this  call. 

Delegates  presenting  certificates  of  election  from  the  Canvassing 
Boards  or  officer  created  or  designated  by  State  law  to  canvass  the 
returns  and  issue  certificates  of  election  to  delegates  to  the  National 
Convention  shall  be  placed  upon  the  temporary  roll  of  the  Conven- 
tion by  this  Committee. 

The  election  of  Delegates  from  the  District  of  Columbia  shall 
be  held  under  the  direction  and  supervision  of  an  Election  Board 
composed  of  Charles  Linkins,  Charles  H.  Bauman  and  Jesse  H. 
Foster,  of  the  District  of  Columbia.  This  Board  shall  have  authority 
to  fix  the  date  of  said  Convention,  subject  to  the  provisions  of  this 
call,  and  to  arrange  all  details  incidental  thereto;  and  shall  provide 
for  a  registration  of  the  votes  cast,  such  registration  to  include  the 
name  and  residence  of  each  voter. 

The  delegates  from  Alaska,  Hawaii,  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philip- 
pine Islands  shall  be  elected  in  conformity  with  the  rules  and  regu- 
lations adopted  by  this  Committee,  copies  of  which  will  be  furnished 
to  the  Governing  Comittee  of  the  Republican  Party  in  such  Terri- 
tory and  insular  possessions. 

All  Delegates  and  alternates  shall  be  elected  not  earlier  than 
thirty  days  after  the  date  of  this  call,  and  not  later  than  thirty  days 
before  the  date  of  the  meeting  of  the  Republican  National  Convention, 
for  which  this  call  is  issued,  unless  otherwise  provided  by  the  laws  of  the 
State  in  which  the  election  occurs. 

The  credentials  of  each  Delegate  and  alternate  elected  prior  to 
May  24,  1916,  must  be  forwarded  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Republican 
National  Committee,  at  the  office  of  the  National  Committee,  Wilkins 
Building,  Washington,  D.  C-,  promptly  upon  such  election.  The 
credentials  of  each  Delegate  or  alternate  elected  after  the  23d  day  of 
May,  1916,  must  be  forwarded  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Republican 
National  Committee,  at  Congress  Hotel,  Chicago,  Illinois.  Where 
more  than  the  authorized  number  of  Delegates  is  reported  to  the 
Secretary  of  the  National  Committee,  a  contest  shall  be  deemed  to 
exist,  and  the  Secretary  shall  notify  the  several  claimants  so  re- 
ported and  shall  submit  all  credentials  and  claims  to  the  whole  Com- 
mittee for  decision  as  to  which  claimants  shall  be  placed  upon  the 
temporary  roll  of  the  Convention. 

All  notices  of  contest  shall  be  submitted  in  writing  accompanied 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION 


11 


by  a  printed  statement  setting  forth  the  ground  of  contest,  which 
must  be  filed  with  the  Secretary  of  the  Committee  twenty  days  prior 
to  the  meeting  of  the  National  Convention,  except  in  cases  where 
Delegates  are  chosen  by  law  within  that  period,  and  then  at  any  time 
prior  to  the  meeting  of  the  National  Convention. 

In  promulgating  this  call  the  Secretary  of  the  Republican  Na- 
tional Committee  is  directed  to  send  a  copy  to  the  member  of  the 
National  Committee  from  each  state,  and  enclose  therewith  copies 
of  the  call  for  the  Chairman  and  Secretary  of  the  State  Committee 
to  be  forwarded  to  said  Chairman  and  Secretary  by  the  member  of  the 
National  Committee. 

The  apportionment  of  Delegates  to  the  National  Convention 
called  hereby  shall  be  as  adopted  by  the  National  Committee  at  its 
meeting  December  16,  1913,  and  ratified  by  Republican  State  Conventions 
of  States  which  cast  a  majority  of  votes  in  the  Electoral  College,  schedule 
of  which  is  appended  hereto. 


UPON    THE    BASIS    OF    OFFICIAL    ELECTION  FIGURES  FURNISHED  TO 
THE   NATIONAL  COMMITTEE,  THE  APPORTIONMENT  OF  DELE- 
GATES   TO    THE    CONVENTION     IS      AS     FOLLOWS: 


ALABAMA  6  Delegates  at  Large;  2  from  the  7th  Congressional  Di§- 

trict;  1  from  each  of  the  other  Congressional  Districts 
total  16. 

ARIZONA  6  Delegates  at   Large. 

ARKANSAS  4  Delegates  at  Large;  2  each  from  the  3d,  4th,  5th  and  7th 

Congressional  Districts;  1  from  each  of  the  other  dis- 
tricts— total  15. 

CALIFORNIA  4  Delegates  at  Large;  2  from  each  Congressional  District 

— total  26. 

COLORADO  4  Delegates  at  Large;  2  from  each  Congressional  District 

— total  12. 

CONNECTICUT  4  Delegates  at  Large;  2  from  each  Congressional  District 

— total  14. 

DELAWARE  6  Delegates  at   Large. 

FLORIDA  4  Delegates  at  Large;  1  from  each  Congressional  District 

— total  8. 

GEORGIA  4  Delegates  at  Large;  2  from  the  7th  Congressional  Dis- 

trict; 1  from  each  of  the  other  districts — total  17. 

IDAHO  4  Delegates  at  Large ;  2  from  each  Congressional  District 

— total  8. 

ILLINOIS  8  Delegates  at  Large;  2  from  each  Congressional  District 

— total  58. 

INDIANA  4  Delegates  at  Large;  2  from  each  Congressional  District 

— total  30. 

IOWA  4  Delegates  at  Large;  2  from  each  Congressional  District 

— total  26. 

KANSAS  4  Delegates  at  Large ;  2  from  each  Congressional  District 

—total  20. 


•  12  OFFICIAL   PROCEEDINGS    OF   THE 

KENTUCKY  4  Delegates   at   Large;    2    from    each    Congressional   District 

— total  26. 

LOUISIANA  4  Delegates   at    Large;    1    from   each    Congressional   District 

— total  12. 

MAINE  4  Delegates   at   Large;    2    from   each    Congressional   District 

— total   12. 
MARYLAND  4  Delegates   at    Large;    2    from    each   Congressional   District 

— total   16. 
MASSACHUSETTS         4  Delegates   at    Large;   2    from   each   Congressional  District 

— total  36 
MICHIGAN  4  Delegates   at    Large;    2    from    each    Congressional   District 

— total  30. 
MINNESOTA  4  Delegates   at    Large;    2    from   each   Congressional   District 

—total  24. 
MISSISSIPPI  4  Delegates   at    Large;    1    from   each    Congressional   District 

— total   12. 
MISSOURI  4  Delegates   at   Large;    2    from   each    Congressional   District 

— total  36. 

MONTANA  8  Delegates  at  Large. 

NEBRASKA  4  Delegates   at    Large;    2    from   each   Congressional   District 

— total   16. 

NEVADA  6  Delegates   at   Large. 

NEW    HAMPSHIRE      4  Delegates   at   Large;    2    from   each   Congressional   District 

— total  8. 
NEW   JERSEY  4  Delegates   at   Large;   2    from   each   Congressional   District 

— total  28. 

NEW  MEXICO  6  Delegates  at   Large. 

NEW   YORK  4  Delegates  at  Large;   1   each  from  the  12th,   13th  and  20th 

Congressional   Districts;   2   from   each   of   the   other  dis- 
tricts—total   87. 

NORTH    CAROLINA     4  Delegates  at  Large;  1  each  from  the  1st,  2d  and  6th  Con- 
gressional Districts ;   2  from   each  of  the  other  districts 
— total  21. 
NORTH    DAKOTA          4  Delegates   at    Large;    2    from   each    Congressional   District 

— total  10. 
OHIO  4  Delegates   at   Large ;    2    from   each   Congressional   District 

— total  48. 
OKLAHOMA  4  Delegates   at   Large ;    2    from   each   Congressional   District 

— total  20. 
OREGON  4  Delegates   at   Large;    2    from   each   Congressional   District 

— total  10. 
PENNSYLVANIA  12  Delegates  at   Large;   2  from  each  Congressional  District 

— total  76. 
RHODE    ISLAND  4  Delegates   at    Large;    2    from   each   Congressional   District 

— total  10. 
SOUTH   CAROLINA      4  Delegates   at    Large;    1    from   each    Congressional   District 

— total   11. 
SOUTH  DAKOTA  2  Delegates   at    Large;    2   from    each    Congressional   District 

— total  10. 

TENNESSEE  4   Delegates  at  Large;   1   each  from  the  5th,   9th  and   10th 

Congressional   Districts ;   2   from   each   of   the   other   dis- 
tricts— total  21. 

TEXAS  8  Delegates  at  Large;  2  each  from  the   14th  and   15th  Con- 

gressional  Districts ;    1   from   each   of  the  other  districts 
— total  26. 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL  CONVENTION 


13 


UTAH 

VERMONT 

VIRGINIA 

WASHINGTON 

WEST    VIRGINIA 

WISCONSIN 

WYOMING 
ALASKA 
DISTRICT    OF 

COLUMBIA 
HAWAII 
PHILIPPINES 
PORTO  RICO 


4  Delegates  at  Large;  2  from  each  Congressional  District 
— total  8. 

4  Delegates  at  Large;  2  from  each  Congressional  District 
—total  8. 

4  Delegates  at  Large;  2  from  the  9th  Congressional  Dis- 
trict; 1  from  each  of  the  other  districts — total  IS. 

4  Delegates  at  Large;  2  from  each  Congressional  District 
— total  14. 

4  Delegates  at  Large;  2  from  each  Congressional  District 
— total  16. 

4  Delegates  at  Large;  2  from  each  Congressional  District 
— total  26. 

6  Delegates  at   Large. 

2  Delegates  at  Large. 

2  Delegates  at  Large. 

2  Delegates  each  (without  vote  except  by  action  of  the 
Convention). 


JAMES    B.    REYNOLDS, 

Secretary. 


CHARLES   D.   HILLES, 

Chairman. 


Washington,  D.   C., 
December    14,    1915. 

ELECTION  OF  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN 

THE  CHAIRMAN  OF  THE  COMMITTEE. — T>y  the  direction  of  the  Na- 
tional Committee  and  in  accordance  with  tlie  rules  and  precedents  of 
the  Party,  the  Chairman  of  the  Republican  National  Committee  has  the 
honor  to  present  for  your  temporary  chairman  the  name  of  a  delegate 
from  the  State  of  Ohio,  Hon.  Warren  G.  Harding.  (Applause.)  Are 
there  any  other  nominations  After  a  pause.)  No  further  nominations 
being  offered  as  many  as  are  in  favor  of  the  election  of  Senator  Harding 
as  temporary  chairman  will  say  aye.  (A  chorus  of  ayes.)  And  as  many 
as  are  opposed  to  his  election  will  say  no.  (Silence.)  The  motion  is  car- 
ried unanimously.  (Applause.) 

The  chair  will  appoint  as  a  committee  to  escort  the  temporary 
chairman  to  the  platform,  former  Senator  W.  Murray  Crane  of  Massachu- 
setts, Senator  William  E.  Borah  of  Idaho,  and  Representative  William  B. 
McKinley,  of  Illinois. 

As  the  Committee  proceeded  to  that  portion  of  the  Coliseum 
where  the  Ohio  delegation  were  seated,  and  escorted  Senator  Harding 
to  the  platform,  there  was  loud  and  prolonged  applause  on  the  part 
of  delegates,  alternates  and  guests  of  the  Convention. 

THE  CHAIRMAN  OF  THE  COMMITTEE. — Ladies  and  gentlemen  of  the 
Convention,  I  have  the  honor  to  present  as  your  temporary  chairman 
Senator  Harding.  (Applause.) 


14  OFFICIAL   PROCEEDINGS   OF   THE 

ADDRESS  OF  THE  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN 

THE  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN  (Mr.  Warren  G.  Harding,  of  Ohio). — 
Chairman  Hilles,  ladies  and  gentlemen  of  the  Convention: 

It  is  good  to  greet  this  representative  body  of  that  American 
Republicanism  on  which  is  centered  the  high  hopes  of  the  republic- 
(Applause.)  I  can  believe — nay,  I  know — that  a  vast  majority  of  the 
people  of  our  United  States  is  expecting  the  party  sponsors  here  assembled 
to  write  anew  the  sacred  covenant  of  Republicanism,  and  reconsecrate  the 
party  to  the  nation's  service  and  the  people's  advancement.  (Ap- 
plause.) That  same  majority  expects  you  to  select  a  standard-bearer  who 
shall  not  only  typify  our  expression  of  faith  but  shall  so  enlist  the  con- 
fidence and  trust  of  our  American  citizenship  that  the  work  of  this  con- 
vention will  be  confirmed  overwhelmingly  at  the  ballot-box  next  November. 
(Applause  and  cries  of  "Right  you  are.") 

The  country,  wearied  afresh  by  a  disappointing  and  distressing 
Democratic  administration,  is  calling  for  Republican  relief,  and  there 
is  every  inspiration,  every  encouragement,  every  confidence  that  the 
light  of  Republican  conscience,  set  aflame  in  this  convention,  will 
illumine  the  way  to  the  country's  restoration. 

LET    US    FORGET    IQI2 

We  did  not  do  very  well  in  making  for  harmony  the  last  time 
we  met.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  The  country  has  regretted,  let  us 
forget — and  make  amends  to  our  country.  (Applause.)  We  did  not 
divide  over  fundamental  principles,  we  did  not  disagree  over  a  na- 
tional policy.  We  split  over  methods  of  party  procedure  and  pre- 
ferred personalities.  Let  us  forget  the  differences,  and  find  new  in- 
spiration and  new  compensation  in  an  united  endeavor  to  restore 
the  country.  (Applause.) 

The  essential  principles  of  Republicanism  are  unchanged  and 
unchanging;  the  lofty  intent,  the  indestructible  soul  and  the  undying 
spirit  of  Republicanism  are  as  dominant  today  as  in  the  destined  be- 
ginning sixty  years  ago,  or  at  any  time  during  the  intervening  years, 
and  they  are  emphasized  today  by  the  proof  recorded  to  Republican 
credit  in  the  matchless  chapters  of  American  progress.  (Applause.) 

PRINCIPLES    ARE    ABIDING 

No  political  party  ever  has  builded  or  ever  can  build  permanently 
except  in  conscientious  devotion  to  abiding  principles.  Time  never 
alters  a  fundamental  truth.  Conditions  do  change,  popular  interest 
is  self-asserting,  and  "paramounting"  has  its  perils,  as  the  Demo- 
cratic party  will  bear  witness,  but  the  essentials  of  constructive  gov- 


WARREN    G.    HARDING,    of   Ohio 
Chairman   of   the   Convention 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  15 

ernment  and  attending  progress  are  abiding  and  unchanging.  For  ex- 
ample, we  ought  to  be  as  genuinely  American  today  as  when  the  founding 
fathers  flung  their  immortal  defiance  in  the  face  of  old-world  oppressions 
and  dedicated  a  new  republic  to  liberty  and  justice.  We  ought  to  be  as 
prepared  for  defense  as  Washington  urged  amid  the  anxieties  of  our  na- 
tional beginning,  and  Grant  confirmed  amid  the  calm  reflections  of  union 
restored.  (Applause.) 

PASTY  SOLIDARITY 

It  is  not  my  understanding  that  the  remarks  of  the  temporary  chair- 
man are  to  be  taken  as  an  expression  of  the  party  faith.  Such  expression 
must  come  from  this  convention,  made  up  of  delegates  who  believe  in 
popular,  respresentative  government  through  the  agency  of  political  parties. 
You  come  directly  from  the  people,  commissioned  to  speak  their  hopes 
and  aspirations,  to  utter  their  patriotic  desires  and  pledge  their  abiding 
faith.  Out  of  the  convictions  and  judgment  and  wisdom  as  expressed  by 
the  majority  will  come  the  sacred  and  sincere  covenant  of  the  Republican 
party. 

We  are  a  voluntary  organization  and  must  find  our  strength  in 
the  enlistment  of  volunteers  who  find  the  nearest  or  best  expression 
of  their  individual  convictions  in  our  party  declarations,  and  there 
can  be  no  treason  in  withdrawal  if  our  declarations  fall  short  in  their 
appeal.  But  I  am  old-fashioned  enough  to  believe  that  in  popular 
government  party  success  and  party  capacity  for  service  to  the  nation 
must  lie  in  making  the  will  of  a  righteous  majority  the  willing  pledge 
of  all.  (Applause,  loud  and  prolonged.) 

NO  FORSWEARING  REQUIRED 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen  of  the  convention,  the  first  and  foremost 
wish  in  my  mind  is  to  say  that  which  will  contribute  to  harmony 
of  effort  and  add  to  the  assurance  of  victory  next  November.  (Ap- 
plause.) I  wish  that  because  we  believe  Republican  success  to  be  for  the 
best  interests  of  our  common  country.  (Applause.)  The  allied  hosts  of 
the  believers  in  Republican  principles  are  in  a  vast  majority  in  this 
country — when  the  banners  of  harmony  are  unfurled.  We  have  witnessed 
the  comeback  of  our  party  in  various  states.  We  have  seen  the 
reenlistment  of  those  who  believe  in  Republican  doctrines,  and  victory 
has  followed  and  rejoicing  has  attended.  No  apology  has  been 
asked,  no  forswearing  required.  This  is  not  the  time  for  recrimina- 
tion, it  is  the  day  of  reconsecration.  (Applause  and  cries  of  "You 
are  right!") 

Rededicating  here  and  now  the  Republican  party  to  the  progress 
and  glory  of  the  republic,  let  us  bury  party  prefixes  with  the  admin- 


1C  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF   THE 

istration  which  our  differences  put  in  power.  I  do  not  believe  there 
is  a  really  reactionary  Republican  bearing  credentials  to  this  conven- 
tion. (Applause.)  If  there  is,  he  will  depart,  after  our  deliberations, 
solely  and  proudly  a  Republican,  with  heart  aglow  with  the  party 
spirit  of  1916.  And  the  welcome  delegate  who  emphasizes  his  pro- 
gressivism,  is  expected  to  do  his  part  in  making  our  party  a  reflex  of 
the  best  thought  and  best  intent  of  sincere  committal  to  the  uplift 
and  progress  of  the  American  people,  thereby  strengthening  party 
purpose  instead  of  magnifying  individual  belief,  and  he,  too,  will 
find  new  rejoicing  in  being  a  Republican.  (Applause.)  No  party  can 
endure  which  is  not  progressive.  I  know  the  Republican  party  is 
genuinely  progressive  as  well  as  effective,  else  it  would  not  rivet  the 
expectations  of  the  American  people  today  on  the  most  important 
convention  held  since  the  party  formulated  a  new  political  decalogue 
and  gave  to  union  and  nationality  the  immortal  Abraham  Lincoln. 
(Enthusiastic  applause-) 

REPRESENTATIVE  GOVERNMENT 

In  building  the  surpassing  temple  of  the  Republic,  which  we  have 
been  doing  to  the  astonishment,  sometimes  the  envy,  sometimes  the 
admiration  of  the  world,  and  oftentimes  inspiring  others  by  our  ex- 
ample, there  ever  will  be  modifications  and  additions  to  meet  the 
public  need  and  conform  to  popular  ideals.  We  do  not  fear  to  imi- 
tate nor  fail  to  originate,  but  there  can  be  no  discord  about  under- 
lying foundations  or  essential  walls  or  proven  arches  or  stately 
"columns.  Mine  is  a  deep  conviction  that  the  founding  fathers  were 
divinely  inspired,  and  the  wisdom  of  representative  popular  govern- 
ment is  proven  in  the  surpassing  achievement.  (Applause.) 

It  is  not  alone  the  miracle  of  accomplishment  which  deepens 
our  reverence;  it  is  not  alone  the  conviction  that  we  have  builded  the 
first,  seemingly  dependable,  popular  government  on  the  earth  and 
exalted  all  its  citizenship,  which  adds  to  our  faith;  but  we  are  the 
oldest  of  existing  civilized  nations,  with  one  passing  exception,  con- 
tinued under  one  form  of  government,  and  under  that  form  we  have 
developed  the  highest  standard  of  living  in  all  the  world.  Surely  we 
must  be  right.  (Applause.) 

Recalling  that  the  mightier  forward  strides  have  been  taken  under 
a  half  century  of  Republican  control,  after  we  led  in  fixing  the  in- 
dissoluble ties  of  union,  the  retrospection,  the  contemplation  and  the 
anticipation  combine  to  fill  the  Republican  breast  with  pride  and 
hope,  and  trust  and  faith,  and  magnify  our  obligations  in  this  crucial 
year  of  our  national  life.  (Applause.) 

Much  of  the  discussion  of  the  hour  is  hinged  upon  a  world  at 
war.  We  need  not  wonder  thereat,  because  the  enormity  of  the  con- 


SIXTEENTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  17 

flict  and  the  influence  of  its  horrors  have  set  mankind  in  upheaval. 
The  traditions  of  civilization  have  been  broken  and  international  laws 
have  been  ignored.  There  is  a  tidal  wave  of  distress  and  disaster, 
there  are  violent  emotions  and  magnified  fears.  There  are  the  ex- 
tremes of  incalculable  sacrifices  and  measureless  new  fortunes — not 
all  American.  There  are  new  wonders  and  new  hindrances  in  com- 
merce, changed  balances  of  trade,  new  marvels  in  finance  and  utterly 
changed  economic  conditions.  These  have  attended  embarrassments 
in  our  foreign  relations  as  difficult  as  those  which  the  individual  citizen 
experiences  whose  every  neighbor  is  involved  in  deadly  quarrel.  Every- 
thing is  abnormal  except  the  depleted  condition  of  the  federal  treas- 
ury, which  is  characteristic  of  Democratic  control,  and  the  facility 
of  the  administration  for  writing  varied  notes  without  effective  notice. 
(Laughter  and  applause.) 

Amid  these  conditions  has  stood  this  unarmed  giant,  typifying 
the  American  republic,  neutral  and  sane,  to  whom  the  neutral  nations 
have  turned  for  leadership.  Our  national  unselfishness  had  been 
proven,  our  devotion  to  humanity  had  been  established,  our  commit- 
tal to  international  justice  had  long  been  proclaimed.  The  world  had 
previously  heard  the  voice  of  American  fearlessness,  and  all  the  con- 
ditions single  us  out  for  leadership  among  the  neutral  powers,  but 
the  administration  at  Washington  spoke  with  more  rhetoric  than 
resolution  (laughter  and  applause),  and  we  came  to  realize  what  the 
warring  powers  soon  came  to  know,  that  the  official  American  voice 
lacked  the  volume  of  determined  expression  that  once  demanded 
international  heed,  and  we  lacked  the  strength  of  confidence  in  our 
own  defenses.  (Applause.) 

It  is  too  early  to  estimate  the  debit  and  credit  account  of  the 
European  war  with  civilization.  Out  of  measureless  cost  and  ines- 
timable heroism  must  come  a  rebirth  of  individual  spirituality,  re- 
awakened national  hopes,  new  liberties  and  new  baptisms  in  patriot- 
ism which  must  prove  some  compensation.  But  we  have  seen  civiliza- 
tion stripped  of  the  pretenses  which  clothed  man's  savagery,  and  we 
have  seen  elemental  man,  developed  in  genius  and  more  formidable 
because  of  that,  intoxicated  with  power  or  impassioned  in  the  greed 
of  conquest,  offending  or  defending,  contradicting  every  evidence  of 
mankind's  humane  advancement.  In  the  envy  or  jealousy  or  rivalry 
or  hatred,  refined  by  boasted  civilization,  are  the  barbarities  of  primi- 
tive man,  and  the  seal  of  obsolescence  is  not  yet  stamped  upon  the 
warrior's  sword. 

FOR   NATIONAL  DEFENSE 

Perhaps  it  is  a  reminder  more  than  a  discovery,  but  there  has 
come  to  us  a  conviction  that  this  great  nation,  rich  in  resources  and 
strong  in  patriotic  manhood,  has  been  negligent  concerning  its  own 


18  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

defense.  We  have  dwelt  in  fancied  rather  than  real  security.  Pride 
mingles  with  regret  in  this,  because  it  suggests  the  mind  of  a  nation  so 
free  from  intended  offense  that  there  was  no  cultivated  thought  of 
needed  defense.  Our  righteousness  of  purpose  is  portrayed  in  our 
trust  in  unarmed  safety.  But  there  is  a  warning  in  bleeding  Europe, 
and  there  is  call  today  for  prudent,  patriotic  and  ample  national  de- 
fense. These  is  no  mistaking  the  sentiment.  We  are  not  thinking  of 
the  hysterical,  we  need  not  be  moved  by  a  preparedness  which  is 
partisan  in  conception.  We  need  not  believe  in  a  defense  propaganda 
inspired  by  those  who  aim  to  wax  fat  in  the  production  of  arms  and 
munitions,  because  there  is  none.  I  deplore  the  teaching  that  an 
anxiety  about  our  national  defense  is  inspired  by  greed.  We  rejoice 
in  free  speech  and  free  press  and  untrammelled  opinion,  but  patriotsm 
is  illy  promoted  by  the  imputation  of  false  motives,  whether  aimed 
at  those  who  believe  in  defense  or  those  who  doubt  its  wisdom.  Such 
a  teaching  rends  the  concord  of  citizenship,  which  may  develop  a 
worse  peril  from  within  than  from  any  enemy  without.  (Applause.) 
Though  we  do  not  pretend  to  be  exclusive  in  our  devotion,  we 
Republicans  believe,  sincerely  and  soberly,  in  adequate  national  de- 
fense. We  have  always  believed  in  an  ample  navy,  as  invincible  in 
modern  might  as  John  Paul  Jones  builded  in  our  freedom's  earliest 
fight.  We  have  in  mind  a  protected  commerce  on  the  waters,  and  a 
seacoast  secure  in  strong  naval  defense.  We  were  building  to  high 
rank  among  naval  powers  when  the  Democratic  party  interrupted,  and 
we  subscribe  to  a  stronger  committal  now,  because  of  a  new  realiza- 
tion of  the  envy  which  our  wealth  and  our  commerce  invite,  and  a 
new  appreciation  of  our  commanding  place  in  the  affairs  of  the  world. 
I  shall  not  say  that  it  is  ours  to  have  the  greatest  navy  in  the  world, 
but  noting  the  elimination  of  distance  and  the  passing  of  our  onetime 
isolation,  we  ought  to  have  a  navy  that  fears  none  in  the  world,  and 
can  say  any  time  and  anywhere — These  are  American  rights  and  must 
be  respected.  (Applause  and  cries  "That's  right.") 

ECONOMY    IN    SECURITY 

It  is  not  for  me  to  specify  the  provisions  for  naval  defense.  Since 
modern,  warfare  is  in  large  part  a  conflict  of  brains,  so  must  naval 
defense  be  devised  in  highest  intelligence.  Let  us  strengthen  every 
arm — aerial,  submarine,  fleet  cruisers  and  great  dreadnoughts.  Let 
him  who  is  anxious  about  the  cost  remember  that  Republican  policies 
afford  the  ample  means  without  conscious  burdens  upon  the  people. 
Every  forehanded  American  citizen,  whatever  his  activity,  knows  that 
the  cost  of  insurance  against  accident,  theft,  fire,  flood  or  thunderbolt, 
assessed  as  a  fixed  charge  upon  his  income,  is  worth  its  cost,  in  peace 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  19 

of  mind,   though   loss   never   attends.     Moreover,   under  any  system 
security  is  economy  itself. 

There  are  manifest  differences  about  our  developments  for  military 
defense.  The  President  made  a  trip  from  the  coast  to  the  valley  of 
the  Missouri  to  tell  the  American  people  the  need  of  preparedness.  It 
might  have  been  more  seemly  to  tell  the  story  to  Congress,  for  that 
body  was  in  session  and  empowered  to  act,  and  seemingly  ever  ready 
to  testify  obedience.  However,  Congress  undertook  to  provide  an 
army  for  defense  and  the  majority  wobbled  between  pacification  and 
preparedness  until  the  Republican  minority  in  the  Senate  put  some- 
thing real  in  the  pending  measure.  (Applause.)  We  Republicans 
made  a  rational  response  to  the  call  of  the  land,  but  Democratic  in- 
sufficiency and  inefficiency  are  recorded  in  the  Conference-amended 
act,  and  a  federal  nitrate  plant  to  supply  powder  to  the  patriots  and 
pap  to  the  paternalists  and  federal  fertilizer  to  the  farmers  in  com- 
petition with  private  enterprise  is  the  great  constructive  offering  of 
a  Democratic  majority.  (Laughter  and  applause.) 

Until  the  civilized  world  is  pledged  and  repledged  to  peace,  and 
until  civilization  commits  nations  to  the  nobler  practices  of  the  indi- 
viduals who  constitute  them,  in  which  I  would  have  America  lead,  this 
republic  will  have  need  for  a  basic  army  and  a  ready  provision  for 
military  defense.  We  have  territory  to  defend,  we  have  independence 
to  preserve,  we  have  lives  to  safeguard,  we  have  property  to  protect, 
we  have  rights  to  assert,  we  have  missions  of  humanity  to  perform. 
We  proclaim  justice  and  we  love  peace,  and  we  mean  to  have  them — 
and  we  are  not  too  proud  to  fight  for  them.  (Loud  applause.) 

NO    CURSE   OF    MILITARISM 

Let  no  one  apprehend  the  curse  of  militarism  in  this  fair  land 
We  declare  unalterably  against  it.  Our  free  citizenship,  walking  con- 
fidently, absorbed  in  the  triumphs  of  peace,  would  tolerate  no  such 
blight  on  American  institutions.  There  is  to  be  no  surrender  of  cher- 
ished ideals.  With  that  yearning  for  peace  which  has  marked  ou- 
continued  development,  with  the  same  committal  to  justice  which  has 
given  us  front  rank  in  the  onward  march  of  civilization,  with  that  rare 
unselfishness  which  led  us  to  unsheath  the  sword  for  humanity's 
sake  and  put  all  territorial  aggrandizement  aside,  with  that  belief  in 
the  square  deal,  individual,  national  and  international,  which  is  the 
foundation  of  American  faith,  we  mean  to  go  on,  an  exemplar  of  peace 
to  all  the  nations,  an  arbiter  of  justice  to  all  the  world,  a  promoter  of 
righteousness  to  all  the  people  of  the  earth. 

At  the  same  time  we  have  more  to  do  than  to  chart  a  national 
course  through  the  waters  surging  with  the  turbulence  of  war;  our 
inspiring  course  is  on  the  highway  of  peace.  Our  armed  defense  must 


20 

ever  be  linked  with  our  industrial  self-reliance,  and  the  nation  worth 
dying  for  must  first  be  worth  living  for.  (Cries  of  "Right!  Right!") 
Out  of  nature's  prodigality  we  have  incalculable  resources  and  limit- 
less possibilities,  and  there  is  need  only  for  the  unhindered  applica- 
tion of  man's  genius  and  industry  to  make  us  as  independent  industri- 
ally as  we  are  free  politically.  Ample  defense  rests  on  industrial  free- 
dom and  self-reliance  as  well  as  patriotic  sacrifice,  and  industrial  pre- 
paredness gives  that  assurance  of  material  good  fortune  in  peace  on 
which  must  be  founded  all  our  higher  aspirations.  (Applause.) 

THE  PROTECTIVE   POLICY 

Subsistence  is  the  first  requisite  of  existence,  and  we  have  the 
higher  American  standard  of  living  because  of  the  Republican  protec- 
tive policy  which  makes  of  Americans  the  best  paid  workmen  in  all 
the  world.  Out  of  the  abundance  of  employment  and  higher  com- 
pensation, together  with  the  beckoning  opportunity  which  offers  every 
reward,  we  Americans  have  attracted  the  laborers  of  the  earth,  and 
set  new  standards  here.  (Applause.) 

It  is  not  for  me  to  put  the  stamp  of  relative  importance  on  pend- 
ing issues — the  intelligent  voters  will  determine  that  for  themselves. 
But  I  know  what  they  are  thinking,  and  they  believe  that  the  protec- 
tive policy  which  made  us  industrially  and  commercially  eminent  is 
necessary  to  preserve  that  eminence.  I  know  they  want  it  restored 
and  maintained.  For  myself  I  prefer  a  protective  and  productive 
tariff  which  prospers  America  first.  I  choose  the  economic  policy 
which  sends  the  American  workingmen  to  the  savings  banks  rather 
than  the  soup-houses.  I  commend  the  plan  under  which  the  healthful 
glow  of  prospering  business  is  reflected  in  every  face  from  the  great 
captain  of  industry  to  the  schooling  child  of  the  daily  wage-earner. 
(Applause.) 

Moreover,  I  like  the  abiding  consistency  of  our  unchanging  posi- 
tion upon  this  policy.  The  Republican  Convention  of  1860,  which  gave 
to  the  nation  and  all  history  the  nomination  of  Lincoln,  made  this 
simple  and  ample  utterance: 

"That,  while  providing  revenue  for  the  support  of  the  General 
Government  by  duties  upon  imports,  sound  policy  requires  such  an 
adjustment  of  these  imports  as  to  encourage  the  development  of  the 
industrial  interests  of  the  whole  country;  and  we  commend  that  policy 
of  national  exchanges  which  secures  to  the  working  men  liberal  wages, 
to  agriculture  remunerating  prices,  to  mechanics  and  manufacturers 
an  adequate  reward  for  their  skill,  labor,  and  enterprise,  and  to  the 
nation  commercial  prosperity  and  independence."  ("Applause  and 
cries  of  "We  were  right  then  and  we're  right  now.") 


WILLIAM    R.   WILLCOX,   of   New   York, 
Chairman  of   the   Republican   National    Committee 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL   CONVENTION  21 

We  might  fittingly  reiterate  that  utterance  today.  The  failure 
of  revenues  under  existing  Democratic  policy,  the  necessary  resort 
to  the  imposition  of  direct  and  offensive  taxation — war  taxes  on  a 
people  at  peace — to  meet  deficiencies  which  ever  attend  Democratic 
control,  the  depression  and  disaster  which  followed  Democratic  re- 
vision, which  were  relieved  rather  than  caused  by  the  European  war — • 
all  these  argue  the  Republican  restoration.  (Applause-) 

TEMPORARY  PROSPERITY 

No  one  disputes  a  temporary  prosperity  in  our  land  today.  But 
it  is  sectional  in  its  factory  aspect,  abnormal  in  its  fevered  rush,  fic- 
titious in  its  essentials,  and  perverting  in  its  tendency.  Worse,  it  is 
the  gold  sluiced  from  the  river  of  blood,  poured  out  by  the  horrifying 
sacrifice  of  millions  of  our  fellowmen.  God  forbid  that  we  should 
boast  a  prosperity  wrought  in  such  waste  of  human  life.  We  would 
preferably  rejoice  in  the  prosperity  of  peace.  We  would  rather  boast  our 
good  fortune  won  from  the  world  as  it  stands  erect,  in  a  fair  contest, 
where  men  openly  contend  for  the  laurels  of  industry  and  the  garlands 
of  trade.  I  do  not  mean  that  we  must  "sharpen  our  wits  in  competi- 
tion with  the  world,"  for  we  tried  that,  and  involuntarily  turned  the 
blade  to  cutting  our  production  and  severing  thousands  from  Ameri- 
can payrolls.  There  was  no  cut  in  the  cost  of  living  but  a  visible  hack 
at  the  capacity  to  live. 

The  Democratic  party  is  always  concerned  about  the  American 
consumer.  Our  Republican  achievement  is  the  making  of  a  nation 
of  prospering  producers,  and  by  producers  I  mean  every  human  being 
who  applies  muscle  or  skill  or  brain  or  all  to  the  conversion  of  na- 
ture's abundance  into  the  necessities  and  luxuries  of  life  or  participates 
in  the  ways  and  means  of  their  transportation  and  exchange.  Far  better  a 
high  cost  of  living  and  ability  to  buy  than  a  lowering  of  cost  attended  by 
destruction  of  purchasing  capacity.  (Applause.) 

THE   COST  OF   LIVING 

It  is  worth  while  to  recall  the  magnified  importance  given  to  the 
nigh  cost  of  living  four  years  ago;  first,  to  emphasize  Democracy's 
failure  to  reduce  it,  though  it  risked  and  almost  accomplished  the 
ruin  of  our  good  fortune  in  attempting  it;  second,  to  declare  there  is 
no  such  thing.  What  was  thought  to  be  the  high  cost  were  only  the 
higher  demands  and  the  larger  capacity  to  buy,  which  were  the  nat- 
ural reflexes  of  the  higher  standard  of  living  reared  under  Republican 
protection.  (Applause  and  cries  "We  want  protection.") 

The  one  notable  advance  in  cost  has  profited  the  American  farmer, 
for  whose  befitting  share  in  good  fortune  we  have  stood  unfailingly 


22  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

and  sincerely.  His  reward  is  a  Republican  achievement  and  we  prefer 
to  cling  to  the  conditions  which  brought  to  agriculture  its  delayed  but 
deserved  reward  and  hold  it  secure  in  Republican  maintenance  of 
a  home  market  unmatched  in  all  the  world.  More,  we  want  our  basic 
prosperity  to  be  home-created  and  home-sustained,  and  not  depend- 
ent on  conditions  abroad.  (Applause.) 

Let  us  agree — nay,  let  us  boast — that  American  industry  can  com- 
pete with  any  in  all  the  world,  under  like  conditions.  But  we  also 
boast  a  condition,  created  through  isolation  and  maintained  by  pro- 
tection, wherein  the  rate  of  American  wages  is  twice  or  thrice  to  ten 
times  that  of  old-world  competition.  Reduce  our  wages  and  we  shall 
have  conditions  more  nearly  equal,  but  no  Republican  will  consent  to 
that.  We  are  willing  to  standardize  the  wages  of  the  world.  We  are 
as  fit  to  lead  in  doing  that  as  we  were  to  fix  the  newer  guaranties  of 
liberty  and  independence;  but  we  Republicans  do  not  mean  to  lower 
our  scales  to  effect  the  leveling.  We  want  the  world  measurements 
raised  to  our  heights.  Until  it  is  done  we  shall  cling  to  American 
wages  for  American  workmen,  American  markets  for  American  prod- 
ucts, and  hold  the  Republican  guaranty  of  our  material  good  fortune. 
(Applause.) 

DEMOCRATIC  REPENTANCE 

The  nations  abroad  and  the  Democratic  party  at  home  are  bear- 
ing witness  to  Republican  wisdom.  German  industrial  self-reliance 
is  the  sequence  to  her  adoption  of  a  Republican  protective  tariff,  and 
England's  manifest  conversion  to  this  fostering  plan  will  magnify  the 
prophetic  wisdom  of  Republican  protectionists  Even  the  Democratic 
party  is  penitent  now  and  makes  confession  in  action  if  not  in  words. 
The  proposed  destruction  of  American  sugar  has  been  repealed,  and 
simulated  grief  about  the  American  breakfast  table  has  been  put  aside. 
With  that  facility  for  changing  position  which  has  been  manifest  from 
Baltimore  to  Vera  Cruz,  the  party  in  power  proposes  to  restore  the 
tariff  commission  which  it  had  hastened  to  destroy.  (Applause.) 

This  change  of  attitude  is  not  because  of  its  great  and  manifest 
love  of  commission  alone,  but  because  failure  is  written  across  every 
paragraph  of  Democratic  revision  and  fear  is  haunting  the  White 
House  slumbers.  (Laughter.)  The  Wilson  administration  has  sensed 
the  country's  anxiety  about  industrial  conditions  when  revelry  in 
munitions  and  the  immunity  granted  by  war  are  ended.  It  has  made 
a  reflective  estimate  of  the  perils  of  1914,  once  called  psychological, 
and  means  to  apply  a  stolen  remedy,  with  more  concern  about  the 
effects  than  the  ethics  involved.  (Laughter.)  We  do  not  oppose  a 
tariff  commission.  We  favor  it.  It  is  a  Republican  creation.  We  do 
not  want  one,  however,  conceived  in  Democratic  hostility  to  American 
industry  or  managed  in  Democratic  opposition  to  business  success. 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  23 

We  would  hasten  the  protective  defense  against  foreign  invasion,  to 
guarantee  our  industrial  security,  and  then  let  a  tariff  commission  de- 
liberately and  scientifically  work  out  the  needs  of  American  preference. 
(Applause.) 

SQUARE    DEAL    FOR    BUSINESS 

No  honest  business  in  this  ocuntry  is  too  big  to  be  good  and  use- 
ful, or  too  little  to  be  protected  and  encouraged  and  both  big  and 
little  deserve  the  American  shield  against  destruction  by  foreign  com- 
petition, and  protection  from  the  raiders,  political  or  otherwise,  at 
home.  Business  and  its  agencies  of  transportation  are  so  inseparable 
from  each  other  and  from  the  common  weal  that  the  political  party 
which  does  not  pledge  them  a  square  deal,  no  more  and  no  less,  does 
not  deserve  the  confidence  of  the  people.  The  strength  of  the  business 
heart  shows  in  every  countenance  in  all  the  land,  and  the  weakness 
of  that  heart  holds  a  nation  ill.  We  must  strengthen  the  heart  of 
American  business  in  government  co-operation  rather  than  official  op- 
position. (Applause.) 

It  is  not  inspiring  to  recite  Democratic  failures.  I  shall  not  dwell 
on  that  party's  insincerity  or  incapacity.  The  country  indicts  and 
the  record  convicts.  It  proclaimed  the  sacredness  of  its  pledges  and 
then  profaned  them.  It  professed  economy  and  is  staggered  by  its 
own  extravagance.  It  has  turned  adequacy  of  revenue  under  indirect 
and  unfelt  taxes  to  insufficiency  and  direct  taxation.  It  has  espoused 
the  freedom  of  the  seas  and  wrought  only  the  freedom  ot  the  Panama 
Canal.  It  reaffirmed  its  devotion  to  Jeffersonian  principles  and  sim- 
plicity of  government  and  is  voting  millions  of  the  public  treasury  to 
the  establishment  of  federal  factories  to  destroy  private  industry.  It 
declared  for  enlarged  shipping  facilities  without  added  burdens  upon 
the  public  treasury,  and  now  proposes  that  fifty  to  five  hundred  millions 
of  public  funds  go  to  shipping,  federally  owned  and  privately  man- 
aged, with  every  menace  that  federal  ownership  involves  We  believe 
in  a  great  merchant  marine,  federally  encouraged  and  privately  erected, 
wrought  in  the  committal  of  the  achievement  of  private  enterprise  and 
measured  to  the  requirements  of  our  commerce  in  peace.  (Applause.) 

THE  NATIONAL  EXPANSION 

The  President  has  said  ours  is  a  provincial  party,  evidently  for- 
getting the  Federalist  founding  of  our  nationality  and  Republcan  ex- 
pansion to  greater  national  glory  The  Democratic  party  not  only 
fails  to  grasp  our  immensity  and  importance,  it  is  sectional  on  the 
mainland  and  unheeding  of  our  island  possessions.  Its  vision  does 
not  catch  the  splendor  of  Old  Glory  in  the  sunlight  of  the  world. 


24  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

(Applause  and  cries  of  "No  indeed.")  Right  now  when  the  devouring 
flames  of  war  are  burning  most  fiercely,  when  our  national  view  must 
be  world-wide  to  be  comprehensive,  the  Democratic  administration 
has  proposed  to  set  adrift  an  island  empire,  in  violation  of  our  obli- 
gations to  the  world,  to  the  Philippine  people  and  ourselves.  Amid 
proclamations  of  our  ministrations  in  behalf  of  mankind  it  undertook 
to  renounce  its  guardianship  of  a  race  of  people  and  leave  them  to 
walk  alone  when  they  had  not  been  fully  taught  to  creep.  A  few  re- 
bellious Democrats  joined  the  Republican  minority  in  sparing  us  this 
national  disgrace,  but  the  design  is  written  among  the  vacillations  of 
the  present  administration.  (Applause.)  The  Democratic  party  once 
hauled  down  the  flag  which  had  been  unfurled  in  honor  in  the  Pacific 
and  met  rebuke  at  the  first  expression  at  the  polls.  No  administration 
which  hauls  down  the  flag  and  none  which  proposes  to  haul  it  down 
ever  can  succeed  itself  in  directing  the  affairs  of  the  American  people. 
(Applause.) 

OUR    WIDENED    RELATIONSHIP 

One  century  of  marvellous  development  has  led  us  into  another 
century  of  international  sponsorship.  This  mighty  people,  idealizing 
popular  government  and  committed  to  human  progress,  can  no  longer 
live  within  and  for  ourselves  alone.  Obliterated  distance  make  it 
impossible  to  stand  aloof  from  mankind  and  escape  widened  responsi- 
bility. If  we  are  to  become  the  agency  of  a  progressive  civilization 
and  God's  great  intent — and  to  believe  otherwise  is  to  deny  the  proofs 
of  American  development — we  must  assume  the  responsibilities  of  in- 
fluence and  example,  and  accept  the  burdens  of  enlarged  participation. 
The  cloistered  life  is  not  possible  to  the  potential  man  or  the  potential 
nation.  Moreover,  the  Monroe  doctrine,  stronger  for  a  century's 
maintenance,  fixes  an  obligation  of  new-world  sponsorship  and  old- 
world  relationship.  Our  part  must  not  be  dictatorial,  it  must  be 
trusted  leadership  in  a  fraternity  of  American  republics.  (Applause.) 

OUR  STRENGTH  AT  HOME 

To  meet  the  obligations  we  must  first  make  sure  of  maintained 
mental,  moral  and  physical  health  at  home.  It  is  good  to  recall  that 
ours  is  the  only  major  political  party  ever  formed  in  this  country  on 
a  great  moral,  issue.  Our  first  proclamation  was  human  liberty,  to 
be  glorified  by  the  spiritual  and  material  development  of  a  free  people. 
We  opened  the  way  to  higher  human  attainments  and  emphasized  hu- 
man rights  under  the  guarantees  of  civil  liberty.  We  need  only  to  go 
on.  imbued  with  the  spirit  which  has  thus  far  pointed  our  way.  The 
light  of  a  moral  people  is  the  halo  of  liberty  itself.  Let  us  be  honest, 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  25 

not  only  in  proclamation,  but  in  practice;  not  alone  in  campaigns  but 
in  incumbency  of  office;  not  only  before  altars  of  worship  but  in  our 
daily  affairs  and  in  every  human  relationship.  If  popular  government 
is  to  be  held  dependable  and  command  the  confidence  as  well  as  the 
loyalty  of  its  citizenship,  political  parties  and  their  platforms  and 
their  spokesmen  must  be  honest  and  sincere.  (Applause  and  the  re- 
mark, "Yes,  the  people  don't  want  molasses  platforms-") 

PEOPLE'S  WELFARE 

If  we  are  to  urge  the  world's  attention  to  international  justice 
we  must  hold  secure  our  civil  justice  at  home  and  make  social  justice 
and  attending  welfare  typical  of  our  national  life.  We  have  ad- 
vanced wonderfully.  The  reward  of  merit  is  eternal,  but  we  can  pro- 
mote the  development  of  merit.  I  have  spoken  so  emphatically  for 
the  American  producer  that  I  want  to  add  here  a  committal  to  im- 
proved conditions  of  production.  It  is  good  to  gaze  afar  toward  mar- 
kets we  hope  to  attain  in  peaceful  commercial  conquest,  but  production 
is  itself  the  maker  of  markets  at  home.  To  the  safety  and  inviting 
environment  of  the  laborer  we  must  add  his  growing  merits  of  com- 
pensation. There  can  be  no  permanent  material  good  fortune  that  is 
not  righteously  shared,  there  can  be  no  real  moral  achievement  that 
does  not  lift  the  great  rank  and  file  to  an  ever  higher  plane.  Main- 
tained Republican  policies  provide  conditions  for  the  ideal  advance- 
ment and  continued  uplift,  and  it  is  not  too  much  to  hope  that  we  shall 
acclaim  the  day  when  choice  instead  of  necessity  fixes  the  status  of 
the  American  wage-earner.  (Applause.) 

My  countrymen,  for  two  generations,  with  short  interruptions,  the 
Republican  party,  in  conscience,  courage  and  capacity,  has  been  trans- 
lating the  dependable  popular  sentiment  of  the  republic  into  govern- 
mental policy.  We  have  not  yielded  to  the  expediency  of  adopting 
every  ephemeral  whim,  because  devotion  to  country  and  its  ultimate 
good  ofttimes  demand  opposition  to  a  momentary  popularity.  The  final 
appeal  to  sober  intelligence  has  justified  our  course  in  political  right- 
eousness. But  we  have  been  so  engrossed  in  developing  America  that 
we  have  not  stopped  to  search  our  own  hearts  for  the  soul  of  Ameri 
canistn.  (Applause.) 

THE  AMERICAN   SPIRIT 

In  the  travail  of  Life,  Liberty  and  the  Pursuit  of  Happiness  the 
American  soul  was  born.  Set  aglow  at  Bunker  Hill,  it  was  reflected 
in  the  faces  of  the  patriots  of  a  fearless  republic,  where  men  dedicated 
themselves  to  the  solemn  and  momentous  task  which  was  traced  by 
an  infinite  hand.  They  were  not  all  Americans  by  birth,  but  they  were 


26  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

dedicated  Americans  in  the  baptismal  rites  of  a  new  republic  and  a  new 
patriotism.  They  could  not  all  sign  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
but  they  committed  all  Americans  to  it  for  all  succeeding  time.  They 
could  not  all  join  in  making  the  constitution,  but  they  pledged  the 
succeeding  millions  of  Americans  to  its  everlasting  defense.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

There  were  stalwart  Americans  then,  Americans  from  Great  Bri- 
tain with  British  ideals  and  their  devotion  to  orderly  government- 
There  were  Americans  from  the  land  of  Napoleon  and  Lafayette,  to 
give  of  the  enthusiasm  and  heroism  of  France  in  establishing  new 
freedom.  There  were  Americans  from  Germany  to  fight  the  battles  of 
of  the  republic  and  blend  their  sturdiness  and  thoroughness  in  the 
progress  of  a  new  people,  not  a  new  race.  There  were  Americans  from 
the  green  fields  of  Ireland,  with  a  passion  for  liberty,  Americans  from 
Southern  Europe  to  battle  for  opportunity.  There  were  Americans 
who  came  from  oppression  and  stood  erect  in  the  freedom  of  the 
republic.  They  all  made  common  cause.  There  was  lack  of  homo- 
genity  of  race,  but  there  was  kinship  of  soul,  and  that  soul  was 
American.  The  gates  to  our  ports  have  swung  inward  ever  since, 
there  has  been  a  welcome  to  the  foreign-born,  whom  we  asked  to 
drink  freely  of  the  waters  of  our  political  life  and  find  their  places  in 
the  sun  of  American  opportunity.  They  are  an  inseparable  and  im- 
portant and  valued  part  of  American  citienship,  and  the  few  zealots 
of  any  origin  who  violate  our  neutrality  do  not  and  can  not  impugn 
the  loyalty  or  the  American  patriotism  of  that  great  body  which  adds 
to  the  swelling  chorus  of 

"My  country,  'tis  of  thee, 
Sweet  Land  of  Liberty." 

(Applause,  loud  and  prolonged.) 

NATIONAL  SYMPATHIES 

It  is  not  surprising  that  in  their  hearts  there  is  sympathy  or 
partiality  for  the  land  of  their  nativity  wlien  it  is  involved  in  a  life 
and  death  struggle  like  that  which  saturates  Europe  with  the  blood 
of  their  kinsmen.  Search  your  hearts  deeply,  my  countrymen.  One 
must  be  human  to  be  an  American,  he  must  have  human  sympathies 
and  human  loves,  and  I  should  pity  the  foreign-born  and  the  sons  of 
foreign-born  whose  very  souls  are  not  wrung  by  the  cataclysmal  sor- 
row of  the  old  world.  But  sorrow  is  the  test  of  soul  and  the  very  altar 
of  reconsecration.  This  is  the  momentous  hour  for  the  blazing  soul 
of  American  allegiance.  The  spirit  of  the  fathers  is  calling,  and  the 
safety  of  unborn  Americans  is  demanding  and  the  security  of  the  re- 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN-    NATIONAL    CONVENTION  27 

public  is  requiring  that  now  and  here  and  everywhere,  under  the  Stars 
and  Stripes,  we  proclaim  a  plain,  simple,  glad  and  unalterable  Ameri- 
canism. It  must  be  the  offering  of  loyalty  and  devotion  and  love  and 
trust,  and  life,  if  need  be,  to  these  United  States,  now  and  everlastingly. 
(Applause.) 

The  Americanism  which  indexes  these  United  States  must  be 
more  than  the  consecration  of  the  individual  In  the  great  fulfillment 
we  must  have  a  citizenship  less  concerned  about  what  the  government 
can  do  for  it  and  more  anxious  about  what  it  can  do  to  exalt  the  na- 
tion. There  must  be  the  submersion  of  local  and  sectional  views  and 
the  standards  of  nationality  reared  in  their  stead  Holding  to  the 
ideals  of  just  American  rights,  the  government  must  protect  those 
rights,  at  home,  on  our  borders,  on  the  seas,  in  every  land  and  under 
every  sky.  (Applause.) 

OUR  FOREIGN  RELATIONS 

Seeking  to  practice  the  very  Americanism  I  preach  as  Republican 
gospel,  I  am  reluctant  to  speak  of  a  division  of  American  sentiment 
relating  to  our  foreign  affairs.  One  must  be  an  American  first  and  a 
partisan  afterwards,  though  we  believe  Republicanism  is  the  culture 
of  highest  Americanism.  But  it  must  be  said,  for  the  truth's  sake  and 
clearer  understanding,  we  have  hungered  in  vain  for  that  unflinching 
Americanism  at  Washington  which  is  needed  to  exalt  the  American 
soul.  There  is  no  geographic  modification  of  American  rights.  They 
are  the  same  in  Mexico  that  they  are  on  the  high  seas,  they  are  the 
same  in  Europe  that  they  are  in  Asia,  and  are  sacred  everywhere,  and 
the  American  spirit  demands  their  fullest  protection.  (Applause.) 

Whatever  the  ultimate  solution  may  be,  history  will  write  Mexico 
as  the  title  to  the  humiliating  recital  of  the  greatest  fiasco  in  our 
foreign  relations.  Uncertainty,  instability,  Mexican  contempt  and  wan- 
ing self-respect  will  be  recorded  in  every  chapter,  and  the  pitiable 
story  of  sacrificed  American  lives  and  the  destruction  of  lawfully-held 
American  property  will  emphasize  the  mistaken  policy  of  watchful 
waiting  and  wobbling  warfare.  (Applause.) 

Under  the  pretext  of  non-interference  the  Democratic  administra- 
tion miserably  meddled.  In  the  name  of  peace  that  same  administra- 
tion encouraged  revolution,  and  the  cost  of  American  sacrifices  was 
charged  to  needless  war  on  Huerta,  where  the  real  American  expendi- 
ture required  only  the  voice  of  authority  demanding  protection  to 
American  rights.  The  unbiased  critic  will  recite  that  the  Democratic 
administration  first  coddled  Villa  as  a  patriot,  then  chased  him  as  a 
bandit.  (Laughter  and  cries  of  "That's  right.") 

Our  civilization  has  evolved  the  rules  of  right  conduct,  and  writ- 
ten them  into  forms  of  government  by  law.  They  were  conceived  in 
justice  and  developed  in  righteousness.  They  have  become  instinctive 


28 

in  our  American  life,  and  are  cherished  as  a  part  of  our  people's  in- 
heritance. Our  people  do  not  understand  any  suspension,  they  are 
impelled  to  march  on,  confident  and  unafraid.  When  the  spirit  of 
American  accomplishment,  or  the  mercies  of  American  ministration, 
or  the  inclinations  of  American  teaching,  or  the  adventures  of  Ameri- 
can development  take  our  people  abroad,  under  the  compacts  of  civili- 
zation, they  have  a  right  to  believe  that  every  guaranty  of  American 
citizenship  goes  with  them.  When  it  does  not  we  have  forfeited  the 
American  inheritance.  (Applause.) 

OUR  COURSE  WITH  EUROPE 

No  political  party  can  draw  a  variable  chart  for  our  ship  of  state 
amid  Europe's  warring  ambitions,  lust  for  power  or  battles  for  self- 
preservation.  Justice  points  the  way  through  the  safe  channel  of 
neutrality.  There  are  dangers,  seeming  or  real,  looming  on  every 
side,  but  we  should  feel  secure  along  the  course  marked,  by  interna- 
tional law  and  our  own  conscientious  convictions  of  American  rights- 
"STRAIGHT  AHEAD"  shall  be  the  command,  and  when  peace  comes 
the  sober  judgment  of  the  world  will  exalt  us  ever  higher  and  higher 
as  a  people  strong  in  heart  and  noble  in  the  espousal  of  justice  and 
justice's  humanity.  In  that  world-wide  respect  and  confidence  which 
needs  only  to  be  preserved,  we  shall  have  a  lofty  place  in  the  great  re- 
construction, and  we  reasonably  may  hope  to  see  this  mighty  re- 
public again  ministering  to  the  re-establishment  of  peace  and  all  its 
precious  blessings.  (Applause.) 

My  countrymen,  Americanism  begins  at  home  and  radiates  abroad. 
The  republican  conception  gives  the  first  thought  to  a  free  people  and 
a  fearless  people,  and  bespeaks  conditions  at  home  for  the  highest 
human  attainment.  We  believe  in  American  markets  for  American 
products,  American  wages  for  American  workmen,  American  opportunity 
for  American  genius  and  industry,  and  American  defense  for  American 
soil.  American  citizenship  is  the  reflex  of  American  conditions,  and  we 
believe  our  policies  make  for  a  fortunate  people  for  whom  moral,  material 
and  educational  advancement  is  the  open  way.  The  glory  of  our  progress 
confirms.  The  answered  aspirations  of  a  new  world  civilization  acclaim. 
We  have  taken  the  ideal  form  of  popular  government  and  applied  the 
policies  which  had  led  a  continent  to  the  altars  of  liberty  and  glorified  the 
republic.  We  have  justified  pride  and  fortified  hope.  We  need 
only  to  preserve  and  defend,  and  go  unfalteringly  on.  Power  is  the 
guarantor  of  peace  and  conscience  the  buckler  of  everlasting  right- 
Verily,  it  is  good  to  be  an  American.  And  we  may  rejoice  to  be 
Republicans.  (Applause,  loud  and  prolonged.) 


CHARLES  D.  HILLES,  of  New  York, 
Chairman   of   the   Republican    National  Committee    1912 
and  Member  of  Committee  on  Arrangements 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL  CONVENTION  29 

TEMPORARY  OFFICERS 

THE  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  chair  recognizes  Mr.  Charles  D. 
Hilles,  Chairman  of  the  Republican  National  Committee,  who  will 
present  the  list  of  the  Committee's  recommendations  for  temporary 
officers  of  the  Convention. 

MR.  CHARLES  D.  HILLES,  of  New  York. — Mr.  Chairman  and  ladies 
and  gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  I  am  directed  by  the  Republican 
National  Committee  to  submit  to  the  Convention  its  recommendations 
with  respect  to  temporary  officers. 

THE  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  list  of  temporary  officers  rec- 
ommended by  the  National  Committee  will  be  read. 

A  READING  CLERK  (Mr.  Dennis  E.  Alward,  of  Michigan)  read  as 
follows: 

Secretary     LAFAYETTE  B.  GLEASON,  New  York. 

Chief    Assistant    Secretary    ...•• Frank  A.  Smith,  Pennsylvania. 

Sergeant-at-lArms     William   F.    Stone,   Maryland. 

Chief  Assistant   Sergeant-at-Arms    E.  P.   Thayer,  Indiana. 

Second  Assistant   Sergeant-at-Arms    Guy  V.  Howard,  Minnesota. 

Parliamentarians     William  S.  Bennet,  New  York. 

Herman  A.   Phillips,  District  of  Columbia. 

Official  Reporter  Geo.  L.   Hart,  Virginia. 

Chief  of  Doorkeepers    • J.    J.    Hanson,    Maryland. 

Chaplains    Rev.  John  Timothy  Stone,  D.D. 

Rt.  Rev.  Francis  C.  Kelley,  D.D. 

Bishop  William  F.  McDowell 

Dr.    Gerson   B.    Levi. 

Rev.  William  O.   Waters. 
Assistant  Reporters   John  K.  Marshall,  New  York. 

Fred   A.   Carlson,   Illinois. 
Assistant    Secretaries    Edward  D.   Baldwin,   Oregon. 

Richard  J.   Beamish,  Pennsylvania. 

C.   M.   Harger,   Kansas. 

Paul   Haynes,   Indiana. 

Frank    A.     Hazelbaker,    Montana. 

Joseph   McCoy,   Jr.    Missouri. 

James   L.    Phillips,    District   of  Columbia. 

Charles  A.  Rawson,  Iowa. 

Frank  H.  Smith,  New  Jersey. 

W.   H.   Topping,   New  Hampshire. 

Roy  M.   Watkins,   Michigan. 

Thomas   Williamson,   Illinois. 
Reading  Clerks   Dennis   E.   Alward,   Michigan. 

H.   H.   Bancroft,   Illinois. 

David    H.    Bowman,    Nebraska. 

Fred   Davis,   South  Dakota. 

William   T.    Evjue,   Wisconsin. 

J.   Mitchell   Galvin,    Massachusetts. 

Malcolm  Jennings,   Ohio. 

Henry   R.    Rathbone,    Illinois. 

W.   E.  Scott,   Colorado. 

Will   A.   Waite,   Michigan. 

David  J.   White,  Rhode  Island. 


30  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 

Tally    Clerks    Ahris   S.    Bennett,   Kentucky 

L.    L.    Dunham,    Delaware. 

Amos    Ewing,    Oklahoma. 

George    W.    Johnson,    Colorado. 

Charles   G.   Kaufman,    West   Virginia. 

Wesley  King,   Utah. 

W.    L.    McCormack,    Washington. 

C.    D.   Relf,   Massachusetts. 

H.   O.  True,  Tennessee. 

Earl   Venable,    Idaho. 
Principal     Assistant    Sergeants-at-Arms     ..Charles    W.    Ackerson,    Oregon. 

Frank  K.    Bowers,   New   York. 

Emmet  F.    Branch,    Indiana. 

Ben   E.   Chapin,   New   Hampshire. 

John  R.   Flavell,  New  Jersey. 

E.  J.  Kelly,  Iowa. 

John  J.   Lyons,   New   York. 

Alvah  H.   Martin,  Jr.,   Virginia. 

Hugh   L.   Martin,   Missouri. 

H.  C.   Plumb.   Kansas. 

James   D.    Preston,    District   of   Columbia. 

John  W.  Smith,   Michigan. 

A.  W.   White,  North  Carolina. 

MR.  ADOLPH  O.  EBERHART,  of  Minnesota. — I  move  that  the  recom- 
mendations of  the  Republican  National  Committee  in  respect  to  the 
appointment  of  General  Secretary,  Chief  Assistant  Secretary,  Sergeant- 
at-Arms,  Chief  Assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms,  Parliamentarians,  Official 
Reporter,  Chief  of  Doorkeepers,  Chaplain,  and  other  officers,  be  ap- 
proved and  confirmed  by  this  Convention. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 


RULES  FOR  CONVENTION 

Ma.  HENRY  F.  LIPPITT,  of  Rhode  Island. — I  offer  the  following  reso- 
lution and  move  its  adoption :  "Resolved,  That  until  the  permanent  or- 
ganization is  effected  and  permanent  rules  adopted,  this  Convention  be 
governed  by  the  rules  adopted  by  the  National  Convention  in  1908. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

COMMITTEE   ON    CREDENTIALS 

MR.  REED  SMOOT,  of  Utah. — I  offer  the  resolution  which  I  now  hand 
to  the  Secretary. 

THE  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  resolution  will  be  read. 

A  READING  CLERK  (Mr.  H.  H.  Bancroft,  of  Illinois),  read  as  follows: 

"Resolved,  That  a  Committee  on  Credentials,  consisting  of  one 
member  from  each  State  and  Territory,  be  appointed,  and  that  as  the 
Roll  of  States  and  Territories  is  called,  the  Chairman  of  each  Delega- 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL   CONVENTION  31 

tion  announce  the  name  of  the  person  selected  to  serve  on  said  com- 
mittee, and  also  send  to  the  Secretary's  desk  in  writing,  the  name 
of  the  person  thus  selected." 

The   resolution  was  agreed  to. 

COMMITTEE  ON  PERMANENT  ORGANIZATION 

MR.  JOHN  S.  FISHER,  of  Pennsylvania. — I  wish  to  offer  the  resolu- 
tion which  I  send  to  the  clerk's  desk,  and  to  move  its  adoption. 

THE  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  resolution  will  be  read. 

A  READING  CLERK  (Mr.  J.  Mitchell  Galvin,  of  Massachusetts)  read 
as  follows: 

"Resolved,  That  a  Committee  on  Permanent  Organization,  con- 
sisting of  one  member  from  each  State  and  Territory,  be  appointed, 
and  that  as  the  Roll  of  States  and  Territories  is  called,  the  Chairman 
of  each  Delegation  announce  the  name  of  the  person  selected  to  serve 
on  said  committee,  and  also  send  to  the  Secretary's  desk,  in  writing, 
the  name  of  the  person  thus  selected." 

The  resolution  was  agreed  to. 

COMMITTEE    ON    RULES 

MR.  CHARLES  B.  WARREN,  of  Michigan. — I  wish  to  offer  the  resolu- 
tion which  I  now  hand  to  the  Secretary,  and  to  move  its  adoption. 

THE  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  resolution  will  be  read. 

A  READING  CLERK  (Mr.  Will  A.  Waite,  of  Michigan),  read  as  fol- 
lows: 

"Resolved,  That  a  Committee  on  Rules,  consisting  of  one  member 
from  each  State  and  Territory,  be  appointed,  and  that  as  the  Roll 
of  States  and  Territories  is  called,  the  Chairman  of  each  Delegation 
announce  the  name  of  the  person  selected  to  serve  on  said  committee, 
and  also  send  to  the  Secretary's  desk  in  writing,  the  name  of  the 
person  thus  selected." 

The  resolution  was  agreed  to- 

COMMITTEE  ON  RESOLUTIONS 

MR.  CHARLES  HOPKINS  CLARK,  of  Connecticut. — I  offer  the  resolu- 
tion which  I  now  send  to  the  desk,  and  move  its  adoption- 

THE  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  resolution  will  be  read. 

AN  ASSISTANT  SECRETARY  (Mr.  Thomas  Williamson,  of  Illinois) 
read  as  follows: 

"Resolved,  That  a  Committee  on  Resolutions,  consisting  of  one 
member  from  each  State  and  Territory,  be  appointed,  and  that  as  the 
Roll  of  States  and  Territories  is  called,  the  Chairman  of  each  Delega- 


32  OFFICIAL   PROCEEDINGS    OF   THE 

tion  announce  the  name  of  the  person  selected  to  serve  on  said  com- 
mittee, and  also  send  to  the  Secretary's  desk,  in  writing,  the  name  of 
the  person  thus  selected." 

The  resolution  was  agreed  to. 

ANNOUNCEMENT  OF  PERSONNEL  OF  COMMITTEES 

THE  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN.— The  Secretary  of  the  Convention  will 
now  read  the  lists  of  committees  as  made  up,  being  the  four  com- 
mittees provided  for  by  the  resolution  just  adopted  by  the  Conven- 
tion, as  follows: 

Committee  on  Credentials- 
Committee  on  Permanent  Organization. 

Committee  on  Rules  and  Order  of  Business. 

Committee  on  Resolutions. 

It  might  be  well  for  the  Chair  to  explain  to  the  convention,  prior 
to  the  reading  of  the  lists  of  committees  by  the  Secretary,  that  no 
names  appear  on  any  of  the  committees  for  the  District  of  Columbia 
and  Porto  Rico,  and  for  the  following  reasons:  As  to  the  District 
of  Columbia,  after  hearing  a  three-sided  contest  the  Committee  on 
Credentials  recommended  that  none  of  the  parties  be  given  seats  in 
the  convention,  which  report  the  convention  adopted;  and,  as  to  Porto 
Rico,  no  delegates  are  present  from  that  Territory. 

The  Secretary  will  now  read  the  lists  of  committees. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION  (Mr.  Lafayette  B.  Gleason,  of 
New  York). — The  committees  are  as  follows: 

COMMITTEE   ON  CREDENTIALS 

Alabama    Charles   B.   Kennamer 

Arizona     F.   S.    Breen 

Arkansas   A    J.  Russell 

California    Charles   E.    Clinch 

Colorado   John  A.    Ewing 

Connecticut    John  F.   King 

Delaware John    W.    Herring 

Florida    William   H.    Northrup 

Georgia     F.  J.  Allen 

Idaho    Fred   W.    Gooding 

Illinois  ....•• David  E.   Shanahan 

Indiana Edward   C.    Toner 

Iowa    H.    E.    Tomlinson 

Kansas   W.   Y.   Morgan 

Kentucky    J.   W.   Langley 

Louisiana    Frank  C.   Labid 

Maine    Charles  J.  Dunn 

Maryland     '. . . . .  J.    P.   Hill 

Massachusetts     Charles  H.    Innes 

Michigan William  J.  Smith 


JAMES   P>.   REYNOLDS,   of  Massachusetts 
Sccrc-tary    of    the    Republican    National    Committee 


SIXTEENTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  33 

COMMITTEE  ON  CREDENTIALS— Continued 

Minnesota    Leavitt  Corning 

Mississippi    W.  F.  Elgin 

Missouri    Harry    Clymer 

Montana    W.  J.  Brennan 

Nebraska    Earl  S.  Mallery 

Nevada    Hugh  H.  Brown 

New  Hampshire   Merrill   Shurtleff 

New  Jersey    Newton  A.  K.   Bugbee 

New  Mexico    J.   M.   Cunningham 

New   York    Charles  M.   Hamilton 

North    Carolina    J.   D.   Parker 

North    Dakota    James   McCormack 

Ohio     '. Charles  Q.  Hildebrant 

Oklahoma   John  Fields 

Oregon    George  J.   Cameron 

Pennsylvania    James   S.    Beacon 

Rhode   Island    Edward  H.  Rathbun 

South   Carolina   John  F.  Jones 

South  Dakota    Seth  E.   Wilson 

Tennessee    R.   S.   Hopkins 

Texas     T.  J.  Darling 

Utah     Reed   Smoot 

Vermont     Guy  W.  Bailey 

Virginia     R.  A.   Fulwiler 

Washington    Dr.  A.  D.  Sloan 

West    Virginia    C.   W.   Phillis 

Wisconsin James  A.   Stone 

Wyoming    Loren   C.   Hinkle 

Alaska   William    A.    Gilmore 

Hawaii J.   K.   Kalanianaole 

Philippines   W.    H.   Lawrence 

COMMITTEE    ON    PERMANENT    ORGANIZATION 

Alabama    F.  F.   Crowe 

Arizona     C.  A.  Overlook 

Arkansas J.    C.    Russell 

California    Francis   J.    Keesling 

Colorado   Ralph  W.  Smith 

Connecticut    Irving   H.    Chase 

Delaware Alden  R.  Benson 

Florida    Louis   C.    Lynch 

Geotrgia     W.    H.    Harris 

Idaho   Stanley  Easton 

Illinois  ....•• Chas.  S.  Deneen 

Indiana    Vernon   W.    Van   Fleet 

Iowa    Gardner  Cowles 

Kansas  J.  J.  Rhodes 

Kentucky    Elmer   C.   Anderson 

Louisiana    Chas  F.   Boagni 

Maine    Willard   P.   Hamilton 

Maryland    Laban   Sparks 

Massachusetts     Chas.    G.   Washburn 

Michigan   Albert    E.    Petermann 

Minnesota     F.  A.  Duxbury 


34  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF   THE 

COMMITTEE  ON  PERMANENT  ORGANIZATION— Continued 

Mississippi    C.    L.    Hovis 

Missouri    W.    S.    Wade 

Montana    Eugene   Carroll 

Nebraska    W.   I.   Farley 

Nevada    Mel   S.    Badt 

New  Hampshire   Perry   H.   Dow 

New   Jersey    Ira  A.  Kipp,  Jr. 

New  Mexico    E.  F.  Gallegos 

New   York    Walter    C.    Witherbee 

North    Carolina    Charles  A.   Jonas 

North    Dakota     C.    B.   Little 

Ohio     Wm.   M.   Hahn 

Oklahoma   P.    C.    Simons 

Oregon    Daniel    Boyd 

Pennsylvania    John   S.    Fisher 

Rhode   Island    Richard  S.  Aldrich 

South   Carolina    J.    D.    Adams 

South  Dakota    William    Hosea 

Tennessee   Foster   V.    Brown 

T«xas     W.   M.  McDonald 

Utah     Joseph  Howell 

Vermont     Collin  M.  Graves 

Virginia     Joseph  L.  Crupper 

Washington    A.    L.   Rogers 

West    Virginia    S.    B.    Avis 

Wisconsin James   Thompson 

Wyoming    Patrick  Sullivan 

Alaska   W.  A.  Gilmore 

Hawaii Henry    J.    Lyman 

Philippines   W.   H.    Lawrence 

COMMITTEE    ON    RULES 

Alabama    James   J.    Curtis 

Arizona     Ph.    Freudenthal 

Arkansas M.    A.    Eisele 

California    William    C.    Mushet 

Colorado  James    W.    McCreery 

Connecticut    Schuyler  Merritt 

Delaware Edmund    Mitchell 

Florida    George   W.    Bean 

Georgia     Roscoe  Pickett 

Idaho   James   F.   Ailshie 

Illinois •  • Roy   O.   West 

Indiana    Henry  W.  Marshall 

Iowa    Robert  B.   Wallace 

Kansas  A.   F.   Williams 

Kentucky    Thomas  C.  Jackson 

Louisiana    Allen   C.    Lea 

Maine    Phineas  H.  Gay 

Maryland    Gist    Blair 

Massachusetts     J.    Lovell  Johnson 

Michigan Charles    B.    Warren 

Minnesota     Thomas   Davis 

Mississippi    J.    E.    Walker 


SIXTEENTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  35 

COMMITTEE   ON    RULES— Continued 

Missouri    C.   C.   Madison 

Montana    E.   S.   Booth 

Nebraska    Charles    G.    Lane 

Nevada W.   N.  McGill 

New  Hampshire   George  A.  Carpenter 

New  Jersey    John  A.    Blair 

New   Mexico    Eduardo   M.   Otero 

New   York    Elon   R.   Brown 

North    Carolina    Irvin  B.  Tucker 

North    Dakota    M.  P.  Johnson 

Ohio     H.    Clay   Van   Voorhis 

Oklahoma   Grant  Victor 

Oregon    Ralph  W.   Hoyt 

Pennsylvania    Guy  W.   Moore 

Rhode   Island    Albert  A.   Jenks 

South   Carolina    J.  H.  Fordham 

South  Dakota    Charles   N.    Herreid 

Tennessee    Newell  Sanders 

Texas     E.  E.  Diggs 

Utah     William  Spry 

Vermont     Fred  H.    Babbitt 

Virginia     Robert  A.  Anderson 

Washington    Alex    Poison 

West  .  Virginia    A.  R.  Stallings 

Wisconsin John   J.    Elaine 

Wyoming    Ralph   Denio 

Alaska   William    A.    Gilmore 

Hawaii Jonah    Kuhio    Kalanianaole 

Philippines   .  — Newton  W.   Gilbert 

COMMITTEE   ON   RESOLUTIONS 

Alabama    S.    T.    Wright 

Arizona     John   B.   Wright 

Arkansas John   I.   Worthington 

California    John   G.   Mott 

Colorado   Charles   W.    Waterman 

Connecticut    Charles   Hopkins    Clark 

Delaware Ruby   S.   Vale 

Florida    M.   B.   MacFarlane 

Geop-gia     B.   J.   Davis 

Idaho   William   E.    Borah 

Illinois  ....•• Martin   B.   Madden 

Indiana    Fred  A.    Sims 

Iowa    Howard  J.    Clark 

Kansas Charles    F.   Scott 

Kentucky    J.  M.  Robsion 

Louisiana    Samuel  A.  Trufant 

Maine    John  A.   Peters 

Maryland    Thomas    Bartlett 

Massachusetts     Henry   Cabot    Lodge 

Michigan  Benjamin    S.    Hanchett 

Minnesota     Leavitt   Corning 

Mississippi    S.   D.   Redmond 


36  OFFICIAL   PROCEEDINGS    OF   THE 

COMMITTEE  ON  RESOLUTIONS— Continued 

Missouri    Berryman   Kenwood 

Montana    John  M.   Burlingame 

Nebraska    Peter  Jansen 

Nevada    Samuel   Platt 

New  Hampshire   George   H.    Moses 

New  Jersey    Hamilton   F.   Kean 

New  Mexico    Albert  B.   Fall 

New   York    James    W.   Wadsworth,   Jr. 

North    Carolina    Marion    Butler 

North    Dakota    John   E.    Paulson 

Ohio     Paul  Rowland 

Oklahoma    T.    B.    Ferguson 

Oregon    W.   H.    Brooks 

Pennsylvania   George  T.   Oliver 

Rhode   Island    Henry   F.    Lippitt 

South   Carolina    Ernest   F.    Cochran 

South  Dakota    Thomas    Sterling 

Tennesse*   S.   B.  Anderson 

Texas     Eugene    Marshall 

Utah     George    Sutherland 

Vermont     Theodore   N.    Vail 

Virginia     D.    Lawrence    Groner 

Washington    E.   C.  Hughes 

West    Virginia    Herschel  C.   Ogden 

Wisconsin Charles   Gross 

Wyoming    Dwight  E.   Hollister 

Alaska   Charles    D.    Hilles 

Hawaii Henry  J.  Lyman 

Philippines   Newton   W.    Gilbert  ' 

MEETINGS  OF  COMMITTEES 

THE  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  Secretary  will  announce  the 
place  and  hour  selected  for  each  committee  named  by  the  Con- 
vention. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — The  times  and  places  selected 
for  the  meetings  of  committees  are  as  follows: 

Permanent  Organization. — The  committee  will  meet  in  parlor 
1702  of  Congress  Hotel,  at  four  o'clock  p.  m.,  today,  Wednesday,  June 
7,  1916. 

Rules  and  Order  of  Business. — Will  meet  in  parlor  1402  of  Con- 
gress Hotel  at  four  o'clock  this  afternoon. 

Resolutions. — Will  meet  in  the  National  Committee  room,  second 
floor  of  Coliseum  Annex,  being  in  the  rear  of  this  building,  immedi- 
ately after  adjournment  of  this  session  of  the  National  Convention,  for 
the  purpose  of  organization.  After  organizing,  the  committee  will 
recess  for  dinner,  after  which  a  meeting  will  be  held  on  the  platform 
of  this  convention  hall  at  half  past  three  o'clock  to  give  a  public  hear- 
ing to  those  who  wish  to  appear  before  said  committee. 

Committee  on  Credentials. — The  committee  will  meet  in  the  re- 


SIXTEENTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  37 

ception  room  of  the  Republican  National  Committee,  second  floor, 
Coliseum  Annex,  immediately  after  the  adjournment  of  this  conven- 
tion. Lunch  will  be  served  to  members  of  Committee  on  Credentials, 
after  which  said  Committee  will  occupy  the  National  Committee  room 
for  the  purpose  of  hearing  contests  and  making  up  the  roll  of  dele- 
gates and  alternates. 

AUTOMOBILE  RIDE 

THE  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  Secretary  will  now  read  an  an- 
nouncement. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — I  am  requested  to  announce 
that  the  Mayor's  Entertainment  Committee  will  have  one  thousand 
automobiles  outside  of  the  Coliseum  upon  the  adjournment  of  this 
session  of  the  Convention,  and  that  delegates  wearing  badges  are 
invited  to  avail  themselves  thereof  for  the  purpose  of  viewing  the 
city  or  making  any  trips  about  the  city  which  they  would  like  to  make. 
(Applause.) 

THE  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — It  is  earnestly  desired  that  everybody 
know  that  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  will  meet  on  this  platform 
within  two  hours  after  the  adjournment  of  the  Convention,  or  3:30 
o'clock  p.  m-,  for  the  purpose  of  giving  public  hearings. 

The  Chair  now  recognizes  Mr.  Brown,  of  New  York,  for  a  motion. 

MR.  ELON  R.  BROWN,  of  New  York. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  move  that 
the  Convention  adjourn  until  eleven  o'clock  tomorrow  morning. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  (at  I  o'clock  and  28  minutes  p.  m.) 
the  Convention  adjourned  until  tomorrow,  Thursday,  June  8,  1916,  at 
II  o'clock  a.  m. 


308085 


SECOND   DAY 


CONVENTION  HALL 

THE  COLISEUM 
CHICAGO,  ILL.,  JUNE  8,  1916. 

The  Convention  met  at  11  o'clock  a.  m.  pursuant  to  adjournment 
of  yesterday. 

THE  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  members  of  the  Convention  and 
guests  are  requested  to  rise  while  prayer  is  offered  by  Rt.  Rev.  Mon- 
signor  Kelly. 

PRAYER  OF  RIGHT  REVEREND  MONSIGNOR  KELLY 

Right  Reverend  Monsignor  Francis  C-  Kelly,  President  of  the 
Catholic  Church  Extension  Society  of  the  United  States,  Chicago, 
Illinois,  offered  the  following  prayer: 

O  God,  at  whose  creative  touch  this  earth  was  born,  whose  hand 
sustains  it,  whose  voice  directs  it,  whose  love  keeps  it,  and  whose 
countenance  lights  its  pathway  back  to  Thee;  O  Ruler,  by  whose  will 
it  is  divided  into  nations,  races  and  tongues  that,  through  wise  emu- 
lation, the  sooner  may  be  discovered  the  hidden  stores  of  Thy  bounty, 
through  which  happiness,  peace  and  security  come  to  its  people;  O 
Orient,  from  whom  proceedeth  the  sun  of  justice;  O  Wisdom,  seat  of 
knowledge,  font  of  power  and  source  of  truth;  we  bend  our  heads 
and  raise  our  hearts  to  Thee  as  the  first  act  of  this  day,  in  acknowl- 
edgment of  the  power  that  sustains  our  nation,  blesses  our  people,  and 
guides  our  destinies.  Direct  our  counsels  and  our  thoughts  to  know 
that  Thou  art  ever  first  and  greatest;  to  realize  that,  without  Thee, 
for  our  nation  we  would  hope  in  vain.  Grant  us  to  know  that  even 
the  smallest  of  good  acts,  if  done  for  Thine  honor  and  glory  will 
grow  greater  than  empires  in  Thy  sight.  Bless,  therefore,  every  act 
and  thought  of  ours  that  is  done  with  the  motive  of  pleasing  Thy  Di- 
vine Majesty,  Amen. 

38 


REED   SMOOT,   of  Utah 
Chairman  of  the  Committee  qn  Credentials 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  39 

REPORTS  OF  COMMITTEES 

THE  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  first  busines  in  order  is  the  re- 
port of  the  Committee  on  Credentials.  Is  the  Credentials  Committee 
ready  to  report? 

MR.  REED  SMOOT,  of  Utah. — Mr.  Chairman,  we  are  ready  to  re- 
port. 

THE  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — Ladies  and  gentlemen  of  the  Con- 
vention, the  chair  recognizes  Senator  Smoot,  of  Utah,  Chairman  of 
the  Committee  on  Credentials,  to  present  the  report  of  his  Committee. 

MR.  REED  SMOOT,  of  Utah. — Mr.  Chairman,  and  ladies  and  gentle- 
men of  the  Convention:  I  am  directed  by  the  Committee  on  Credentials 
to  make  the  following  report: 


REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE  ON  CREDENTIALS 

The  Committee  on  Credentials  respectfully  presents  to  the  Con- 
vention its  report  and  recommends  the  seating  of  the  following  per- 
sons in  the  respective  contest  cases  which  it  has  heard  and  decided: 

ALABAMA 

AT    LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

P.    M.     Long     Cordova          C.     P.     Lunsford     Hackleburg 

O.    D.     Street     Guntersville         Edward    Miller     Culman 

P.   IX    Barker    Mobile          N.    B.    Spears     Pell    City 

James  J.    Curtis    Jasper         G.    F.    Schad     Brawton 

William     L.     Chenault     Russellville         Paul    Goddard     Oneonta 

J.    W.    Atkins    Heflin         Tom     H.     Stephens     Gadsden 

DISTRICTS 

9 — Charles    J.    Allison    Birmingham         J.    G.    Base    Birmingham 

FLORIDA 

DISTRICTS 

Delegates                                                              Alternates 
1 — G.    W.    Bean    Tampa          E.     E.     Skipper     Bartow 

GEORGIA 


Delegates  Alternates 

Henry    S.    Jackson     Atlanta  W.    R.    Watson    Lithonia 

John    M.    Barnes    Thomson  H.     D.     Bush     Covington 

Henry    Lincoln   Johnson    Atlanta  Charles    Taunton     Cuthberl 

B.    J.    Davis    Atlanta  William    F.     Penn     Atlanta 


40  OFFICIAL   PROCEEDINGS    OF   THE 

GEORGIA— Continued 

DISTRICTS 

Delegates  Alternates 

1 — B.     W.     S.     Daniels     Savannah         Wm.    James     Statesboro 

2 — J.     H.     Watson     Albany         J.    A.     Grant     Baiubridge 

3 — F.     G.     Boatright     Cordele          B.     W.     Warren     Americas 

4-nE.     J.     Turner     Columbus         T.     W.     Wheat     Newman 

S — F.    J.    Allen     East    Point          S.    S.    Simmons    Lithia    Springs 

6 — W.     O.     Emory     Macon         R.   A.    Holland McDonough 

7 — De Witt     C.     Cole     Marietta         A.    T.    Atwater Rome 

Albert    N.    Tumlin    ...Cave    Spring          R.     L.     Franklin      Adairsville 

8 — W.     H.    Harris     Athens         J.    P.    Watson    Athens 

9 — Roscoe     Pickett     Jasper         T.    A.    Chastain    Jasper 

10 — C.     T.     Walker     Augusta         Warren     Edwards     Milledgeville 

11 — H.    C.    Scarlett     Waycross          L.    W.    Brown    Screven 

12 — S.    S.    Minsey    Ailey         John   T.    Nobles    Perry 

OKLAHOMA 

DISTRICTS 

Delegates  Alternates 

5 — John  R.  Hadley Gushing  A.   McDaniel Normal. 

Charles  G.  Moore Purcell  C.  E.  Goodwin Stratf ore 

6 — Wm.  A.  Mauren El  Reno  Ed.    Bourne Duncat 

Myron   E.   Humphrey Chickasha  S.    W.    Hogna Kingfishe. 

SOUTH  CAROLINA 

DISTRICTS 

Delegates  Alternates 

1 — Gibbs    Mitchell     Charleston         S.    M.    Walker    Summerton 

7 — L.    A.    Hawkins     Columbia         W.   A.    Smith    Irmo 

DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA 

We  recommend  that  the  action  of  the  National  Committee  in  refusing  to  place 
upon  the  temporary  roll  any  of  the  three  sets  of  contesting  delegates  be  sustained 
and  none  be  placed  upon  the  permanent  roll. 

VIRGINIA 

DISTRICTS 

Delegates                                                           Alternates 
3 — Joseph  P.  Brady   Richmond         William   R.    Vawter    Richmond 

And  that  the  balance  of  the  temporary  roll  as  made  up  by  the  National  Committee 
be  made  the  permanent  roH  of  the  Convention. 

Respectfully    submitted, 

(Signed)    REED   SMOOT,     . 

Chairman. 

REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE  ON  CREDENTIALS 

MR.  REED  SMOOT,  of  Utah. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  move  the  adoption 
of  the  report  of  your  Committee  on  Credentials. 

The  report  was  agreed  to,  whereupon  the  following  became  the  per- 
manent roll  of  the  convention: 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  41 

PERMANENT  ROLL  OF  THE  CONVENTION 

ALABAMA 

AT    LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

P.    M.     Long     Cordova  C.    P.    Lunsford    Hackleburg 

O.  D.   Street   Guntersville  Edward    Miller    Cullman 

P.    D.    Barker    Mobile  N.    B.    Spears    Pell    City 

James    J.    Curtis     Jasper  G.   F.    Schad    Brawton 

William   L.   Chenault    Russellville  Paul  Goddard    Oneonta 

J.    W.    Atkins    Heflin  Tom     H.     Stephens     Gadsden 


1— James  J.    Peterson    Mobile         E.   T.    Belsan    Mobile 

2 — Asa    E.    Stratton    Montgomery         J-    S.    Johnson    Brantley 

3— Clifford    M.    Cox    Ozark          Byron    Tramwell    Dothan 

4 — F.    F.     Crowe     Montevallo          G.    C.    Michaelson    Thorsby 

5— H.    E.    Berkstresser    Dodeville         L-    B.    Pond    Rockford 

6— S.   T.   Wright    Foyette         C.  M.  Sartain   Jasper 

7— Charles    B.    Kennamer. .  .Guntersville          Oscar    P.    Drake    Harleyville 

H.   Gordon  Ashley    Ashville         R.    Oscar  Noojin    Attalla 

8 — Albert   M.   Holland    Scottsboro         S.    L.    Sherrill    Hartselle 

9 — Charles   J.    Allison    Birmingham         J.    G.    Base    Birmingham 

ARIZONA 

AT    LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

Edward    Kent    Phoenix         Frank   R.    Stewart    Phoenix 

Charles    A.    Overlook    Douglas          John    M.    Ross    Bisbee 

Leroy   Anderson    Prescott          Bracey    Curtis    Nogales 

Ph.    Freudenthal     Solomonville         F.    M.    Pool    Winkelman 

John    B.    Wright    Tucson         G.   O.   Nolan    Ray 

Fred   S.    Breen    Flagstaff         Charles    Granger    Kingman 

ARKANSAS 

AT    LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

H.    L.    Remmel    Little    Rock         Charles   T.   Duke    Monticello 

John    I.    Worthington    Harrison         De    Costa   Walker    Hot    Springs 

Charles    N.    Rix    Hot    Springs         John    P.    Roberts    Booneville 

Andrew   J.   Russell    Berryville         J.    N.   Donahoo    Helena 


1 — R.  B.  Campbell  Helena  A.  C.  Lang  Blytheville 

2— T.  J.  Shanim  Walnut  Ridge  H.  C.  Wade  Batesville 

3 — R.  S.  Granger  Harrison  J.  H.  Robinson  Marshall 

V.  S.  Cannon  Huntsville  R.  G.  Floyd  Eureka  Springs 

4 — J.  H.  Butler  Van  Buren  Chas.  C.  Graves  Mansfield 

C.  C.  Gunnells  Mena  Isaac  Isaacson  Ft  Smith 

5 — A.  C.  Remmel  Little  Rock  J.  F.  Burris Atkins 

G.  H.  Taylor  Morrillton  Geo.  L.  Mallory  Little  Rock 

6— M.  A.  Eisele  Hot  Springs  A.  A.  Tindall  Stuttgart 

7— J.  C.  Russell  Camden  H.  G.  Friedheim  Camden 

S.    R.    Young    Hope  T.    S.    Grayson    Magnolia 


42  OFFICIAL   PROCEEDINGS   OF   THE 

CALIFORNIA 

AT    LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

Walter    Bordwell    Los   Angeles  Joseph   E.    Carr    Los   Angeles 

Mrs.   Olive  C.   Cole   Los  Angeles  Miss   Adeline   Stanton    ....Los    Angeles 

Mrs.   Abbie    E.    Krebs....San    Francisco  Mrs.   rfattie  E.   Cotton    ..San  Francisco 

J.    O.    Hayes    San   Jose  Marshall    Hale    San    Francisco 


1 — Amiel    Hochheimer    Williows          Charles    Mannon    Ukiah 

Presley  I.  Lancaster  \Villits  William  N.  Speegle  Berkley 

2— Luke  McDonald  Redding  John  H.  Campbell  Yreka 

Charles  E.  Clinch  ....Grass  Valley  Mrs.  Emily  Clinch  Grass  Valley 

3 — Ephriam  Light Calistoga  E.  W.  Churchill  Napa 

R.  R.  Veale  Martinez  Sophie  E.  K.  Hewitt  ..San  Francisco 

4 — Albert  E.  Castle  —  .  San  Francisco  E.  H.  Tryon  San  Francisco 

Frances  V.  Keesling  San  Francisco  R.  E.  Miller  San  Francisco 

5 — J.  C.  Berendsen  — .San  Francisco  Bernard  Schapiro  San  Francisco 

Alexander  Russell  . .  San  Francisco  William  H.  Hammer  . .  San  Francisco 

6 — Peter  J.  Crosby  Oakland  Joseph  R.  Knowland  Alameda 

J.  F.  Carlston  Oakland  O.  D.  Hamlin  Oakland 

7 — F.  A.  Creesey,  Jr Modesto  George  A.  Osborn  Fresno 

John  F.  Gibson  Visalia  E.  O.  Larkin  Visalia 

8 — William  H.  Crocker  San  Francisco  Charles  T.  Crocker  San  Mateo 

Willis  S.  Clayton  San  Jose  William  P.  Lyon  San  Jose 

9 — Lewis  L.  Lostutter  Pomona  Sloan  Pitzer  Alhambra 

William  C.  Mushet  . .  Los  Angeles  Frank  Roberts  Long  Beach 

10 — John  G.  Mott  Los  Angeles  William  M.  Garland  ....Los  Angeles 

Eugene  W.  Britt  Los  Angeles  Bradner  W.  Lee Los  Angeles 

11 — John  S.  Akerman  San  Diego  Lyman  J.  Gage  San  Diego 

Charles    C.    Chapman    Fullerton          William  F.   Holt   Redlands 


COLORADO 

AT  LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

George   A.    Carlson    Fort    Ceilings         Henry  D.  Watson    Greeley 

Philip   B.   Stewart    Colorado   Springs         H.    E.    Perkins     Delta 

Karl     C.     Schuyler      Denver         D.    N.    Cooper    Canon    City 

Charles  W.   Waterman    Denver         A.   E.   Carlton    Cripple  Creek 


1 — A.   M.   Stevenson    Denver         J.     Foster    Symes     Denver 

Ralph  W.  Smith  Denver  Charles  Boettcher  Denver 

2 — Spencer  Penrose  ..Colorado  Springs  Chas.  D.  Pickett  Wray 

J.  W.  McCreery  Greeley  Wm.  B.  Gobin  Rocky  Ford 

3— Fred  O.  Roof  Pueblo  P.  B.  Godsman  Burlington 

Daniel  L.  Taylor  Trinidad  H.  F.  Ruby  Golden 

4 — John  A.  Ewing  Leadville  Wallis  Cole  Salida 

Bulkley    Wells    Telluride         John    Welsh    Eagle 


SIXTEENTH   REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  43 

CONNECTICUT 

AT    LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

J.    Henry   Roraback    North   Canaan  Charles    W.    Barnum     Salisbury 

Charles    Hopkins    Clark    Hartford  Hiram     Bingham     New     Haven 

John    T.    King    Bridgeport  Nathaniel    W.    Bishop    Bridgeport 

Francis  T.    Maxwell    Vernon  John    Buckley    Union 


1— George   VV.   Klett    New   Britain  E.    Hart    Fenn     Weathersfield 

Charles  T.  Treadway  Bristol  Arthur  E.  Bowers  Manchester 

2— Frank  B.  Weeks Middletown  William  H.  Hall  Willington 

Edwin  W.  Higgins  Norwich  Fayette  L.  Wright  Pomfret 

3 — Isaac  M.  Ullman New  Haven  Joseph  E.  Hubinger  New  Haven 

Rollin  S.  Woodruff  ....New  Haven  William  H.  Lyon  Meriden 

4 — Oliver  G.  Jennings  Fail-field  Frank  P.  Farrell Danbury 

Schuyler  Merritt  Stamford  C.  Milton  Fessenden  Stamford 

5 — Irving  H.  Chase  Waterbttry  James  M.  Emerson  Ansonia 

Edward    H.    Hotchl-iss    ..Torrmgton  Dudley    L.    Vaill     Winchester 

DELAWARE 

AT    LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

Edmund    Mitchell    Wilmington  Charles   Warner    Wilmington 

Alfred  I.   du  Pont   Wilmington  Edward   G.    Bradford,  Jr. ..  .Wilmington 

Alden    R.     Beson     Dover  D.    Mifflin    Wilson     Dover 

Simeon  S.   Pennewell   Greenwood  Harry   V.    Lyons    Lewes 

John    W.   Herring    Milford  Alvin  B.  Conner  (Deceased). 

Ruby    S.    Vale    Milford  Sirman  D.  Marvil  (Resigned). 

FLORIDA 

AT    LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

Henry   S.    Chubb    Princeton          Eugene  Oberdorfer    Jacksonville 

Joseph   E.    Lee    Jacksonville          John    R.    Scott     Jacksonville 

M.    B.    Macfarlane    Tampa         J.    A.    Colyer    Orlando 

Z.    T.    Bielby    DeLand         William   Fluker    Pensacola 

DISTRICTS 

1— G.   W.    Bean    Tampa  E.     E.     Skipper     Bartow. 

2 — Louis    C.    Lynch    Gainesville  T.    W.    Bryan     Gainesville 

3— William    H.     Northrup     . . .  Pensacola  M.    M.    Owens    Bonifay 

4— W.    R.    O'Neal    Orlando  Daniel    T    Gerow    Jacksonville 

GEORGIA 

AT    LARGE 

Henry    S   Jackson    Atlanta  W.    R.    Watson     Lithonia 

John    M.    Barnes     Thomson  H.    D    Bush    Covington 

Henry    Lincoln    Johnson     Atlanta  Charles    Taunton     Cuthbert 

B.    J.    Davis    Atlanta  Wm.    F.    Penn    Atlanta 


44 


OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF   THE 


GEORGIA — Continued 

DISTRICTS 
Delegates 
I — B.  \V.   S.  Daniels..      Savannah         Wm. 


Alternates 
James     Statesboro 


2— J.    H.    Watson Albany 

3 — F.  G.  Boatright Cordele 

4 — E.   J.  Turner Columbus 

5— F.  J.  Allen East  Point 

6 — W.   O.   Emory Macon 

7 — De   Witt   C.    Cole Marietta 

Albert  N.  Tumlin Cave   Spring 

8— W.    H.    Harris Athens 

9 — Roscoe     Pickett Jasper 

10 — C.   T.  Walker Augusta 

1 1— H.    C.    Scarlett Waycross 

12 — S.  S.  Minsey Alley 


J.    A.     Grant     Bainbridge 

B.    W.    Warren     Americus 

T.     W.  Wheat     Newnan 

S.    S.    Simmons    Lithia    Springs 

R.     A.     Holland     McDonough 

A.    T.    Atwater     Rome 

R.     L.     Franklin     Adairsville 

J.    P.    Watson    Athens 

T.    A.     Chastain     Jasper 

Warren     Edwards     Milledgeville 

L.    W.    Brown    Screven 

John    T.     Nobles     Perry 


IDAHO 


AT    LARGE 


Alternates 

Wm.    E.    Borah     Boise 

James  H.    Brady    Pocatello 

James    F.    Ailshie    Coeur   d'Alene 

E.    H.    Dewey    Nampa 

Stanley  A   Easten    Kellogg 

Fred    W.     Gooding     Shoshone 

John     W.     Hart     Menan 

Ezra   R.    Whitla    Coeur  d'AJene 


Delegates 

H.     C.     Baldridge     Parma 

R.    C.    Beach    Lewiston 

Ezra    Burrell     Montpelier 

Charles    F.     Koelsch     Boise 

William    E.     Lee     Moscow 

Irwin   E.    Rockwell    Bellevue 

L.     R.     Thomas     Blaclcfoot 

Otis    N    Van   Tassell    St.    Anthony 


ILLINOIS 


AT 

Delegates 

William    J.    Calhoun    Chicago 

Isaac    N.     Evans     Milledgeville 

Garrett    DeF.    Kinney    Peoria 

Medill    McCormick     Chicago 

William    B.    McKinley    Champaign 

William  A.  Rodenberg  ...East  St.  Louis 

William    Hale   Thompson    Chicago 

Roy  O.  West Chicago 


LARGK 

Alternates 

Palmer    E.    Anderson    Princeton 

Franklin    A.    Denison     Chicago 

Cornelius    J.    Doyle     Springfield 

Charles   B.    Graff    Jacksonville 

Henry    H    Kohn    Anna 

Ralph    C.    Otis    Chicago 

Henry    R.    Rathbone    Chicago 

John    F.     Smulski     Chicago 


1 — Martin    B.    Madden    Chicago 

George    F.    Harding    Chicago 

2— Charles    H.    Sergei    Chicago 

Morton    D.    Hull     Chicago 

3 — Charles   S.   Deneen    Chicago 

William    H.    Weber    Blue    Island 

4 — David    E.    Shanahan    Chicago 

Joseph  J.  Elias Chicago 

S_William    J.    Cooke    Chicago 

August    W.    Miller     Chicago 

6 — John    Siman Chicago 

Mathias    Wengler    Chicago 

7 — Albert   H.    Severinghaus    ...Chicago 
William    Busse    Mt.    Prospect 


Morris     Lewis     Chicago 

Phil    I.    Orme    Chicago 

Morton    MacCormack    Chicago 

John    H.    Jones    Chicago 

Alfred    Van    Duser    Chicago 

William    E.    Helander    Chicago 

Frank   J.    Randack    Chicago 

Matt  A.   Mueller   Chicago 

Jacob     Geiserowich     Chicago 

Arthur    Ahlgrim     Chicago 

William    W.    Loomis    LaGrange 

Walter    J.    Fisher    Chicago 

Andrew   J.    Martin    Chicago 

Harry    E.    Littler    Chicago 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION 


ILLINOIS — Continued 


DISTRICTS 


Delegates 
8 — Christopher    Mamer    Chicago 

Edward   I.    Williams    Chicago 

9 — Fred    W.    Upham    Chicago 

William    Wrigley,    Jr Chicago 

10 — James    Pease     Chicago 

Edward   J    Brundage    Chicago 

11— Ulysses  S.  G.   Blakely   . . . .  Plainfield 

John    Alexander Aurora 

12 — Henry    W.    Johnson     Ottawa 

William    L    Ellwood    DeKalb 

13 — James    R.    Cowley    Freeport 

Henry    C.    Warner    Dixon 

14 — Orville    F.    Berry    Carthage 

Walter  A.  Rosenfield   ..Rock  Island 
IS — James    E.    Adams     Quincy 

Joseph   E.    Westerlund    . .  Cambridge 
16— William    E.    Hull     Peoria 

Everett    W.     Wilson     Pekin 

17 — Homer    W.    Hall    Bloomington 

Charles    E.    Dehner    Lincoln 

18 — Thomas    G    Vennum     Watseka 

John    H.    Harrison     Danville 

19 — Porter    J.    Milliken     Decatur 

Lewis    L.    Lehman     Mattoon 

20 — Homer   J.    Tice    Greenview 

Andrew     Russel     Jacksonville 

21 — Elbert    S.    Smith    Springfield 

James    B.    Searcy    Carlinville 

22 — William   E.    Trautman    ....  Belleville 

Cicero    J.    Lindly    Greenville 

23 — Alfred   H.   Jones    Robinson 

Albert  D.   Rodenberg Centralia 

24 — Noah    C.    Bainum     Carmi 

Marion   S.   Whitley   Harrisburg 

25 — James   A.    White    —     Murphysboro 

William  O.   Potter    Marion 


Alternates 


Toney     Albano     Chicago 

Albert    Menkicki    Chicago 

Edwin    A.    Olson    Chicago 

Louis    O.    Kohtz    Chicago 

Edward     Clifford     Evanston 

Lee     McDonough     Waukegan 

Joseph    A    .Reuss    Naperville 

Michael    F.    Walsh    Harvard 

Thomas  D.   Reber   Rockford 

Frank    S.     Whitman    Belvidere 

Charles    M.    Myers    Oregon 

Arthur  M.  Smith   Stockton 

Everett    C.     Hardin     Monmouth 

John    Y.     Whiteman     Biggsville 

John    C.    Work    Rushville 

James   C.    Simpson    Galesburg 

Jay  H.   Magoon    Lacon 

Edwin    G.    Williamson    Toulon 

David    C.    Swanson    Paxton 

Frederick  J.    Simater    Minonk 

W.    R.    Rhodes    Toledo 

W.   H.   Drewel    Westfield 

Oliver   F        Dolan    Lo vington 

Winfield    S.    Harrold    Clinton 

S.    Elmer    Simpson     Ca*  rollton 

Ivory    G.    Blair    Chandlerville 

Frank  R.   Milnor    Litchfield 

Fred   H.   Kinney    Taylorville 

Albert    C     .    Bellinger    Waterloo 

William    H.    Kugler    Okawville 

John   R.   Snook    Altamont 

Edwin    B.    Brooks    Newton 

Alonzo    B.    Capel    Shawneetown 

Loren   Smith-   Metropolis 

John  B.  Jackson   Anna 

W.   George    Beever    Chester 


INDIANA 


Delegate* 

Will   H.   Hays    Sullivan 

James   A.    Hemenway    Booneville 

Fred   A.    Sims    Indianapolis 


Alternates 

Albert    V.    Conradt    Kokomo 

A.  L.  Pfau Terre  Haute 

Louis   Moore Ft.  Wayne 


Edward    C.    Toner    Anderson         Sumner   A.    Furniss    Indianapolis 


l_Wm.  H.  McCurdy  Evansville 

J.  A.  Thornburg  Booneville 

2 — Al.  M.  Ford  Vincennes 

Robt.  G.  Miller  Bloomington 

3 — Thomas  J.  Brooks  Bedford 

Will  W.  Cave  French  Lick 


Charles  A.  Miller Mt.  Vernon 

W.    J.    Pethell    Winslow 

John   M.   Peek    Washington 

Fred   Cunningham    Martinsville 

Lee  Herr   Tell   City 

Charles  F.  C.  Hancock Jeffersonville 


46 


OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF   THE 


INDIANA— Continued 


DISTR 

Delegates 

4 — William    G.    Irwin     Columbus 

John    S.    Benham    Benham 

S — John    L.    Crawford    ...Terre    Haute 

J.    J.    Higgins    Clinton 

6 — Thomas    Millikan    Newcastle 

R.    N.    Elliott    Connersville 

7 — Frederick   A.    Joss    ....  Indianapolis 

Richard    Lieber    Indianapolis 

8 — Gorge  B.    Lockwood    Muncie 

Frank    Merry     Dunkirk 

9— E.    W.    Bowen    Delphi 

J.    S.    Shanklin    Frankfort 

10 — H    S.    Norton    Gary 

Henry    Marshall     Lafayette 

11 — James    I.    Barnes    Logansport 

John    Spangler    Winamac 

12 — A.    B.    Mier Ligonier 

Benton   E.    Gates    . . .  Columbia   City 

13 — Vernon   W.    Van   Fleet. South   Bend 

D.   C.   Knott    Plymouth 


ICTS 

Alternates 

William    Arnold     Needmore 

F.    F.    Espey    Rising   Sun 

James    B.    Davis    Brazil 

Clarence   G.   Powell    Montezuma 

Frank    Taylor    Richmond 

Elden  A.   Robb    Greenfield 

James    Shelton     Indianapolis 

Gurley    Brewer    Indianapolis 

Ralph   S.   Todd    Bluffton 

L.    Ray    Lenich    Union    City 

L.    W.   Otto    Crawfordsville 

J.    E.    Moore    Kokomo 

Charles    Mauzy    Fowler 

C.    W.    Hanley    Rensselaer 

Edward    Bridges    Wabash 

M.    B.   Stults    Huntington 

Byron   Somers    Ft.   Wayne 

C.    A.    Abell    Garrett 

Louis    Vail     Goshen 

Fred  A.   Bryan   South  Bend 


IOWA 


Delegates 

Luther   A.    Brewer Cedar    Rapids 

Howard    J.    Clark Des    Moines 

George    W.    French Davenport 

William    S.   Kenyon Ft.    Dodge 


Alternates 

L.    B.    Whitney Decorah 

John    H.    Darrah Chariton 

J.  A.   Devitt    Oskaloosa 

J.   U.   Sammis   Le  Mars 


DISTRICTS 


1 — La  Monte  Cowles  Burlington 

E.  R.  Smith  Fairfield 

2 — George  M.  Curtis  Clinton 

J.  Reed  Lane  Davenport 

3 — A.   M.   Cloud    Manchester 

C.  F.    Johnston    Sheffield 

A — C.  H.  McNider   Mason  City 

J.   W.    Sandusky    New   Hampton 

S— W.   A.   Dexter    Toledo 

D.  W.    Norris    Marshalltown 

6 — W.    T.   Harper    Ottumwa 

H.    W.    Spaulding     Grinnell 

7 — Gardner  Cowles    Des   Moines 

M.    L.    Curtis    Knoxville 

8 — James  R.  Bowsher   Leon 

H.   E.   Tomlinson    New   Market 

9— John  J.   Hess    Council   Bluffs 

Robert   B.   Wallace    . .  Council   Bluffs 

10 — Robert    Healy    Ft.    Dodge 

Paul    E.    Stillman    Jefferson 

11— George   C.    Call    Sioux   City 

E.    L.   Hogue    Blencoe 


David   J.    Palmer    Washington 

George    S.    Tucker    Keokuk 

C.   M.    Dutcher    Iowa   City 

George    M.    Titus    Muscatine 

W.    J.    Murray    Eldora 

M.   A.    Smith    Independence 

Karl   J.   Johnson    Osage 

William   R.    Dutton    Waukon 

John   C.   Milner    Belle  Plaine 

Charles   T.    Rogers    Gundy   Center 

Ross    R.    Mowry    Newton 

Harry    M.    Neas    Sigourney 

W.    S.    Cooper    Winterset 

E.    W.    Valentine    Ames 

Daniel   W.    Turner    Corning 

Earl   R.   Ferguson    Shenandoah 

Arthur   Farquhar    Audubon 

J.   Y.    Wickersham    Villisca 

S.    G.    Goldthwaite    Boone 

Dwight  G.  McCarty   Emmetsburg 

E.    H.    Cunningham    Newell 

T.   S.   Snell,  Jr Ida  Grove 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  47 

• 
KANSAS 

AT    LARGE 

Delegattt  Alternates 

Charles    F.    Scott     lola         E.   B.  Jewett   Wichita 

A.    F.    Williams    Columbus  Mrs.    Theresp.    Breeze.  .Cottonwood   Falls 

T.    D.    Smith    Hiawatha         W.    L.   V.   Turner    Pratt 

W.   Y.   Morgan    Hut chinson         J.  JL  Ransom   Kansas  City 


1 — W.    D.    Casey    Atchison  E.  B.  Jones  Holton 

Ira  K.    Wells    Senaca  Charles    Porter     Atchison 

2 — Charles   H.   Tucker    Lawrence  Sennett    Kirk     Garnett 

John  O.  Morse   Mound  City  C.   H.   Jones    Olathe 

3 — Albert  H.   Denton    Arkansas  City  D.    H.    Fisher    Chanute 

W.   S.   Fitzpatrick    Independence  Daniel    Spoonhour     Mulberry 

4 — Jacob    Rhodes    Council    Grove  D.  S.  Fisher    Reading 

C.    E.   Moore    Eureka  Clarence     Haughawout     Onaga 

S — E.   R.    Fulton    Marysville  L.   D.   Spence   Barnes 

Fred    W.    Sturges,   Jr Concordia  Fred   R.    Fitzpatrick    Salina 

6 — Emmett   George    Mankato  F.   M.   Lockard    Goodland 

Ike    Purcell     Wakeeney  E.    A.    Swezey    Barnard 

7 — L.   J.    Pettyjohn    Dodge   City  William   Townsley    Great    Bend 

J.   N.  Tincher   Medicine  Lodge  R.   H.   Miller    Kiowa 

8 — J.   B.   Adams    El   Dorado  F.    G.    Emerson     Wellington 

Ezra   Branine    Newton  Warren    Brown    El    Dorado 

KENTUCKY 

AT    LARGE 

'Delegates 

Edwin   P.    Morrow    Somerset 

John    W.    Langley    Pikeville 

Augustus    E.    Willson    Louisville 

Richard  P.   Ernst    Covington 

Edward   C.    O'Rear    Frankfort 

Caleb    Powers    Barbourville 

William    Marshall    Bullitt    Louisville 

Phil     H.     Brown     Hopkinsville 

*  One-half    vote    each. 

DISTRICTS 

Delegates  Alternates 

1— William     Mason     Murray  W.    H.    McRidley     Cadit 

Carl    Henderson    Marion  W.    L.    Prince    Behton 

2 — E.   T.   Franks    Owensboro  V.   M.   Williamson    Hopkinsville 

C.   H.   Wilson    Sturgis  Ben    T.    Robinson    Morton    Gap 

3 — E.   L.   Peairson   Auburn  George    McCombs    Brownsville 

Elmer  C.  Anderson    . .  .Morgantown  W.    H.    Bogan     Franklin 

4— M.    L.    Heavrin    Hartford  W.     F.     Nichols Munfordville 

T.    C.    Jackson     Lebanon  O.    M.    Mather     Horgenville 

5 — A.     T.     Hert     Louisville  William    Krieger    Louisville 

William    Heyburn     Louisville  W.    F.    Knebelkamp    Louisville 


48 


OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF   THE 


KENTUCKY— Continued 


DISTRICTS 


Alternates 


6 — M.    L.    Galvin    Covington 

W.  A.  Burkamp  Newport 

7 — Richard  C.  Stoll  Lexington 

John  H.  Hardwick  Lexington 

8 — L.  F.  Petty  Shelbyville 

D.  P.  Black  -. Richmond 

9 — W.  D.  Cockran  Maysville 

Robert  H.  Winn  Mt.  Sterling 

10— J.  A.  Williams  Paintsville 

S.  Monroe  Nickell  Hazard 

11 — J.  S.  Cooper  Somerset 

J.    M.    Robison    Barbourville 


Delegates 

W.     C.     Huddleston     Butler 

M.  C.  McClure   Dry  Ridge 

Sam    Hurst Beattyville 

E.     W.     Chenault     Lexington 

J.     O.     Russell     Columbia 

W.    C.    Cundiff    Liberty 

J.    C.    Hurst    Jackson 

Howard    C.    Cudgell     Owingsville 

R.    Lee    Stewart    Hindman 

S.    C.    Ferguson    Prestonburg 

White   Moss    Pineville 

J.   T.   Bowling    Harlan 


LOUISIANA 


•Delegates 

•  Armand  Remain   New  Orleans 

Walter   L.   Cohen    New   Orleans 

S.   A.    Trufant    New   Orleans 

Emile  Kuntz    New   Orleans 

E.    F.    Dickinson    Matthews 

D.    A.    Lines    New    Orleans 

Chas.   F.    Boagni    Opelousas 

J.  Madison  Vance New  Orleans 


Alternates 

C.     W.     Row     Rosedale 

C.     J.     Bell     New     Orleans 

E.  J.     Rodrigue     Paincourtville 

J.     H.     Lowery     Donaldsville 

Frank   E.    Posey       Baton   Rouge 

J.     M.     Pierce     . . ". New    Orleans 

A.     C.     Lea     Shreveport 

F.  F.  Woolfley   Lake  Charles 


1 — Wm.     S.     Dwyer     Algiers 

Jas.  L.  Higgins  New  Orleans 

2 — A.  C.  Carpenter  New  Orleans 

W.  E.  Robertson  New  Orleans 

3 — R.  H.  Brown Jeanerette 

P.  H.  Segura  New  Iberia 

4 — W.  G.  Hudson  Shreveport 

Chas.  M.  Roberson  ....Shreveport 

5— W.  T.  Insley  Delhi 

S.  W.  Green  New  Orleans 

6 — George  J.  Reilley  Clinton 

B.  V.  Baranco  Baton  Rouge 

7— L.  E.  Robinson  Welsh 

J.  S.  Thomson  Lake  Charles 

8 — Sherman  Cook  Alexandria 

Scott  Normand  Mansura 

*  One-half  vote  each. 


W.     J.     Brophy New     Orleans 

Wm.   E.  Weeks New  Orleans 

E.    J.    Caire     Edgard 

J.    T.    Newman    New    Orleans 

Louis    Corde    Napoleonville 

Frank    Blanc    New    Iberia 

R.    A.    Giddens    Coushatta 

W.    J.     Walker     Shreveport 

John    B.    Hays,    Jr Monroe 

J.    W.    Cooke     New    Orleans 

Louis    Bluestein     Plaquemine 

H.  J.  Allen  Baton  Rouge 

Frank   C.    Labet    Crowley 

C.    W.    Millspaugh     Opelousas 

J.    T.     Charnley     Alexandria 

William    Houston    Alexandria 


MAINE 


AT    LARGE 


Delegates 

Fred     N.     Dow     Portland 

Harold    M.    Sewall    Bath 

John    A.    Peters     Ellsworth 


Alternates 

Ernest     L.     Morrill     Saco 

Arthur     G'.     Staples     Lewiston 

Benjamin    F.    Colcord     Searsport 


Charles    J.    Dunn     Orono         Patrick   F.    Therriault    Grand    Isle 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  49 

MAINE — Continued 

DISTRICTS 

Delegates  Alternates 

1 — Henry   G.    Beyer,  Jr Portland         Adam    P.    Leighton    Portland 

Walter   P.    Perkins    Cornish         Urbain    J.     Ledoux     Biddeford 

2 — John    R.    Bass     Wilton         Theodore     Hawley     Rumford 

Phineas   H.    Gay    Newcastle         Reuel     Robinson     Camden 

3 — Guy    P.    Gannett    Augusta         F.     Morris     Fish     Hallowell 

John   R.    Trimble    Calais          Carleton    P.    Merrill    Skowhegan 

4 — John   Houston    Guilford         Dana    H.    Danforth    Foxcroft 

Willard     P.     Hamilton     ....  Caribou          P.    J.    Feeney    Bangor 

MARYLAND 

AT    LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

Walter   B.    Miller    Salisbury         Frederick    P.    Adkins    Salisbury 

Ovington   E.   Weller    Arlington         Albert  A.    Blakeney    Baltimore 

Felix    Agnus    Baltimore          Edmund     Budnitz     Baltimore 

J.    McPherson    Scott    Hagerstown         Albert  A.    Doub    Cumberland 

DISTRICTS 

1 — John    D.    Urie    Chestertown         John     G.     Carter     Denton 

Thomas  M.  Bartlett  Easton  Albert  C.  Hayden  Price 

2 — Laban  Sparks  Sparks  T.  Irving  Zimmerman  Arlington 

Henry  A.  Whitaker  Bel  Air  A.  R.  L.  Dohme  Baltimore 

3 — John  Philip  Hill  Baltimore  Edward  W.  Klein  Baltimore 

John  A.  Janetzke,  Sr Baltimore  Frank  Hughes  Baltimore 

4 — Henry  B.  Wilcox  Baltimore  Walter  E.  Knickman  Baltimore 

George  W.  Cameron  Baltimore  Chas.  R.  Williams  Baltimore 

5 — Charles  H.  Heintzeman  . .  Baltimore  Remus  Dorsey  Ellicott  City 

Francis  S.  Carmody  ..Pleasant  Seat  Alonzo  R.  Wade  La  Plata 

6 — Gist  Blair  Kensington  Geo.  R.  Dennis,  Jr Frederick 

Leo  Weinberg  Frederick  W.  L.  Sperry  Cumberland 

MASSACHUSETTS 

AT    LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

Samuel    W.    MoCall     Winchester  Butler     Ames     Lowell 

Henry  Cabot   Lodge   Nahant  Louis    A.    Frothingham    Boston 

John    W.    Weeks     Newton  Eben    S.     S.    Keith     Bourne 

Winthrop    Murray    Crane    Dalton  Frank    W.    Stearns    Newton 


1 — William  H.   Brooks   Holyoke          James    R.    Savery Pittsfield 

Charles   E.    Hull    Stockbridge          Jens    J.     Madsen     Holyoke 

2 — George   A.    Bacon    Springfield         Joseph    C.    McVeigh    Springfield 

Alexander  McCallum.  ..  .Northampton         Albert    E.    Taylor     Chicopee 

3 — Herbert   E.    Cummings  Freelon    Q.    Ball    Monson 

North    Brookfield 

J.     Lovell    Johnson     Fitchburg          Solon     Wilder     Gardner 

4 — William   A.    L.    Bazeley    ..Uxbridge          George    N.    Jeppson     Worcester 

Charles    G.    Washburn    ..Worcester          Waldo    N.    Jenckes    Hopedale 


50 


OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF   THE 


MASSACHUSETTS—  Continued 


DISTRICTS 


Delegates 

S — Herbert    E.    Fletcher    Westford 

John    N.    Cole     Andover 

6 — John    L.    Salstonstall    Beverly 

Edward   R.    Hale    Haverhill 

7 — Eugene    B.    Fraser    Lynn 

Archie    N.    Frost     Lawrence 

8 — George   B.        Wason    Cambridge 

Wilton    B.    Fay    Medford 

9 — Fred     P.     Greenwood     Everett 

Alvan    T.    Fuller     Maiden 

10— Edward    C.    R.    Bagley    Boston 

Abraham    C.    Ratshesky    Boston 

1 1 — Charles    H.    Innes    Boston 

Warren    F.    Freeman     Boston 

12 — J.     Waldo     Pond     Boston 

Walter     B.     Grant     Boston 

13 — George    H.     Doty     Waltham 

Martin    Hays     Boston 

14 — Henry     L.     Kincaide     Quincy 

C.    Chester    Eaton    Brockton 

IS — Edward    Anthony     Thurston 

Fall    River 
Joseph    William    Martin,    Jr 

N.     Attleborough 

16— Charles    L.    Gifford     Barnstable 

Thomas    F.    Glennon    New    Bedford 


Alternates 

Frank     E.     Dunbar     Lowell 

Wilford    D.     Gray     Woburn 

Isaac    Patch    Gloucester 

William    S.    Felton    Salem 

Francis    M.    Hill     Saugus 

Daniel   C.        Smith    Lawrence 

Jay     R.     Benton     Belmont 

Frederick    T.    Peabody    Melrose 

George    W.    Pratt Somerville 

Walter     M.     Pratt     Chelsea 

Augustus    A.    Fales     Boston 

Rocco    Leone     Boston 

David    Stoneman     Boston 

David     E.     Crawford     Boston 

Herbert    S.    Frost    Boston 

John    E.    Mayers     Boston 

Llewellyn    E.    Pulsifer    Natick 

Fred    H.     Williams     Brookline 

Eugene    R.     Stone     Quincy 

Charles    R.    Hillberg     Brockton 

Alfred     B.     Williams     Taunton 

Godfrey   de   Tonnancour    ....Fall   River 

John   W.   Churchill    Plymouth 

Thomas    Thompson    New    Bedford 


MICHIGAN 

AT    LARGE 


Delegates 

Oscar    B.    Marx    Detroit 

Albert   E.    Petermann    Calumet 

Benjamin    S.    Hanchett    ..Grand    Rapids 
George    W.    Cook    Flint 


Alternates 

Fred    M.    Alger    Detroit 

Addison    E.    Proctor    St.    Joseph 

Claude    E.    Hamilton     ...Grand    Rapids 
Myron   J.    Sherwood    Marquette 


1 — Jerome    H.    Remick    Detroit 

John   F.    Dodge    Detroit 

2— M.    W.    Hensel    Blissfield 

Victor    E.    Van    Ameringen 

Ann  Arbor 
3 — Win.    J.    Smith    Battle    Creek 

Daniel    Warner     Bronson 

A — Edgar    A.    Planck    Union 

Geo.    W.    Merriman    Hartford 

S — Henry    T.    Stanton    ..Grand    Rapids 

Henry    Pelgrim,        Sr Holland 

6 — Philip    H.    McMillan    Grosse    Points 

Wm.    J.    Goodspeed    Lansing 


Charles     B.     Warren     Detroit 

Joseph     Wedda     Detroit 

Robert     A.     Smith     Jackson 

Herbert     Brown     Wyandotte 

A.     B.     Connable     Kalamazoo 

Wm.    H.   Frankhauser    Hillsdale 

Archie   A.    Anderson    Hastings 

Chas.    W.    Kirsch    Three    Rivers 

Chas.    J.    Rice     Sparta 

Jarrett    N.    Clark    Zeeland 

Frank    B.    Ives    Stockbridge 

Frank    S.    Neal    .  .  Northville 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION 


51 


MICHIGAN— Continued 


DISTRICTS 

Delegates 

7 — M.    R.    Deo    North    Branch 

Frank    E.    Nellis     Mt.    Clemens 

8 — Wm.     H.     Wallace     Saginaw 

John   N.    McCall    Ithaca 

9 — John    Q.    Ross Muskegon 

August     Field     Manistee 

10— F.    E.    P.    Kelton    Bay    City 

Stewart    B.    Gordon     Midland 

11 — Geo.    W.    McCormick    ..Menominee 
Crawford     S.     Reilley     .  .  Cheboygan 

12 — Frank    A.    Bell    Negaune* 

\Vm.     Kelly     Vulcan 

13 — Charles  W.    Burton    Detroit 

John    S.    Haggerty    Detroit 


Alternates 


Walter    S.    Wixson    Caro 

Burt   D.    Cady    Port   Huron 

Charles    H.    Gibson    Greenville 

Joseph  H.    Collins    Corunna 

Wm.    J.    Branstrom    Fremont 

George    H.    Cross    Traverse    City 

E.   T.    Cameron    Mt.    Pleasant 

Wm.    Agans    Standish 

Sherman  T.    Handy    .  .  Sault   Ste.    Marie 

Fred   Smith    Elk   Rapids 

D.    E.    Sutherland    Iron    Wood 

S.    R.     Smith     Ahmeek 

John     Kelsey     Detroit 

Emil     A.     Rosinger     Detroit 


MINNESOTA 


AT    LARGE 

Delegates 

Adolph    O.    Eberhart    St.    Paul 

J.   F.   Jacobson    Madison 

Frederick  C.   Stevens   St.   Paul 

Samuel   R.   Van   Sant    Minneapolis 


Alternates 
Smith     Minneapolis 


E.     E. 

Sam  Y.   Gordon    Browns   Valley 

L.    M.    Willcutts    Duluth 

George    H.    Selover    Minneapolis 


1 — F.    A.    Duxbury     Caledonia 

R.  L.  Johnson  Austin 

2 — C.  H.  Christopherson  ....  Luverne 

A.  J.  Gebhard  Lamberton 

3 — Henry  L.  Simons  Glencoe 

G.  H.  Sullivan  Stillwater 

4 — Leavitt  Corning  St.  Paul 

H.  P.  Keller  St.  Paul 

S — Josiah  H.  Chase  Minneapolis 

Earnest  Lundeen  Minneapolis 

6 — Clifton  A.  Allbright  Brainerd 

George  E.  Hanscom  St.Cloud 

7 — Thomas  Davis  Marshall 

Eric  L.  Thornton  Benson 

8— Milie  Bunnell  Duluth 

D.  M.  Gunn  Grand  Rapids 

9 — A.  G.  Anderson  ....Fergus  Falls 

Martin  Widsten  Warroad 

10 — Lowell  E.  Jepson  Minneapolis 

Henry  Rines    Mora 


A.    W.    Thompson     Preston 

C.    L.    Swenson    Albert    Lea 

W.   O.   Dustin    Elmore 

James    A.    Larson    Walnut    Grove 

S.     F.     Scott     Zumbroto 

George    J.     Bradley     Norwood 

Charles    J.    Moose     St.    Paul 

J.    S.    Arneson    St    Paul 

Harry  J.    Murphy    Minneapolis 

Charles    S.    Albright     Minneapolis 

Farley     Dare     Walker 

I.     W.     Bouck     Royalton 

E.     F.    Whiting     Balaton 

Magnus    Johnson     Litchfield 

Sievern   Swanson    Moose    Lake 

Chester    A.    Congdon    Duluth 

L.     W.     Oberhauser     Frazee 

O.    L.    Melgaard    Argyle 

Peter    J.    Youngdahl    Minneapolis 

E.    W.    Stark    Center    City 


L. 
M. 
S. 


MISSISSIPPI 

AT    LARGE 

Delegates 

B.     Moseley     Jackson  Parke 

J.    Mulvihill     Vicksburg  J.    C. 

D.     Redmond     Jackson  I.    T. 


Alternates 

Daniels     Starkeville 

Tyler     Biloxi 

Montgomery     Mound    Bayou 


Wesley     Cray  ton     Vicksburg         W.    J.    Latham    Jackson 


52 


OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF   THE 


MISSISSIPPI— Continued 

DISTRICTS 

Delegates  Alternates 

1— W.     F.     Elgin     Corinth  John    T.     Wood     Columbus 

2— C.    L.    Hovis     Ripley  J.   A.   Q.   Williams    Holley   Springs 

3 — J.     E.     Walker     Indianola  B.    T.    Williamson    Greenwood 

4 — A.        M.    Storer    Kosciusko  Webster    Turner     Okoloma 

5— *D.    W.    Sherrod Meridian  T.    J.    Wilson     Meridian 

*E.  E.  Howard Meridian         C.    T.    Butler    Meridian 

6 — A.  A.   Edwards Laurel  E.    E.    Robertson    Collins 

7 — W.    O.    Ligon    Gloster  Chas.     H.    Isaacs     Natchez 

8 — Perry    W.    Howard    Jackson  J.    W.    Hair    Jackson 

•One-half  vote  each. 

MISSOURI 

AT    LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

John    C.    McKinley     Unionville     J.    R.    A.    Crossland    St.    Joseph 

Herbert    S.    Hadley    Kansas    City  W.   C.   Hueston    Kansas  City. 

John    Schmoll    St    Louis  George    L.    Vaughn     St.    Louis 

Thomas  K.   Niedringhaus    St.    Louis  Alexander   Chinn    Glasgow 

DISTRICTS 

1 — Berryman  Kenwood Hannibal  A.  W.  Selway  Williamstown 

W.  T.  Robinson La  Plata  C.  W.  Mullenix  Unionville 

2— E.  L.  Marshall Chillicothe  W.  R.  Sweeney  Salisbury 

Lenny  Baldridge  Milan  J.  S.  Walters  Stoutsville 

3 — E.    L.    Morse Excelsior    Springs  Fred    Williams    Grant    City 

E.  H.  Frisby    Bethany  B.    F.    Hardin     Albany 

4 — Ralph  O.  Stauber St.  Joseph  Earl    N.    Raines     Rockport 

D.  W.  Porter  Mound  City  C.  E.  Stevenson  Savannah 

5— Thos.  R.  Marks Kansas  City  B-  w-  Welch  Kansas  City 

C.C.Madison Kansas  City  Fred  w-  Dabney  Kansas  City 

6 — David  H.  Kirk  Harrisonville  O.  G.  Boisseau  Holden 

Chas.  A.  Hendricks  Stockton  Perce  Bolinger  Clinton 

7— Holmes  Hall  Sedalia  M.  T.  Easly  Fair  Play 

Wm.  S.  Wade  Springfield  T.  C.  Andrew  Sweet  Spring? 

8 — David  W.  Peters  ..Jefferson  City  Roy  T.  Davis  Columbia 

G.  W.  Duncan  Iberia  Alex  Verdot  Bonnets  Mill 

9— T.  W.  Hukriede  Warrenton  Daniel  C.  Mills  Wellsville 

John  C.  Brown  Wentzville  Fred  C.  Meier  Bland 

10 — A.  E.  L.  Gardner  Clayton  Joseph  White  St.  Louis 

Otto  F.  Stifel  St  Louis  J.  T.  Caston  St  Louis 

11 — A.  C.  Kunze  St.  Louis  R.  E.  Harris  St.  Louis 

F.  W.    Breckmann    St    Louis  J.    W.    Mulntyre    St.    Louis 

12 — L.   C.   Dyer    St.   Louis  Chas.    H.    Phillips,    Jr St.    Louis 

Wm.  J.  Zachritz  St.  Louis  Hutchins  I.  Inge  St.  Louis 

13 — Simon  G.  Nipper  Potosi  Garry  H.  Yount  Van  Buren 

George  Stanfill  Bonne  Terre  Henry  L.  Siebert  Ste.  Genevieve 

14 — Sam  Ulen  Dexter  Z.  P.  Cancer  Senath 

W.  P.  Sullivan  Billings  J.  W.  Reece  Forsyth 

15— J.  M.  McAnulty  Neosho  D>.  H.  Kemp  Monett 

Walace  Porter  Carthage  F.  D.  W.  Arnold  Lamar 

16 — L.  J.  Ellis  Mt.  Grove  Francis  M.  Jones  Winona 

Harry     Clymer     Steelville  George    L.    Cole    Richland 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  53 

MONTANA 

AT    LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

J.   M.    Burlingame    Great   Falls  O.    F.    Goddard    Billings 

Joseph  M.   Dixon    ...Missoula  Lee     Mantle     Butte 

Jacob   Albright    Virginia   City  A.    A.    Braten    Bozeman 

E.    S.    Booth    Baker  O.    M.    Harvey    Livingston 

E.    O.    Selway    Dillon  T.    C.    Power    Helena 

Eugene    Carroll    Butte  George     McCone     Glendive 

Louise     F.     Lusk     Missoula  J.    H.    Stevens    Kalispell 

W.   J.    Brennan    Kalispell  George   H.   Clynick    Bonner 

NEBRASKA 

AT    LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

E.    R.    Gurney    Fremont         Walter     L.     Andreson     Lincoln 

Howard    H.     Baldridge     Omaha         A.    B.    Wood     Gering 

N.     P.     Dodge     Omaha         J.    F.    White    Blair 

Frank   M.    Currie    Brewster         O.     O.     Synder     O'Neill 


1 — Ernest    M.     Pollard     Nehawka 

J.    Reid    Green     Lincoln 

2— W.    G.    Ure     Omaha         John    W.    Towle    Omaha 

Gould     Dietz      Omaha         Frank    H.    Woodland    Omaha 

3— O.    R.    Thompson    Wisner         Thomas    C.    Kirk    Neligh 

J.    H.    Kemp    Fullerton         C.     N.     McElfresh     Columbus 

4 — Peter     Jansen     Beatrice         J.   R.   Evans   David   City 

W.     I.     Farley     Aurora         William     Overstreet     York 

5 — A.    Barnett    McCook         Frank     A.     Dean     Holdreg« 

Charles    G.    Lane    Hastings         Daniel    Garber    Red    Cloud 

6 — William    C.     May     Gothenburg         James   J.    Bisgard    St    Paul 

Earl    D.    Mallery    Alliance         John    A.    Davies     Butte 

NEVADA 

AT    LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

H.     G.     Humphrey     Reno         W.  A.  Keddie   Fallon 

H.     H.     Brown     Tonopah         Mrs.    T.    F.    Moran    Reno 

George   B.   Williams    Fallon         W.    M.    Easton    Austin 

W.     N.     McGill     Ely         H.    U.    Castle    Elko 

Mel    Badt    Wells         J.    F.    Bradley    Goldfield 

Samuel  Platt    Carson   City          Peter     Buol     Las     Vegas 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE 

AT    LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

Dwight    Hall    Dover         Burt    S.    Dearborn     Laconia 

George    H.    Moses    Concord         Frank     W.     Maynard     Nashua 

Walter    M.    Parker    Manchester         Alfred     Stanley     Plymouth 

William    D.    Swart    Nashua         Reginald    C.    Stevenson    Exeter 


54 


OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF   THE 


NEW  HAMPSHIRE— Continued 


DISTRICTS 

Delegates 
1 — George   A.    Carpenter    . . .  .Wolfsboro 

Perry   H.    Dow    Manchester 

2 — Philip     H.     Faulkner     Keene 

Merrill    Shurleff     Lancaster 


Alternates 

William    J.     Cater     Portsmouth 

Edwin    H.    Thomas     Farmington 

John   G.    M.    Glessner    Bethlehem 

William    E.    Kinney  Claremont 


NEW    JERSEY 


Delegates 

David    Baird    Camden 

Newton  A.   K.   Bugbee    Trenton 

Hamilton     F.     Kean     Elizabeth 

Ira'  A.  Kip,  Jr South  Orange 


Alternates 

C.    Ledyard    Blair    Peapack 

Pierre    P.    Garven    Bayonne 

B'loomfield    H.     Minch     Bridgeton 

Myron  W.   Robinson    Hackensack 


1 — George  W.  F.   Gaunt   . .  Millica  Hill 

Lucius    E.    Hires Salem 

2— Winfield  F.    Cozart    ..Atlantic   City 

Harry   L.    Knight Medford 

3 — James  W.  Johnson  New   Brunswick 

Lewis  S.  Thompson Brookdale 

4 — Ogden    H.    Hammond    Barnardsville 

AKred   K.   Leuckel    Trenton 

5 — Ernest   R.    Ackerman    . . .  .Plainfield 

William    F.    Redman    Madison 

6 — Daniel     E.     Pomeroy     .  .  Engjewood 

John    I.     B.    Reiley     . .  Phillipsburg 
7 — William    Barbour    Fair    Haven 

William     I.     Lewis     Paterson 

8 — Henry    M.    Doremus    Newark 

Horace   Roberson    Bayonne 

9 — Manton    B.    Metcalf    Orange 

William    A.    Lord    Orange 

10 — Thomas    L.    Raymond     ....  Newark 

Frederick   E.    Kip    Montclair 

11 — Edward   C.    Brennan 

West    New    York 

John   M.   Rehm    Hoboken 

12 — John   A.    Blair    Jersey   City 

John    Headden    Jersey    City 


Francis    F.    Patterson,    Jr Camden 

Henry    J.    West    Gloucester    City 

Christopher    S.    Hand     Wildwood 

Charles    D.    White    Atlantic    City 

Edward    Crabbe    Toms    River 

H.    Ely    Havens    Lakewood 

Charles    Howell    Cook    Trenton 

James    S.     Studdiford     ....  Lambertville 

Robert     B.     Cornish     Gillette 

Arthur     N.     Pierson     Westfield 

Henry    C.     Hunt     Sussex 

Walter     P.     Jollie     Rutherford 

Henry    G.    Hershfield    . .  Pompton    Lakes 

George    N.     Seger     Passaic 

Frederick    Schultz    Jersey    City 

Robert    E.    Torrance     Kearney 

Howard    Marshall    East    Orange 

John    McNellen     Newark 

George    L.    Warren    Newark 

William     B.     Kinney     Newark 

William    E.    Hansen    Weehawken 

Walter  Kudlich    West   Hoboken 

Thomas    A.    Angell     Jersey    City 

Fred  Dieffenbach,  Jr Jersey  City 


NEW  MEXICO 

AT  LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

Thomas    B.    Catron    Santa   Fe         M.    A.     Ortiz     Santa    Fe 

Albert    B.     Fall     Three    Rivers         W.    A.    Sutherland    Las    Cruces 

B.   C.   Hernandez    Tierra  Amarilla         T.    J.    Molinaire     Portales 

J.    M.    Cunningham    ...East    Las   Vegas         Alfred    Grunsfeld Albuquerque 

Enfraocio     F.     Gallegos     Gallegos          Arch    Hurley     Tucumcari 

Eduardo    M.    Otero    Los    Lunas          S.    E.    Aldrich    Gallup 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION 


55 


NEW   YORK 


AT    LARGE 

Delegates 

Elon     R.     Brown     Watertown 

James  W.  Wadsworth,  Jr.  Mt.  Morris 
Frederick  C.  Tanner  . .  New  York  City 
Charles  S.  Whitman  . .  New  York  City 


Alternates 

Edward    H.    Butler    Buffalo 

Charles  W.  Anderson   ..New   York  City 

Jesse     S.     Phillips     Hornell 

Cornelius   N.   Bliss,  Jr.    New   York   City 


1 — George    Wilbur    Doughty    . .  Inwood 

William    F.     Flanagan     ..Riverhead 
2 — Joseph    H.    DeBragga    ...Evergreen 

Theron    H.    Burden 

Long    Island     City 
3 — Robert    R.    Lawson    Brooklyn 

John     MacCrate      Brooklyn 

4 — Adolph    Levy     Brooklyn 

William    A.     Prendergast    Brooklyn 
S — William    Berri     Brooklyn 

Alfred   E.   Vass    Brooklyn 

6 — William    M.    Calder    Brooklyn 

Frederick   J.    H.    Kracke    .Brooklyn 
7 — Jacob     Brenner     Brooklyn 

Michael    J.    Dady     Brooklyn 

8 — Marcus    B.    Campbell    ....  Brooklyn 

Charles     S.     Warbasse     . .  Brooklyn 
9 — Frank     Ehlers     Brooklyn 

Francis     H.     Luce     . . . .  Woodhaver 
10 — Clarence    B.    Smith    Brooklyn 

Baruch   Miller    Brooklyn 

11 — George    Cromwell 

Dongan    Hills,    S.    I. 

Chauncey    M.    Depew    ..New    York 

12— Samuel  S.   Koenig   New  York 

13— Frederick    L.    Marshall    .New    York 
14 — Otto   T.    Bannard    New   York 

Herbert   Parsons    New   York 

15— Job    E.     Hedges     New     York 

Henry    L.    Stimson     ....  New    York 
1 6 — Martin    Steinthal     New    York 

Beverly    R.    Robinson    ..New    York 
17— William    H.    Douglas    ..New    York 

William    Bondy    New    York 

18— Ogden   L.   Mills    New  York 

James    R.    Sheffield    New    York 

19— Charles   D.    Hilles    New   York 

Nicholas   Murray   Butler   New   York 

20 — Samuel    Krulewitch     New    York 

21— George   R.    Sheldon    New    York 

Valentine    J.    Hahn    New    York 

22 — William    H.    TenEyck    ..New    York 

John     J.     Knewitz     New     York 

23 — William    S.    Bennet    New    York 

Thomas    W.    Whittle     ..New    York 


DISTRICTS 

Jeremiah   Wood    Lynbrook 

Henry    A.    Murphy    Huntington 

Robert     H.     Wickert     Ridgewood 

Herbert    C.    Conklin     Corona 

George   P.   Wilhelm    Brooklyn 

William     Brust     Brooklyn 

Augustus   A.    Higgins    Brooklyn 

Isidor   Buxbaum    Brooklyn 

Edward    Viehmann,    Jr Brooklyn 

John    Diemer    Brooklyn 

Lewis    M.    Swasey    Brooklyn 

Samuel    R.    Green     Brookyln 

William     Boardman     Brooklyn 

R.    Hunter   McQuistion    Brooklyn 

John    Feitner     Brooklyn 

Edward     B.     Valentine     Brooklyn 

Harrison    C.    Glore    Brooklyn 

Charles    J.     Weber     Brooklyn 

Percy    Osborn     Brooklyn 

Ellias    Wollman     Brooklyn 

Walter    W.    Price    Emerson    Hflls  S.    I. 

Ely     Rosenberg     New  York 

William     Blau     New  York 

Michael    Ball    New  York 

Clarence    H.    Fay     New  York 

Harrq    Kopp    New  York 

Benjamin   F.    Fox    New  York 

John    S.    Shea     New  York 

Michael  H.   Blake    New  York 

Clarence    Schmeizel    New  York 

Gilchrist    Stewart     New  York 

Joseph   E.    Nejedly    New  York 

Ambrose    O.    Neal    New  York 

William  F.   Quinn    New  York 

J.    Robert    Rubin    New  York 

John    J.    Lyons    New  York 

Isaac    Siegel     New  York 

Charles   H.    Wheelock    New  York 

John    M.    Givens    New  York 

Emanuel     Hertz     New  York 

Alfred    B.    Simonds     New  York 

John    W.    Kirby    New  York 

Ernest   W.    Bradbury    New  York 


56 


OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF   THE 


NEW    YORK— Continued 

DISTRICTS 


Delegates 
24 — William    B.   Thompson    ....  Yonkers 

Daniel  W.  Whitmore    . .  Mt.  Vernon 
25— William    L.    Ward    ..Port    Chester 

Henry    R.    Barrett    ..White    Plains 
26 — John  B.  Rose,  Roseton  (Newburgh) 

Willet    E.    Hoysradt    .  Poughkeepsie 
27 — Philip    Elting     Kingston 

Louis    F.    Payn     Chatham 

28 — Henry    M.     Sage     Menands 

Ellis   J.    Staley    Albany 

29 — Louis    W.    Emerson    .  .Warrensburg 

Harry    A.    Lewis     Petersburg 

30 — Cyrus    Durey    Green    Lake 

Samuel    Wallin    Amsterdam 

31 — Bertrand  H.  Snell   Potsdam 

Walter  C.  Witherbee   .  .  Port  Henry 
32 — Thaddeus    C.    Sweet    Phoenix 

James    Moore     Oneida 

33— Homer   P.    Snyder    ....Little    Falls 

Thomas    R.    Proctor    Utica 

34 — George    W.    Fairchild    Oneonta 

Harvey    D.    Hinman    . .  Binhampton 
35 — Francis     Hendricks     Syracuse 

Willard  A.   Rill    Syracuse 

36 — Norman   J.    Gould    ....  Seneca   Falls 

Clyde    W.    Knapp    Lyons 

37 — Jacob    Sloat    Fassett     .  .  Strathmont 

William    J.    Tully     Corning 

38 — George   W.   Aldridge    ....  Rochester 

James    L.    Hotchkiss    Rochester 

39 — William     Watson      Warsaw 

J.    Coann    Curtis     Albion 

40 — John   A.    Merritt    Lockport 

John    Lord    O'Brian     Buffalo 

41 — George    P.    Urban 

Pine    Ridge    (Buffalo 

Harry  J.   Knepper    Buffalo 

42 — Edward    W.    Hodson    Buffalo 

August     Ebke     Buffalo 

43 — Edward    B.    Vreeland     ..Salamanca 

Charles    M.    Hamilton    Ripley 


Alternates 

Bertrand    G.    Burtnett    Eastchester 

Hugh     Herndon     Pelham 

Leverett    F.    Crumb Peekskill 

James     Kilby      Nyack 

Russell     Wiggins     Middletown 

E.    Darwin    Morse    Amenia 

Harry    C.    Wright     Schoharie 

Lincoln     S.     Hart     Catskill 

Alba  M.   Ide   Troy 

W.    Leland    Thompson    Troy 

Clarence     L.     Grippen     Corinth 

Eugene   R.    Norton    Granville 

Horace   S.    Van   Voast    ....  Schenectady 

William    Harris     Northville 

Alexander  Macdonald    ..St.   Regis   Falls 

Isaac    H.    Cahoon    Ausable    Forks 

Edwin    J.    Tallman    La    FargeviHe 

Henry    L.    Grant    Copenhagen 

Charles    W.    Wicks     Sauquoit 

Robert    H.    Lamb     Hinckley 

Andrew    J.    McNaught,    Jr.     . .  Stamford 

James    P.    Hill    Norwich 

Bryant   C.    Winchell    Cortland 

Fred  M.    Briggs    Homer 

Edward    J.     Cook     Geneva 

Hubert    C.    Gutchess    Port    Byron 

Edwin    S.    Hanf ord     Waverly 

Harley    H.    Graham    Beaver   Dam 

Pharcellus     V.     Crittenden     ..Rochester 

Andrew    H.    Bown    Penfield 

William    E.    Dana     Avon 

Edward    A.    Washburn    Batavia 

James    P.    Mackenzie    North   Tonawanda 
William    G.    Humphrey    Buffalo 

Philip    Leininger    Buffalo 

George    L.    Fisher    Buffalo 

Walter    M.    Peek    East    Aurora 

Henry     Shafer     North     Collins 

Frank    Sullivan    Smith    Angelica 

George     E.     Spring     Franklinvile 


NORTH  CAROLINA 


AT    LARGE 

Delegates 

Thos.    Settle     Asheville 

James    J.     Britt     Asheville 

J.    S.    Lewis    Asheboro 

W.    S.    O'B.    Robinson..        ...Goldsboro 


Alternates 

Clarence    Call     North    Wilkesboro 

L.    L.    Wrenn    Siler    City 

H.    S.    Williams    Concord 

John     E.     Cameron     Kinston 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION  57 

SOUTH  CAROLINA— Continued 


Delegates  Alternates 

1 — Isaac   M.    Meekins    ..Elizabeth   City         A.    S.    Mitchell     Winton 

2— Daniel    W.    Patrick    ....Snow    Hill         J.     E.     Wood     Kelford 

3 — Marion     Butler     Elliott         Claud    R.    Wheatley    Beaufort 

J.    J.     Brinson     Bairds    Creek         John     R.     Handky     Goldsboro 

4— J.    D.     Parker    Smithfield         W.    W.    Green    Kittrell 

R.    W.    Ward    Raleigh         J.     W.     Harden     Raleigh 

S — Wm.    P.    Bynum     Greensboro         Wm.     E.     White     Mebane 

J.    R.    Joyce    Reidsville         Heenan    Hughes    Graham 

6 — Irvin     B.     Tucker     Whiteville         D.    C.    Downing    Fayetteville 

7 — Chas.    H.    Cowles    Wilkesboro         Wiley    F.    Talley    Randleman 

Herbert   F.    Seawell    Carthage         Wm.    A.    McDonald    Rockingham 

8 — Frank    A.     Linney     Boone         Hugh    M.    Welborn     Transon 

James     D.     Dorsett     Spencer         Jesse    L.     Sherrill     Statesville 

9 — C.    A.    Jonas    Lincolnton         J.     Yates     Killian     Newton 

J.   Will  Roberts    Marshall         W.    L.    A.    Dameron     Shelby 

10 — Thos.    J.    Harkins    Asheville         C.     D.     Greer     Rutherfordton 

Chas.    J.    Harris     Dillsboro         A.    G.   Deweesc    Murphy 


NORTH  DAKOTA 

AT  LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

James    Buchanan    Buchanan         Adam     A.     Lefor*     Lefor 

H.   P.   Halverson    Sheyenne         John   McLean    Devil's   Lake 

Robert    M.    Pollock     Fargo         A.     M.     Baker     Fargo 

M.    P.    Johnson    Tolley         J.     M.     Anderson     Fargo 

O.    B.    Burtness    Grand    Forks         P.   G.   Swenson    La  Moure 

John     E.     Paulson     Hillsboro         H.    T.    Helgeson    Milton 

E.  A.   Bowman    La  Moure         E.   A.    Hughes    Bismarck 

C.   C.   Turner    Gladstone         N.    B.    Black    Grand    Forks 

C.    B.    Little    Bismarck         Henry   Hoden    La   Moure 

James    McCormick    Churchs    Ferry         Alfred  Steele   Jamestown 


OHIO 

AT    LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

Warren    G.    Harding    Marion  R.    B.    Brown     Zanesville 

Wm.    Cooper   Proctor    Cincinnati  Chas.    A.    Cottrill     Toledo 

John     J.     Sullivan     Cleveland  Lawrence    K.    Langdon     Lebanon 

Frank    B.    Willis    Columbus  Francis   W.   Treadway    Cleveland 


1 — Julius  Fleischman  Cincinnati  Frank  H.  Kunkle  Cincinnati 

John  Galvtn  Cincinnati  Leonard  S.  Smith  Cincinnati 

2 — John  J.  Burchenal Cincinnati  Louis  Schwab  Cincinnati 

Stanley  Struble  Cincinnati  Edwin  E.  Winter  Cincinnati 

.3 — E.  G.  Burkham  Dayton  Milton  J.  Beeghly  Hamilton 

Oscar  M.  Gottschall  Dayton  Burt  B.  Buckley  Dayton 


58 


OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF   THE 


OHIO — Continued 


DISTRICTS 


Delegates 
4 — Charles    S.    Herbst    Wapakoneta 

William  W.   Wood,   3d    Piqua 

5 — William    W.    Campbell     ..Napoleon 

Olin    W.    Gleason    Bryan 

6 — George    L.   Davis    Portsmouth 

Frank   J.    McCafferty    .  .Fayetteville 
7— C.     Q.     Hildebrant     Wilmington 

Core     S.     Ireland      Urbana 

8— Ralph    D.     Cole     Findlay 

Frank    Shaw     Cardington 

9 — Noah    H.     Swayne     Toledo 

John     N.     Willys     Toledo 

10 — A.     R.    Johnson     Ironton 

L.     G.     Worstell     Athens 

11 — David   Mead   Massie    . . . .  Chillicothe 

Chas.    B.    Whiley    Lancaster 

12 — Edward   L.   Taylor    Columbus 

Arthur     I.     Vorys     Columbus 

13 — John    A.    Feick     Sandusky 

John   B.  Stahl   Fremont 

14 — Geo.     L.     Glitsch     Lorain 

C.    L.    Knight     Akron 

15 — Harvey    E.    Smith    Marietta 

H.    Clay    Van    Voorhis    ..Zanesville 
16 — P.   S.    Cooper    Canal   Dover 

Henry   W.    Harter    Canton 

17 — C.    B.    McCoy    Coshocton 

Wm.   M.   Hahn   Mansfield 

18 — Russell    C.    Heddleston 

East     Liverpool 

Joseph    C.    Heinlein    ....  Bridgeport 
19 — Joseph    G.    Butler,    Jr    Youngstown.. 

Hiram    E.    Starkey     Jefferson 

20 — Paul    Rowland    Cleveland 

A.    N.    Rodway    Cleveland 

21 — Harry  L.   Davis    Cleveland 

Maurice    Maschke    Cleveland 

22— W.   R.    Hopkins    Cleveland 

H.    H.   Johnson    Cleveland 


Alternates 


E.     D.     Coppock     Greenville 

B.  H.    Gilberg    Celina 

W.     H.     Phipps     Paulding 

Fred    W.    Wolf    Wauseon 

W.     G.     Predmore     Marathon 

J.    O.    McManis    West    Union 

Charles   T       Gallagher    Mt.   Sterling 

I.     N.     Zearing     Bellefontaine 

Jacob     Babst     Crestline 

A.    L.    Brown    Morral 

G.     J.     Stinchcomb     Elmore 

Holland     C.     Webster     Toledo 

Charles    H.    Jones     Wellston 

David     H.     Moore      McArthiw 

La    Bert    Davie     New    Lexington 

John    F.    White    Logan 

H.     B.     Alexander     Columbus 

David    R.    Williams    Columbus 

Earl    Ash    Fostoria 

Joel    S.     Brigham    Sandueky 

Robert    Hoffman     Garretsville 

W.     S.     Kent     Kent 

C.  R.    Gibson    Caldwell 

J.    Q.    Lyne    McConnellsville 

William     R.     Curry     Wooster 

C.     V.     Edwards     Millesburg 

Benson    W.    Hough    Delaware 

Geo.    Hildebrand     Ashland 

O.    C.     Gray     Cadiz 

C.    A.    Tope    Carrollton 

Granville  W.   Mooney    Austinburg 

David    R.    Gflbert    Warren 

Chris    W.    Harrold    Cleveland 

Otto    A.    Schenle    Cleveland 

M.    P.    Kinola    Cleveland 

R.    S.    Taylor    Cleveland 

Vincent    Campanella     Cleveland 

Harry    E.    Hammar    Painsville 


OKLAHOMA 

AT    LARGE 

Delegates 

John    Fields     Oklahoma    City 

Arthur   H.    Geissler    Oklahoma   City 

Bird     S.     McGuire     Tulsa 

T.    B.    Ferguson     Watonga 


R. 


Alternates 

W.     Kellough     Tu!sa 

Bruce    L.    Keenan    Tahlequah 

William    A.    Stewart    Okmulgee 

Vernon     Whiting     Pawhuska 


DISTRICTS 
1 — Eugene    Lorton    Tulsa         Wm 


Grant    Victor    Afton 

2 — L.     G.     Disney     Muskogee 

Ed.     M.     Fry     Sallisaw 


Higgina     Batlesville 

Fred    W.    Farrar    Pawhuska 

G.     O.     Grant     Stilwell 

Walter    S.    Wilson    Henryetta 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION 


59 


OKLAHOMA— Continued 


DISTRI 

Delegates 
3 — R.     H.     Matthews     McAlester 

Clark    Wasson     Antlers 

4 — George    E.    McKinnis 

M.     W.     Lynch     Stroud 

5 — John    R.    Hadley    Gushing 

Charles    G.    Moore    Purcell 

6— Wrri.    A.    Maurer    El   Reno 

Myron    E.    Humphrey     ...Chickasha 
7— W.     M.     Copeland     Cordell 

T.     W.     Sumpter     Shattuck 

8 — Percy    C.    Simons    Enid 

Charles    Swindall     Woodword 


Alternates 


Chas.     von    Weisr     Ardmore 

Robert     O.     Sumter     Atoka 

Tom    Rails     Coalgate 

Mr.    Harrison     Sapulpa 

A.     McDaniel     Norman 

C.     E.     Goodwin      Stratford 

Ed     Bourne     Duncan 

S.     W.    Hogan     Kingfisher 

Zack    T.    Pryse    Mangum 

W.    C.    Roe     Frederick 

Sam    P.    Riding    Medford 

Chas.    W.    Swearingen    Morrison 


OREGON 

AT    LARGE 

Delegates 

Charles   W.   Fulton    Portland         Chas. 

Charles   H.    Carey    Portland         E.    J. 


Alternates 

W.    Ackerson     Portland 

Brazell    .  . .  Portland 


George    J.         Cameron     Portland 


R.    L.    Steeves    Salem 


Dan    J.     Boyd     Enterprise         Andrew   C.    Smith    Portland 


1— C.  P.  Bishop  Salem 

Albert  Abraham  Roseburg 

2 — J.  M.  Burgess  Pendleton 

W.  H.  Brooke  Ontario 

3— Ralph  W.  Hoyt  Portland 

Clarence  R.  Hotchkiss  Portland 


Arthur   C.    Spencer    Portland 

A.   E.    Clark    Portland 

Paul    H.    Bucholz    Stanfield 

D.     L.     Povey     Portland 

Henry    W.     Coe     < Portland 


PENNSYLVANIA 


Delegates 

William     S.     Aaron     A^toona 

Joseph  G.   Arms'trong   Pitsburgh 

Edward   V.    Babcock    Pitsburgh 

W.   Harry   Baker   Harrisburg 

Martin   G.    Brumbaugh    . . .  .Germantown 

James    Elverson,    Jr Philadelphia 

David    L.    Gillespie    Pittsburgh 

Alba     B.         Johnson     Rosemont 

Guy    W.     Moore     Kingston 

George   T.   Oliver    Pittsburgh 

Boies    Penrose    Philadelphia 

John     Wanamaker     Philadelphia 


Alternates 

Max     S.     Apt     Philadelphia 

Frederick   W.    Brown    Franklin 

John     W.     Ford     Philadelphia 

Thomas   H.    Garvin    Sharon    Hill 

Henry   P.    Haas Pittsburgh 

Harry     Keller     BeEefonte 

Frank    L.    Lanahan     Pittsburgh 

Charles  'Matthews    New   Castle 

Gabriel    H.    Moyer     Lebanon 

Reese   A.    Phillips    Scranton 

William    Price     Pittsburgh 

George    H.    White    Philadelphia 


DISTRICTS 


1 — William  McCoach  Philadelphia 

William  S.  Vare  Philadelphia 

2 — Charles  L.  Brown  ....  Philadelphia 
James  P.  McNichol  . .  Philadelphia 


Frank     J.     Ryan     Philadelphia 

Amos    Scott     Philadelphia 

Georgje    S.     Graham     Philadelphia 

Charlemagne    Tower    Philadelphia 


60 


OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF   THE 


PENNSYLVANIA— Continued 


DISTRICTS 


Delegates 

3 — John    H.    Bromley    Philadelphia 

John    P.    Connelly    Philadelphia 

4 — William    Abrahams     —  Philadelphia 
William    Freihofer    ....Philadelphia 
S— William    R.    Knight,    Jr. 

Philadelphia 

John  J.    McKinky,   Jr.    Philadelphia 
6 — Harry   D.        Beaston    ..Philadelphia 

William     Potter     Philadelphia 

7 — Horace  A.   Beale,  Jr.    . .  Parkesburg 

William    C.    Sproul    Chester 

8 — J.         Aubrey    Anderson     Bridgeport 
Clarence   J.    Buckman    . .  Langhorne 

9 — William    W.     Griest     Lancaster 

H.    Edgar    Shertz     Millersville 

10 — Edmund    B.    Jermyn    Scranton 

Louis    A.    Watres    Scranton 

11— John    R.    Halsey     Wilkes-Barre 

Charles    N.         Loveland 

Wilkes-Barre 

12 — William    R.    Adamson    St.    Nicholas 

Charles  E.   Berger  Schuylkill  Haven 

13 — Robert    Grey    Bushong    ....Reading 

Edward    M.    Young    ...  .Allen town 

14 — Merton    J.        Emery    Ariel 

Edwin    P.    Young    Towanda 

IS — Calvin    R.    Armstrong    Lock    Haven 

Emerson    Collins    Williamsport 

16 — C.    A.    Barren    Shamokin 

M.    Jackson    Crispin    Berwick 

17 — Charles    T.    Aikens    . . . .  Selinsgrove 
John    G.    Benedict    . . . .  Waynesboro 

18 — B.     Dawson    Coleman     Lebanon 

A.     Carson    Stamm     ....  Harrisburg 

19 — John    P.    Stouch    Altoona 

T.    W.   Tobias    Altoona 

20 — John    E.    Barker    York 

D.     Guy    Hollinger     Hanover 

21 — Augustus  H.   Gaffney    Kane 

William    I.   Swoope    Clearfield 

22 — James    S.    Beacom     Greensburg 

T.     W.     Phillips,    Jr Butler 

23 — William    E.    Crow     . . .  .Uniontown 

Isaiah    Good     Somerset 

24 — Joseph  A.   Herron 

Monongahela   City 
J.   Rankin  Martin    ....  Beaver  Falls 

25 — John    J.    Carter    Titusville 

Frank    Connell     Erie 

26 — Robert    A.        Stotz    Easton 

Thomas   M.    Whildin    ....  Landsford 

27 — John    S.    Fisher     Indiana 

Harry    R.    Wilson     Clarion 


Alternates 

Elias  Abrams   Philadelphia 

James    A.    Carey    Philadelphia 

William    J.    Benham    Philadelphia 

Frederick    J.    Geiger    Philadelphia 

John    H.    Lock    Philadelphia 

William     W.     Smith     Philadelphia 

E.   J.       Lafferty    Philadelphia 

C.     Elwood     Stringfield     . . .  Philadelphia 

John    Kent   Kane    Radnor 

Washington    I.     Smith     Berwyn 

Henry   W.   Hallowell    Bethayres 

Hiram    H.    Keller    Doylestown 

Charles    F.    Hager    Lancaster 

Walter    F.    Mylin    Intercourse 

Albert    Davis    Scranton 

Virgil   H.   Crisman Scranton 

E.    Foster    Heller    Wilkes-Barre 

Luther    M.    Kniffen    Wakes- Barre 

Hiester    S.    Albright     Orwigsburg 

Charles   D.    Straughn    Shenandoah 

Wilson    Rex     Slatedale 

Harry    P.    Shomo    Hamburg 

John    C.    Harrington    Montrose 

Samuel    J.    Price     Meshoppen 

Edwin    H.    Ashcraft     Coudersport 

Charles     W.     Sheldon     Tioga 

Alexander    Foster     Danville 

William    R.    Rohrbach    Sunbury 

Charles    L.    Darlington    New    Bloomfield 
John    T.    Wfflson    Belleville 

A.  R.    Allen     Carlisle 

William    J.    Noll     Cornwall 

Arthur    B.    Cole    Altoona 

Alvin    W.     Evans     Ebensburg 

T.   M.   Brown   Glen   Rock 

Robert    C.    Miller    Gettyburg 

Harry    B.    Muthersbaugh    Driftwood 

Harry    B.     Scott     Philipsburg 

J.    Charles   Mettler    Evans    City 

William   J.    Carnahan    Vandergrift 

Thomas     B.     Donnelly     . . .  .Cornellsville 
Robert    S.    Scull     Somerset 

C.    L.   V.   Acheson    Washington 

R.  T.  Brown  Ellwood  City 

John    I.    Baker    Erie 

C.    B.    Kibler     Corry 

Charles    L.    Fellows    East    . .  Stroudsburg 

Alfred    Marvin     Matamoras 

S.    J.    McMains    Leechburg 

B.  E.    Taylor     Brockwayville 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL    CONVENTION  61 

PENNSYLVANIA— Continued 

DISTRICTS 

Delegates  Alternates 

28 — Harry   K.    Daugherty Grove    City         E.    D.    Powell    West    Middlesex 

Charles     Miller     Franklin         William    M.    Thomas     Ridgway 

29— Walter  Lyon Pittsburgh        Edward   E.   Armstrong    Natrona 

Richard    B.    Scandrett Pittsburgh        George    L.    Walter    Sharpsburg 

30— Robert  J.    Black    McKeesport         David    F.    Collingwood    Braddock 

George    H.    Flinn Pittsburgh         A.    L.        Trevaskis    Turtle    Creek 

31— William   A.   Magee Pittsburgh  John   B.   Barbour    Pittsburgh 

Alexander   P.   Moore Pittsburgh  William   N.   Gordon    Pittsburgh 

32-  -John     A.     Bell     Carnegie         F.    C.     Beinhauer     Pittsburgh 

Miles    Bryan    McKees    Rocks         Frank    H.    Kennedy    Oakdale 

RHODE  ISLAND 

AT    LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

Henry     F.     Lippitt     Providence  Michael   J.    Lynch    Providence 

R.        Livingston    Beeckman    Providence  Frank     L.     Hinckley     Providence 

Harry    Parsons    Cross    Providence  Guy     Norman     Newport 

Herbert    W.    Rice    Providence  Frank     H.     Hammill     Providence 


1 — George  R.  Lawton  Tiverton  Henry  Lippitt  Providence 

Jesse  P.  Eddy  Providence  Ezra  Dixon  Bristol 

2 — Richard  S.  Aldrich Providence  Albert  Hi.  Langworthy  ..Westerly 

Frank  P.  Comstock  ....Providence  Nathan  M.  Wright,  Jr Providence 

3 — Edward  H.  Rathbun  ..Woonsocket  John  B.  Lewis  Providence 

Albert  A.  Jenks  Pawtucket  J.  Milton  Payne  Pawtucket 

SOUTH  CAROLINA 

AT    LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

Joseph    W.    Tolbert    Greenwood  W.     M.     Porter     Spartanburg 

J.    H.    Goodwin     Columbus  Thos.    L.    Grant    Charleston 

J.   Duncan  Adams    Charleston  Thos.     A.     Williams     Newberry 

J.    H.    Fordham     Orangeburg  W.     C.     Rush     Florence 


1— Gibbs    Mitchell     Charleston          S.     M.     Walker     Summerton 

2 — W.    S.    Dixson    Barnwell         J.     I.     Washington     Beaufort 

3 — Ernest    F.    Cochran     Anderson          L.     C.     Waller     Greenwood 

4 — Jas.   A.   Briar    Greenville         Ben    Madden     Laurens 

5 — John    F.    Jones     Blacksburg         J.    E.    Dixson    Society    HiH 

6 — J.   R.    Levy    Florence         J.    A.    Baxter     Georgetown 

7 — L.    A.    Hawkins    Columbia         W.    A.    Smith Irmo 

SOUTH  DAKOTA 

AT  LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

Thomas     Sterling     Redfield         W.    H.    Tackett     Gregory 

Frank    M.    Byrne     Pierre         H.    C.    Shober    Huron 

Charles    N.     Herreid     Aberdeen         J.     J.     Bentz     Mound    City 

A.    O.    Ringsrud    Elk   Point         C.    J.    Morris    Siouz    Falls 


62  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF  THE 

SOUTH  DAKOTA— Continued 

DISTRICTS 

Delegates  Alternates 

1 — Hans  Demuth    Sioux  Falls         Allen    R.    Fellows     Sioux    Falls 

William    Hosea     Spencer         John    H.    Bolin     Spencer 

2 — S.    H.    Elrod    Clark         M.     R.     Baskerville     Watertown 

Charles    A.     Howard     Aberdeen         S.    X.    Way     Watertown 

3 — James    G.    Stansley    Lead         Seth    Bullock     Deadwood 

S    E.  Wilson   Hot  Springs         Allyn    Boyden    Hamill 

TENNESSEE 

AT  LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

•R.   W.  Austin   Knoxville 

*H.    Clay    Evans     Chattanooga 

*J.    S.    Beasley    Nashville 

'Newell     Sanders      Chattanooga 

'Frank     Elgin      Memphis 

•J.   C.    R.    McCall    Nashville 

•Robert    R.    Church,    Jr Memphis 

•Dan    Schwab    Tazewell 

DISTRICTS 

1 — B.  W.  Hooper Newport        N.    T.    Tucker    Erwin 

S.  R.  Sells Johnson  City  George  L.  Zirkle  Sevierville 

2; — Thomas  N.  Brown Maryville  Coniey  Collins  Morriatown 

M  .H.  Hollingsworth Jacksboro  Paris  Walker  Sharps  Chapel 

3 — Jesse  M.  Littleton Chattanooga  Emil  Wassman  Chattanooga 

Foster  V.  Brown Chattanooga  Meigs  Copeland  Ben  ton 

4 — W.  A.  Smith  Lafayette  Byrd  P.  Allison Monterey 

I.  J.  Human  Wartburg  Julian  H.  Campbell  Lebanon 

5 — Frank  Comer  Woodbury  Herbert  Brown  Lewisburg 

6— W.  W.  Taylor  Nashville  W.  D.  Howser  Clarksville 

A.  N.  Johnson  Nashville  Jerre  Baker  Nashville 

7 — R.  S.  Hopkins  Columbia  E.  H.  Turman  Waynesboro 

Joe  P.  Kidd  Ethridge  Harry  Davis  Dickson 

8— D.  M.  Noble Paris  Daniel  Allen  Camden 

E.  W.  Essary Lexington  W.  H.  Lancaster  Lexington 

9 — Duke  C.  Bowers Dresden  Charles  A.  Eskridge  Dresden 

10 — S.  B.  Anderson  Memphis  John  W.  Farley  Memphis 

•  One-half  vote  each. 

TEXAS 

AT  LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

H.     F.     MacGregor     Houston         John    Hall    Lampassas 

Phil    E.    baer    Paris         J.    W.    Cocke    Waco 

Eugene    Marshall    Dallas         R.    H.    Dunn     Port    Arthur 

C.     W.     Johnson     Graham         John    W.    Philp    Dallas 

R.    A.    Harvin     Angleton         John    E.    Elgin    San    Antonio 

W.   M.   McDonald   Fort  Worth         W.     E.    King     Dallas 

C.    L.    McDowell    Del    Rio         N.    L.    Mills    Houston 

R.   S.   Legate    Denison         David    Abner,     Jr Conroe 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL    CONVENTION 


63 


TEXAS— Continued 


Dtlegatu 

1— *W.    P.    Harris    ...Sulphur    Springs 

*Tom     Daly     Texarkana 

2 — 'Howard    M.    Smith    ..Port    Arthur 
•George     W.     Eason.  .  Nacogdoches 

3 — *J.    W.     Butler    Tyler 

•Webster    Flanagan     Henderson 

4 — 'Thomas    I.    Roach    Celeste 

*G.    J.     Barlow     McKinney 

5 — 'George  F.   Rockhold   Dallas 

•W.    W.    Alexander    Ennis 

6— *G.    B.    Renfrew    Rocklale 

*  J.    Wed    Davis    Teague 

7— *W.     H,     Clifford     Palestine 

*R.     W.     Humphrey     Liberty 

8— »Roy    B         Nichols     Houston 

•William    Watson    Centerville 

9— *C.    M.    Hughes    Wharton 

*J.     F.     McCann     Victoria 

10— «E.     P.     Wilmot     Austin 

"Paul     Fricke     Brenham 

H— Thomas    J.     Darling     Temple 

12— •C.     A.     Dickson     Cleburne 

•J.    I.    Carter    Arlington 

13— 'E.     E.     Diggs      Childress 

*J.    L.    Hickson    Gainesville 

14— Frederick    Terrell    San    Antonio 

William      Biersch  wale .  Fredericksberg 

15— C.   K.   McDowell    Del   Rio 

R.     B.     Creager     Brownsville 

16— *L.    S.    McDowell    Big    Springs 

*J-    L.    Marr     El    Paso 

•One-half  vote   each. 


Alternates 

G.     T.     Bartlett     Linden 

M.   A.    Rickard    Mt.    Pleasant 

Russell   H.    Dunn    Port   Arthut 

A.     E.     Sweatland     Nacogdoches 

G.    A.    Tohill    Big    Sandy 

V.     A.      Moore      Kemp 

M.    O.    Sharp    Denison 

C.     A.     Duck     Greenville 

W.     A.     Pierce     Itasca 

Fred    W.    Nelson    Clifton 

J.    W.    A.    Clark     Corsicana 

J.     Allen     Myers     Bryan 

George   M.   Pridgen    Grapeland 

W.    H.    Bradley    Trinity 

W.     H.     Pollard     Houston 

William    Wenneweser    New    Ulm 

Frederick    Terrell    San    Antonio 

Martin    O'Conner     Victoria 

William     White     Austin 

William    Anderson     Bastrop 

John     L.     Vaughn     Mart 

Walter   M.    Hudson    Weatherford 

George     H.     Wray Dublin 

W.    C.    Kenyon    Amarillo 

J.    L.    Van    Natta    Amarillo 

M.     D.     Townley     Lampasses 

Julius    M.    Oppenheimer    ..San    Antonio 

Eugene    Nolte     Segun 

Charles     H.     Moore     Brownsville 

R.    C.    Sanderson    Big    Springs 

M.    F.    Burns    Midland 


UTAH 


Delegates 
Reed    Smoot Provo 

George    Sutherland    Salt    Lake    City 

William   Spry Salt   Lake   City 

A.    R.    Haywood    Ogden 


AT    LARGE 

Alternates 

Mrs.    Clarissa    S.    Williams 

Salt   Lake   City 
Mrs.  H.  L.  Cummings   ..Salt  Lake  City 

Henry    Welsh    Salt    Lake    City 

James    A.    Anderson    Morgan 


1 — Joseph  Howell  Logan 

W.  S.  Candland  Mt.  Pleasant 

2— Fred  W.  Price  ....Salt  Lake  City 
Harry  S.  Joseph  Salt  Lake  City 


William    Jenson     Bingham     City 

Niels     Poulson     Richfield 

James     E.     Ellison     Tooele 

Peter    M.     Clegg     Layton 


64  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

VERMONT 

AT    LARGE. 

Delegates  Alternates 

Theodore    N.    Vail    Lyndonville  Alex     Dunnett     Stt    Johnsbury 

E.    R.    Morse     Proctor  Millard   F.    Barnes Chimney   Point 

George    H.    Prouty     Newport  Henry    T.        Brown     Ludlow 

Collin    M.    Graves    Benington  Miles    S.     Sawyer     Rutland 

Guy    W.    Bailey    Essex   Junction  .       E.    A.    Davis     Bethal 

Fred    H.    Babbitt    Bellows    Falls  Harry     B.     Shaw     Burlington 

John  T.   Cushing    St.   Albans  Frank   C.    Archibald    Manchester 

George    Eugene    Moody    Wterebury  Smith    B.    Watte    Hyde    Park 

VIRGINIA 

AT    LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

C.     B.     Slemp     Big    Stone    Gap         W.    S.    Poage    Wytheville 

Alvah    H.    Martin    Norfolk  John  B.   Kimberly    ....Fortress  Monroe 

Jos.    L.    Crupper    Falls    Church         A.    E.    Parsons     Independence 

R.     A.     Fulwiler     Staunton          Wm.     N.     Doak     Roanoke 


1 — Clarence  G.  Smithers . .  Cape  Charles  Wm.  T.  Hopkins  Newport  News 

2— D.  Lawrence  Groner  Norfolk  E.  M.  C.  Quimby  Suffolk 

3 — Jos  P.  Brady  Richmond  W.  R.  Vawter  (deceased)  ..Richmond 

4 — W.  T.  Tillar  Emporia  R.  W.  Garnett  Farmville 

5 — *J.  M.  Parsons Independence  Joseph  W.  Staples  Stuart 

•G.  M.  Tucker  Danville  Jack  Garst  Boone  Mill 

6 — *B.  S.  Pedigo  Floyd  G.  C.  Ainslie  Bedford 

*C.  W.  Surface  Christiansburg  R.  I.  Roop  Christiansburg 

7 — John  Paul  Harrisonburg  Burder  B.  Bowman  Edinburg 

8 — John  B.  Grayson  Warrenton  R.  R.  Farr  Fairfax 

9 — J.  C.  Noel  Pennington  Gap  R.  F.  Hill  Pulaski 

Robert  A.  Anderson  Marion  P.  A.  Richmond  Gate  City 

10 — J.  B.  Buhrman  Gala  C.  M.  Crawford  Lexington 

•One-half  vote  each. 

WASHINGTON 

AT  LARGE 

Delegates  Alternates 

Charles     P.     Lund     Spokane         Mrs.    Wm.    A.     Burleigh     Seattle 

E.    A.    Sims    Port    Townsend         A.    L.    Bradley Danville 

Millard    T.    Hartson     Tacoma         Wm.    H.    O verlock    Kent 

Scott    C.    Bone    Seattle         Samuel  Hill    Marysville 


1— E.    C.    Hughes    Seattle  Robert     B.     Hesketh     Seattle 

C.  D.  Bowles Seattle  Miller  Freeman  Seattle 

2 — Howard  D.  Taylor  . .  Eagle  Gorge  Patrick  Halloran Edison 

T.  B.  Summer  Everett  James  M.  Hogan  Everett 

3 — Alex  Poison  Hoquiam  C.  Kerlee  Ilwaco 

N,  B.  Coffman  Chehalis  Lee  F.  Jones  Kelso 

4— John  D.  Ankeny  Walla  Walla  A.  L.  Curtis  Goldendale 

A.  D.  Sloan North  Yakima  J.  C.  Hubbell  Ellensburg 

S— A.  L.  Rogers  Waterville  H.  W.  Stull  Colville 

Alex    Alexander     Wilbur  E.     I.    Jones     Newport 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL    CONVENTION 


65 


WEST  VIRGINIA 


AT    LARGE 

Delegates 

Davis    Elkins    Morgantown 

Henry     D.     Hatfield     Eckman 

Isaac     T.     Mann     Bramwell 

Herschel  C.   Ogden    Wheeling 


Alternates 

John     Cummings     Wheeling 

Lucius     Hoe,    Jr Clarksburg 

M.    T.    Whittico    Keystone 

Charles    E.    Mitchell    .  ..Institute 


1 — Robert    T.     Cunningham     ..Fairmont 

Thomas  J.  Sherrard  Wellsburg 

2— W.  E.  Haskitt  Piedmont 

A.  R.  Stallings  Parsons 

3 — J.  G.  Bradley  Dundon 

H.  B.  Curtin  Clarksburg 

4 — J.  Mentor  Caldwell  .  .  Parkersburg 

C.  W.  Phellis  Huntington 

5— W.  H.  Thomas  Bramwell 


H. 

-S. 


S.    White     Matewan 

B.    Avis     Charleston 


S.    A.    Scott     Charleston 


J.     M.     Sanders     Moundsville 

W.     L.    Smith,    Jr Newell 

Prescott    Huidekoper     Romney 

Wilbur    H.    Thomas     Martinsburg 

John    A.     Chittum     Weston 

C.    D.    Howard    Cowen 

Jo    Williams     St.    Mary's 

Charles  E.   Hogg    Point   Pleasant 

S.    B.    Hamer    Hinton 

E.    Edward   Hill    Keystone 

William    B.    Hines 

White   Sulphur    Springs 
B.     S.     Hastings      Montgomery 


WISCONSIN 


AT    LARGE 

Delegates 

Christian    Doerfler    Wauwatosa 

Walter    L.    Houser     Mondovi 

Emanuel    L.    Philipp    Milwaukee 

James    Thompson    La    Crosse 


Alternates 

Alvin    P.    Kletzsch    Milwaukee 

George    H.     Gordon     La    Crosse 

George    A.    West     Milwaukee 

Charles    J.    Sumner    Delavan 


1 — George    B.    Ingersoll     Beloit 

William  W.  Storms  Racine 

2 — Henry  Krumrey  Plymouth 

A.  A.  Porter  Portage 

3 — John  J.  Elaine  Boscobel 

M.  B.  Olbrich  Madison 

4 — Louis  A.  Fons  Milwaukee 

Fred  R.  Zimmerman  Lake 

5 — Edwin  J.  Gross  Milwaukee 

Fred  C.  Ptitzlaff Milwaukee 

6 — Emil  C.  Kraemer  ..Fond  du  Lac 

William  Rahr  Manitowoc 

7 — James  A.  Stone  Reedsburg 

Andrew  H.  Dahl  Westby 

8 — Walter  Alexander  Wausau 

John  F.  Jardine  Waupaca 

9 — Charles  J.  Hagen Appleton 

M.  W.  Perry  Algoma 

10 — Henry  S.  Comstock  ..Cumberland 
Charles  P.  Peterson  Glenwood  City 

1 1 — Henry  J.  Bowell  Merrill 

D.  L.  Doble  Superior 


George    L.     Harrington     Elkhorn 

B.  M.    Caples     Waukesha 

Joseph    F.    Huber    West    Bend 

C.  F.    Mohr     Portage 

L.    A.    Brunkhorst    Platteville 

Charles     Gross     Stoughton 

Julius     Wechselberg     Milwaukee 

L.    G.    Wheeler     Wauwatosa 

H.    W.    Davis    Milwaukee 

Henry     Fink     Milwaukee 

Charles     Oellerwich     Oshkosh 

Fred    Bullwinkel    New    Holstein 

Aug.     Siefert     Reedsburg 

Carl    Kurtenacker    La    Crosse 

M.    J .     Wallrich     Shawano 

Isaac    P.    Witter    Grand   Rapids 

George    Ansorge     Algoma 

L.     P.     Tradewell     Antigo 

Frank    Pierce    Menomonie 

F.    M.    Symonds    Galesville 

A.    H.   Wilkinson    Bayfield 

J.    P.    Peterson     Luck 


66 


OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF  THE 


WYOMING 


AT    LARGE 

Dtlegates 

Patrick    Sullivan     Casper 

John    W.    Hay    Rock    Springs         C.    A. 

Dwight    E.    Hollister    Cody 

Ralph    Denio    Sheridan 

Loren     C.     Hinkle     Cheyenne 

Thomas     Snedden      Diamondville 


Alternates 

Mrs.    L.    E.   Harnsberger    Lander 

Zaring     Basin 

H       J.    Chassell    Gillette 

T.    A.    Dunn    Moorcroft 

C.     P.     Plummer     Wheatland 

H.    R.    Lathrop    Casper 


ALASKA 

AT    LARGE 


Delegates 

William    A.    Gilmore. 
Louis    P.    Shackleford. 


Alternates 
Thomas  Lloyd. 
Ed  C.  Russell. 


DISTRICT  OF  COLUMBIA 

AT    LARGE 


Delegates 

None 


Alternates 
None 


Delegates 

Jonah    Kuhio    Kalanianaole 
Henry  J.   Lyman 


HAWAII 

AT    LARGE 

Alternates 
Alfred    L.    Castle 
William  C.  Arci. 


Delegates 

Newton    W.    Gilbert. 
Amasa   S.    Crossfield. 


PHILIPPINES 

AT    LARGE 

Alternates 
A.    C.    Grilk 
W.    H.    Lawrence 


Delegates 
None 


PORTO    RICO 

AT    LARGE 


Alternates 
None 


THE  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  next  order  of  business  is  the 
report  of  the  Committee  on  Permanent  Organization.  Is  the  Com- 
mittee ready  to  report? 

MR.  WILLIAM  M.  HAHN,  of  Ohio  (sitting  with  his  delegation). — 
The  Committee  is  ready  to  report. 

THE  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  will  please  come  to 
the  platform  and  make  the  report  for  his  Committee.  For  the  con- 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION  67 

sideration  of  this  report  the  chair  will  ask  the  Hon.  William  S. 
Bennet,  of  New  York,  one  of  the  parliamentary  advisors  for  the  chair 
provided  under  the  rules,  to  take  the  chair. 

THE  PRESIDING  OFFICER  (Mr.  William  S.  Bennet,  of  New  York,  in 
the  chair). — Ladies  and  gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  I  have  pleasure 
in  presenting  Mr.  William  M.  Hahn,  of  Ohio,  Chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Permanent  Organization,  who  will  present  the  Committee's 
report. 

MR.  WILLIAM  M.  HAHN,  of  Ohio. — Mr.  Chairman  and  Ladies  and 
Gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  Your  Committee  on  permanent  or- 
ganization begs  leave  to  make  the  following  report: 

REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE  ON  PERMANENT  ORGANIZATION 

We  recommend  that  the  several  officers  composing  your  temporary 
organization  be  chosen  as  the  permanent  officers  of  this  Convention. 

Respectfully  submitted, 

WILLIAM  M.  HAHN,  Chairman. 

I  wish  to  state  that  this  is  a  unanimous  recommendation  by  the 
members  of  the  Committee,  and  I  move  the  adoption  of  the  Com- 
mittee's report- 

THE  PRESIDING  OFFICER. — The  question  before  the  Convention  is 
on  agreeing  to  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  permanent  organiza- 
tion. 

The  report  was  agreed  to. 

THE  PRESIDING  OFFICER. — I  have  the  honor  to  present  to  this  Con- 
vention its  permanent  chairman,  the  Honorable  Warren  G.  Harding, 
of  Ohio.  (Applause-) 

Mr.  Harding  resumed  the  chair  amidst  a  great  demonstration, 
delegates  and  others  rising  to  their  feet  and  continuing  the  demon- 
stration for  several  minutes. 

ADDRESS  OF  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  (Mr.  Warren  G.  Harding,  of  Ohio). — 
Ladies  and  gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  (And  the  demonstration 
broke  out  anew  and  continued  for  several  minutes.)  I  am  sure  the 
Chairman  is  very  grateful  to  you  for  your  manifestations  of  approval, 
and  I  take  this  opportunity  of  thanking  the  Committee  on  Permanent 
Organization  for  its  recommendation,  and  of  thanking  the  delegates 
of  this  Convention  for  their  approval  of  the  report.  I  must  take  this 
opportunity  also  to  do  what  I  neglected  to  do  on  yesterday,  namely, 
to  thank  the  Committee  on  Arrangements  for  so  signally  honoring 


68  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF  THE 

me  with  the  temporary  chairmanship  nomination.  It  is  a  very  great 
honor  to  preside  over  a  Republican  National  Convention,  which  I 
know  this  to  be. 

I  am  a  believer  in  the  keeping  of  compacts,  and  it  was  insisted  that 
if  I  were  to  be  honored  with  the  permanent  chairmanship  I  should 
make  no  speech.  I  am  going  to  keep  the  compact.  Again  thanking 
you,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  of  the  Convention,  the  chair  calls  for  the 
next  order  of  business,  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Rules  and 
Order  of  business.  Is  the  Committee  ready  to  report?  (After  a 
pause.)  The  Chair  is  informed  that  the  Committee  asks  for  a  few 
moments  grace  before  reporting. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  :  The  Chair  again  recognizes  the 
Senator  from  Utah,  to  offer  a  supplemental  report  from  the  Commit- 
tee on  Credentials. 


GIVING  THE  TERRITORIES  A  VOTE  IN  CONVENTION 

MR.  SMOOT:  Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention, 
I  am  directed  to  offer  the  supplemental  report  from  the  Committee  on 
Credentials  and  move  its  adoption : 

Resolved,  that  the  two  delegates  seated  in  this  convention  from 
the  Territory  of  Hawaii,  the  two  delegates  from  Porto  Rico  and  the 
two  delegates  from  the  Philippine  Islands  be  given  votes  in  this  Con- 
vention, as  recommended  by  the  Republican  National  Committee  and 
by  your  Committee  on  Credentials. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  move  the  adoption  of  the  resolution. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN:  The  question  is  on  the  adoption 
of  the  resolution  offered  by  Senator  Smoot  of  Utah.  Is  there  any 
objection?  Those  of  you  who  favor  the  adoption  of  the  resolution  will 
say  Aye,  contrary  No. 

The  resolution  is  adopted.     (The  vote  was  unanimous.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN:  We  will  now  have  the  report  of 
the  Committee  of  Rules  and  Order  of  Business,  and  the  Chair  presents 
Mr.  Warren  of  Michigan.  (Applause.) 

MR.  WARREN  :    The  Chairman  of  the  Convention — 
THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Mr.  Warren — 

MR.  WARREN  :  From  the  Committee  on  Rules  and  Order  of  Busi- 
ness I  desire  to  present  a  unanimous  report  from  that  Committee  to 
this  Convention  as  follows: 


CHARLES   B.   WARREN,   of  Michigan, 

Chairman    of   the    Committee    on    Rules 

and   Member  of  the  Committee   on  Arrangements 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION  69 

REPORT    OF    COMMITTEE    ON    RULES    AND    ORDER    OF 

BUSINESS 

I.  Hereafter  the  Convention  shall  consist  of  four  delegates-at- 
large    from    each     State;     two    additional    delegates-at-large    for    each 
Representative-at-large  in  Congress  from  any  State;  one  delegate  from 
each    Congressional    District    in    each    State;    and    one    additional    dele- 
gate for  each  Congressional  District  in  each  State  in  which  the  vote 
for   any   Republican   elector   in   the   last  preceding  Presidential  election, 
or  for   the    Republican   nominee  for   Congress    in   the   last   preceding 
Congressional  election  shall  have  been  not  less  than  seven  thousand 
five  hundred  (7,500); 

PROVIDED,  however,  that  the  total  number  of  delegates  to  which 
any  State  is  entitled  shall  be  chosen  from  the  State  at  large  if  the 
law  of  the  State  in  which  the  election  occurs  so  requires;  and 

PROVIDED  further  that,  in  the  case  of  any  State  electing  all 
Representatives  in  Congress  from  the  State  at  large,  such  State  shall 
be  entitled  to  as  many  delegates,  elected  at  large,  as  though  the  State 
were  divided  into  separate  Congressional  Districts; 

And  two  delegates  each  from  Alaska,  the  District  of  Columbia, 
Porto  Rico,  Hawaii  and  the  Philippine  Islands. 

An  alternate  delegate  for  each  delegate  to  the  National  Conven- 
tioq  shall  be  chosen  in  the  same  manner  and  at  the  same  time  as  the 
delegate  is  chosen;  provided,  however,  that  if  the  law  of  any  State  shall 
prescribe  the  method  of  choosing  alternates  they  shall  be  chosen  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  provisions  of  the  law  of  the  State  in  which  the  election 
occurs. 

In  the  absence  of  any  delegate-at-large,  or  delegate  from  any 
Congressional  District,  the  roll  of  alternates  for  the  State  or  District 
shall  be  called  in  the  order  in  which  the  names  are  placed  upon  the 
roll  of  the  Convention,  unless  the  State  or  District  Convention  or  law 
of  the  State  electing  the  absent  delegate  shall  otherwise  direct,  in  which 
event  the  alternates  from  the  State  or  District  shall  vote  in  the  order 
established  by  the  State  or  District  Convention  or  law  of  the  State. 

II.  Each   delegate   in   the    Convention   shall  be   entitled   to  one 
vote,  which  may  be  cast  by  his  alternate  in  the  absence  of  the  dele- 
gate. 

III.  The  Rules  of  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  be  the  rules 
of  the  Convention,   so   far  as  they  are  applicable  and  not  inconsistent 
with  the  following  rules. 

IV-  When  the  previous  question  shall  be  demanded  by  a  ma- 
jority of  the  delegates  from  any  State,  and  the  demand  is  seconded  by  two 
or  more  States,  and  the  call  is  sustained  by  a  majority  of  the  Conven- 
tion, the  question  shall  then  be  proceeded  with  and  disposed  of  ac- 
cording to  the  Rules  of  the  House  of  Representatives  in  similar  cases. 


70  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF  THE 

V-  A  motion  to  suspend  the  rules  shall  be  in  order  only  when 
made  by  authority  of  a  majority  of  the  delegates  from  any  State  and 
seconded  by  a  majority  of  the  delegates  from  not  less  than  two  other 
States. 

VI.  It  shall  be  in  order  to  lay  on  the  table  a  proposed  amend- 
ment to  a  pending  measure  and  such  motion,  if  adopted,   shall  not 
carry  with  it  or  prejudice  such  measure. 

VII.  Upon    all    subjects    before    the    Convention    the    States    shall 
be    called    in    alphabetical    order    and   next,    Alaska,    the    District   of 
Columbia,  Hawaii,  Philippine  Islands,  and  Porto  Rico. 

VIII.  The   report   of   the    Committee   on    Credentials    shall    be    dis- 
posed of  before  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  is  acted 
upon;  and  the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  shall  be  dis- 
posed of  before  the   Convention  proceeds   to  the  nomination   of   candi- 
dates for  President  and  Vice-President. 

IX.  When   a   majority   of   the   delegates   of    any   two    States    shall 
demand  that  a  vote  be   recorded,   the   same   shall   be   taken   by   States, 
Territories   and   Territorial   Possessions   in   the   order   hereinbefore    es- 
tablished. 

X.  In  making  the  nominations  for  President  and  Vice-President 
in  no  case  shall  the  calling  of  the  roll  be  dispensed  with. 

When  it  appears,  at  the  close  of  the  roll-call,  that  any  candidate 
has  received  the  majority  of  votes  entitled  to  be  cast  in  the  Conven- 
tion, the  Chairman  of  the  Convention  shall  announce  the  question  to 
be: 

"Shall  the  nomination  of  the  candidate  be  made  unanimous?"  If 
no  candidate  shall  have  received  such  majority  the  Chairman  shall 
direct  the  vote  to  be  taken  again,  and  shall  repeat  the  taking  of  the 
vote  until  some  candidate  shall  have  received  a  majority  of  the  votes. 

When  any  State  has  announced  its  vote  it  shall  so  stand  unless  in 
case  of  error  in  casting  the  vote. 

In  the  record  ot  the  votes  the  vote  of  each  State,  Territory  and 
Territorial  Possession  shall  be  announced  by  the  chairman  of  the 
several  delegations;  and  in  case  the  vote  of  any  State,  Territory  or 
Territorial  Possession  shall  be  divided  the  chairman  shall  announce 
the  number  of  votes  for  each  candidate,  or  for  or  against  any  proposi- 
tion; but  if  exception  is  taken  by  any  delegate  to  the  correctness  of 
such  announcement  by  the  chairman  of  his  delegation,  the  Chairman 
of  the  Convention  shall  direct  the  roll  of  members  of  such  delegation 
to  be  called  and  the  result  shall  be  recorded  in  accordance  with  the 
vote  of  the  several  delegates  m  such  delegation. 

XL  No  member  shall  speak  more  than  once  upon  the  same  ques- 
tion, nor  longer  than  five  minutes,  unless  by  leave  of  the  Convention, 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION  71 

except  in  the  presentation  of  the  name  of  the  candidate  for  President  or 
Vice-President. 

XII.  All  resolutions  relating  to  the  Platform  shall  be  referred 
to  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  without  debate. 

XIII.  No  person,  except  members  of  the  several  delegations  and 
officers  of  the  Convention,  shall  be  admitted  to  the  section  of  the  hall 
apportioned  to  delegates. 

XIV.  A  National  Committee  shall  be  elected  by  each  National 
Convention,    called    to    nominate    candidates    for    President    and    Vice- 
President,  consisting  of  one  member  from  each  State,  Territory  and 
Territorial   Possession.     The  roll  shall  be   called  and  the  delegation 
from   each   State,   Territory   and   Territorial   Possession   shall    nominate, 
through  its  chairman,  a  person  to  act  as  a  member  of  said  committee. 
When  the  law  of  any  State  provides  a  method  for  the  selection  of  mem- 
bers   of    national    committees    of   political    parties   the    nomination    of   a 
member  of  the  Republican  National  Committee  in  accordance  with  the 
provisions  of  such  law  shall  be  considered  a  nomination  to  be  carried 
into  effect  by  the  delegation  from  such  State. 

If  the  nomination  be  not  made  pursuant  to  law  instructions  by 
State  and  District  Conventions  to  delegates  to  the  National  Conven- 
tion shall  be  observed;  and  if  not  observed  may  be  made  operative  by 
a  vote  of  the  National  Convention. 

When  the  delegates  from  each  State,  Territory  and  Territorial  Pos- 
session shall  have  so  nominated  a  member  of  the  National  Committee, 
the  Convention  shall  thereupon  elect  the  person  so  nominated  to  serve 
as  a  member  of  the  Committee  until  the  meeting  of  the  National  Com- 
mittee elected  by  the  next  National  Convention. 

The  National  Committee  shall  issue  the  call  for  the  next  Na- 
tional Convention,  to  nominate  candidates  for  President  and  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States  at  least  four  months  before  the  time 
fixed  for  said  Convention;  and  delegates  and  alternates  to  such  Conven- 
tion shall  be  chosen  in  such  manner  as  the  National  Committee  shall 
provide,  but  not,  however,  in  a  manner  inconsistent  with  these  rules. 

Twenty  days  before  the  time  set  for  the  meeting  of  the  National 
Convention  the  credentials  of  each  delegate  and  alternate  shall  be 
forwarded  to  the  Secretary  of  the  National  Committee  for  use  in  mak- 
ing up  the  temporary  roll  of  the  Convention.  Notices  of  contest  shall 
be  forwarded  in  the  same  manner  and  within  the  same  time  limit. 
Where  more  than  the  authorized  number  of  delegates  or  alternates 
from  any  State,  Territory  or  Territorial  Possession  are  reported  to 
the  Secretary  of  the  National  Committee,  a  contest  shall  be  deemed  to 
exist  and  the  Secretary  shall  notify  the  several  delegates  and  alternates 
so  reported,  and  shall  submit  all  such  credentials  and  claims  to  the  whole 


72  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF   THE 

Committee  for  decision  as  to  which  delegates  and  alternates  reported 
shall  be  placed  on  the  temporary  roll  of  the  Convention;  provided, 
however,  that  the  names  of  delegates  and  alternates  presenting  certifi- 
cates of  election  from  the  canvassing  board  or  officer  created  or 
designated  by  the  law  of  the  State  in  which  the  election  occurs,  to  can- 
vass the  returns  and  issue  certificates  of  election  to  delegates  to  National 
Conventions  of  political  parties  in  a  primary  election,  shall  be  placed 
upon  the  temporary  roll  of  the  Convention  by  the  National  Committee. 

When  the  Convention  shall  have  assembled  and  the  Committee  on 
Credentials  shall  have  been  appointed,  the  Secretary  of  the  National 
Committee  shall  deliver  to  the  said  Committee  on  Credentials  all 
credentials  and  other  papers  forwarded  under  this  rule. 

The  officers  of  the  National  Committee  shall  consist  of  a  Chairman, 
Vice-Chairman,  Secretary,  Treasurer,  and  such  other  officers  as  the 
Committee  may  deem  necessary,  who  shall  be  elected  by  the  members  of 
the  Committee. 

The  Committee  is  authorized  and  empowered  to  select  an  Execu- 
tive Committee,  to  consist  of  ten  members,  in  addition  to  which  the 
Chairman,  Vice-Chairman,  Secretary  and  Treasurer,  shall  be  ex-officio 
members. 

Vacancies  in  the  National  Committee  shall  be  filled  by  the  Com- 
mittee upon  the  nomination  of  the  Republican  State  Committee  in  and 
for  the  State,  Territory,  or  Territorial  Possession  in  which  the  vacancy 
occurs. 

The  National  Committee  shall,  however,  have  power  to  declare 
vacant  the  seat  of  any  member  who  refuses  to  support  the  nominees  of 
the  Convention  which  elected  such  National  Committee,  and  to  fill 
such  vacancies. 

The  first  meeting  of  the  National  Committee  shall  take  place 
within  ten  days  after  the  adjournment  of  the  National  Convention 
electing  such  Committee,  upon  the  call  of  the  member  oldest  in  time 
of  service  upon  previous  National  Committees. 

The  rules  of  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  govern  in  all 
meetings  of  the  Committee  in  so  far  as  they  are  applicable  and  not  in- 
consistent with  these  rules.  The  Committee  shall  makes  its  own 
rules  governing  the  use  of  proxies  at  any  meeting. 

XV.  The  Convention  shall  proceed  in  the  following  order  of 
business: 

First.     Report  of  the  Committee  on  Credentials. 

Second.     Report  of  the  Committee  on  Permanent   Organization. 

Third.     Report  of  the  Committee  on  Rules  and  Order  of  Business. 

Fourth.     Report  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions. 

Fifth.     Election  of  members  of  the  National  Committee. 

Sixth.     Presentation  of  names  of  candidates  for  President. 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  73 

Seventh.     Balloting  for  candidates  for  President. 

Eighth.     Presentation  of  names  of  candidates  for  Vice-President. 

Ninth.     Balloting  for  Candidates  for  Vice-President. 

Tenth.  Call  of  roll  of  States,  Territories  and  Territorial  Possess- 
ions, for  names  of  delegates  to  serve  respectively  on  the  Committee 
to  notify  the  nominee  for  President  and  the  nominee  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent of  their  nomination. 

MR.  CHARLES  B.  WARREN,  of  Michigan. — Mr.  Chairman,  the  report 
of  the  Committee  on  Rules  and  Order  of  Business  is  a  revision  of  all 
former  rules  of  the  National  Convention  and  of  those  governing  the  Na- 
tional Committee  of  the  Party.  The  report  embodies  the  rules,  fixing  the 
basis  of  representation  in  future  National  Conventions  of  the  Party  and 
specifying  in  certain  respects  the  method  and  manner  of  electing  delegates, 
which  were  recommended  by  the  National  Committee  in  its  session  in 
December,  1913  and  afterward  presented  to  and  adopted  by  nearly  all  the 
Conventions  of  the  Party  held  in  the  several  States  during  the  year  1914. 
The  Conventions  which  adopted  these  rules  represented  the  Republican 
voters  in  States  sending  more  than  a  majority  of  the  delegates  to  this 
Convention  and  represented  over  a  majority  of  the  votes  in  the  next 
Electoral  College. 

I  was  honored  by  being  appointed  Chairman  of  the  Committee  which 
drafted  those  rules  for  submission  to  the  Conventions  in  the  States, 
and  it  was  the  opinion  of  the  National  Committee  that  should  Con- 
ventions of  delegated  representatives  of  the  Party,  convened  in  the 
number  of  States  entitled  to  cast  a  majority  of  the  votes  in  a  National 
Convention,  ratify  the  action  of  the  National  Committee,  its  action 
could  be  assumed  to  fairly  express  the  sentiment  of  a  great  majority  of 
the  Party,  for  obviously  such  Conventions,  when  taken  together,  would 
consist  of  more  representatives  of  the  Party  than  would  be  assembled 
even  in  a  National  Convention. 

This  question  of  changing  the  basis  of  representation  in  National 
Convention  has  in  the  past  been  presented  to  Conventions  convened  for 
the  purpose  of  nominating  candidates  for  President  and  Vice-President. 
The  existing  method  of  basing  the  number  of  delegates  to  a  National 
Convention  on  the  population  of  a  State  without  regard  to  the  vote  cast 
for  the  nominees  of  the  party,  has  been  in  use  from  the  foundation  of 
the  Party  until  now.  The  weakness  in  the  method  has  long  been  recog- 
nized, but  no  change  has  been  made  because  the  contest  for  the  nomina- 
tion for  the  great  office  of  President  has  over-shadowed,  in  National 
Conventions,  all  over  questions  and  has  prevented  the  unprejudiced  con- 
sideration of  this  important  subject 

Undoubtedly  the  basis  of  representation  in  future  National  Conven- 
tions of  the  Party  adopted  by  these  State  Conventions,  uninfluenced  as 
they  were  by  the  passions  ordinarily  aroused  by  a  contest  for  the  Presi- 


74  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF  THE 

dency  and  undisturbed  as  they  were  by  the  complications  always  present 
in  a  nominating  Convention,  is  while  not  changing  the  method,  just  to  the 
Republican  voters  of  all  the  States. 

These  changes  in  the  basis  of  representation,  so  made  and  now  em- 
bodied in  these  rules  as  reported,  decreased  the  representation  from  those 
States  customarily  referred  to  as  solidly  Democratic  by  seventy-six 
votes,  decreased  the  vote  of  the  State  of  Tennessee  by  three  votes,  and 
decreased  the  vote  of  the  State  of  New  York  by  two  votes. 

The  rules  as  recommended  by  the  National  Committee  and  adopted 
by  the  State  Conventions  granted  the  Territory  of  Alaska  and  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia  two  delegates  each,  with  the  right  to  vote,  but  while 
granting  to  the  Territory  of  Hawaii  and  to  the  Philippine  Islands  and 
Porto  Rico  two  delegates  each,  withheld  from  such  delegates  the  right 
to  vote. 

The  Committee  on  Rules  of  this  Convention,  in  the  report  just  read, 
recommends  that  hereafter  Alaska,  the  District  of  Columbia,  Hawaii,  the 
Philippine  Islands  and  Porto  Rico  be  allowed  two  delegates  each  with  the 
right  to  vote. 

The  rules  recommended  by  the  National  Committee  and  adopted 
by  State  Conventions,  and  now  reported  and  recommended  by  your 
Committee,  grant  to  each  State  the  right  to  direct  by  law  the  method  and 
manner  in  which  delegates  to  the  National  Convention  shall  be  chosen, 
that  is,  as  to  whether  or  not  they  shall  be  chosen  from  the  State-at-large 
or  part  from  the  State-at-large  and  part  from  the  Congressional  Districts. 

It  is  necessary  that  the  Party,  as  a  national  organization,  recognize 
the  right  of  the  voters  in  any  State  to  determine  for  themselves  the  ques- 
tion as  to  whether  a  part  of  the  delegates  from  the  State  shall  be  elected 
from  Congressional  Districts  or  all  from  the  State-at-large,  if  the  election 
machinery  provided  by  the  law  of  the  State  is  to  be  used. 

One  or  more  of  the  States  have  already  enacted  laws  requiring  the 
election  of  all  delegates  to  National  Conventions  of  political  parties  from 
the  State-at-large,  rather  than  part  from  the  Congressional  Districts  and 
part  from  the  State-at-large,  and  in  order  to  eliminate  conflicts  in  the  fu- 
ture between  the  rules  of  the  Party  and  the  laws  of  such  States,  and  of 
other  States  that  hereafter  may  enact  similar  laws,  the  rule  was  adopted 
and  is  now  recommended  that  all  delegates  from  any  State  may  be  chosen 
from  the  State-at-large  or  part  from  the  State-at-large  and  part  from 
the  Congressional  Districts,  in  conformity  with  the  laws  of  the  State  in 
which  the  election  occurs. 

The  Report  embodies  a  rule  that  if  a  delegate  is  certified  to  the  Na- 
tional Convention  as  a  regularly  elected  delegate  in  a  primary  election,  and 
his  certificate  is  signed  by  the  officer  designated  by  law  to  issue  such  cer- 
tificates, the  delegates  holding  such  a  certificate  shall  be  entitled  to  have  his 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION  75 

name  placed  on  the  temporary  roll  of  the  Convention  and  the  National 
Committee  cannot  go  behind  that  certificate. 

In  all  respects  these  rules  are  general  in  their  application.  How- 
ever, it  is  fair  to  state  that  one  rule,  which  is  recommended,  arose 
from  a  controversy  pending  in  the  delegation  from  the  State  of  Ten- 
nessee over  the  nomination  of  a  member  of  the  National  Committee : 
"If  the  nomination  be  not  made  pursuant  to  law,  instructions  by  State 
and  District  Conventions  to  delegates  to  the  National  Convention  shall 
be  observed;  and  if  not  observed  may  be  made  operative  by  a  vote  of 
the  National  Convention." 

Mr.  Chairman :  In  order  that  the  rules  may  be  before  the  Conven- 
tion for  adoption  or  rejection,  I  move  the  adoption  of  the  Rules  and 
Order  of  Business  as  read. 

PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  question  is  on  the  adoption  of  the  re- 
port of  the  Committee.  Is  there  any  objection?  If  not  those  of  you  who 
favor  the  adoption  of  the  report  will  say  Aye,  contrary  No.  The  report 
is  adopted.  (The  vote  was  unanimous.) 

The  chair  is  informed  that  the  Committee  on  Resolutions  is  not 
yet  ready  to  report;  and  with  that  arbitrary  authority  which  goes  with 
the  gavel,  in  response  to  a  request  made  from  Ohio  and  seconded 
by  forty-seven  other  States  in  the  Union,  I  appoint  ex-Secretary 
Stimson  and  Speaker  Sweet  of  New  York  to  escort  to  the  platform 
that  distinguished  spokesman  for  American  Republicanism  for  more 
than  fifty  years,  the  Honorable  Chauncey  M.  Depew.  (Great  applause 
continuing  until  Senator  Depew  reached  the  platform.) 

REMARKS  BY  CHAUNCEY  M.  DEPEW. 

MR.  DEPEW  :  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  and  Ladies  and  Gen- 
tlemen in  the  gallery,  I  had  a  conversation  with  that  great  Uhioan, 
General  Garfield,  after  he  had  been  nominated  for  President,  in  which 
he  said,  "From  my  experience,  I  want  to  give  you  two  pieces  of 
advice  if  you  expect  success  in  politics:  One  is  never  to  make  a 
speech  when  you  are  called  on  suddenly,  and  only  when  you  have  had 
ample  time  for  preparation  The  other  is  never  crack  a  joke  or  tell 
a  story."  (Laughter  and  applause.) 

The  Chairman  was  quite  right  in  saying  it  was  over  fifty  years 
that  I  have  been  preaching  Republicanism.  It  is  exactly  sixty,  and 
this  is  the  sixtieth  anniversary.  (Applause.) 

It  is  a  marvelous  thing  in  the  experiences  of  life,  which  as  a  rule 
are  not  particularly  inspiring,  on  account  of  age  or  for  any  other  rea- 
son, to  have  lived  in  the  great  crises  of  this  Republic  and  been  an 
active  participant  for  sixty  years.  (Applause-)  It  seems  to  me  that 
there  is  a  relation  between  the  campaign  of  1856  and  the  campaign 
upon  which  we  are  now  entering.  There  was  one  great  issue  in  that 


76  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF   THE 

campaign  and  it  was  a  difficult  issue  and  an  issue  of  idealism  and  Ameri- 
canism. There  had  been,  since  the  formation  of  the  Republic,  a  lie  in  our 
politics,  in  our  political  measures ;  in  our  Acts  of  Congress,  as  against  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  that  all  men  are  created  equal,  with  certain 
unalienable  rights,  that  among  these  are  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness.  After  that  campaign  and  what  followed,  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  stood  and  stands  today  for  liberty  all  over  the  world.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

And  so  today  we  have  a  great  world  crisis  in  which  happily  we 
are  not  directly  involved.  A  crisis  in  which  civilization  is  at  st?ke 
and  Christianity  is  doubted.  A  crisis  in  which  eight-tenths  at  least 
of  the  believing  and  professing  Christians  of  the  world  are  cutting 
each  other's  throats,  destroying  each  other's  property,  burning  each 
other's  cities  and  villages  and  using  engines  of  war  which  were  re- 
garded as  the  ultimate  end  and  height  of  cruelty  five  hundred  years 
ago.  (Applause.)  And  yet  we,  thank  God,  are  out  of  it.  We,  thank 
God,  cannot  be  drawn  into  it  and  we  are  entering  upon  this  canvass 
either  upon  an  assertion  of  Americanism  which  will  keep  us  out  of  it, 
or  a  mollycoddle  policy  which  will  put  us  into  it.  (Applause-) 

It  is  a  fortunate  thing  to  pass  four  score,  if  your  memory  is  right. 
I  remember  the  thrills  that  have  come  to  me  in  my  life  from  the  as- 
sertion of  Americanism  backed  up  by  America.  I  remember  as  a  boy 
how  I  felt  ten  feet  tall  and  having  all  the  elements  of  Uncle  Sam  in 
me  as  I  had  dreamed  of  him,  when  the  news  came — for  there  were  no 
cables  then,  or  methods  of  telegraphic  communication,  but  when  a 
Man-O'-War  sailed  into  the  harbor  of  New  York  with  Commodore 
Ingram's  report  that  while  in  the  harbor  of  Smyrna,  he  had  found  an 
American,  a  naturalized  citizen,  a  former  Austrian  subject,  arrested  and 
put  on  board  of  an  Austrian  Man-O'-War,  he  lined  up  alongside  of  that 
Austrian  Man-O'-War,  trained  his  guns  upon  her  and  said,  "Give  me 
Koszta,  or  I  will  sink  you."  (Cries  of  "Good  Boy"  and  cheering.) 

He  brought  Koszta  home  and  landed  him  in  New  York.  Austria 
objected,  Austria  threatened,  but  William  L.  Marcy,  a  New  York 
statesman,  then  Secretary  of  State,  sent  this  immortal  message : 

"Whoever  bears  the  character  and  charter  of  an  American  is 
safe  anywhere  in  the  world."  (Great  applause.) 

I  remember  the  thrill  that  I  received,  and  then  I  was  a  man,  I  was 
in  public  life,  I  was  Secretary  of  State  of  New  York,  and  the  war 
had  just  concluded,  that  during  the  period  of  our  war  and  our  trouble, 
an  adventurer  in  the  history  of  nations,  Louis  Napoleon,  had  under- 
taken to  rule  Mexico.  He  had  sent  there  a  French  army  and  a  scion  of 
the  Hapsburgs.  He  had  created  a  throne  and  put  Maximilian  on  it  and  had 
violated  every  principle  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  But  the  Civil  War  was 
over.  We  had  a  million  of  soldiers  on  the  one  side  and  the  other  who  were 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL    CONVENTION  77 

trained,  prepared,  ready.  There  was  just  one  message  sent,  and  that  was  by 
another  New  Yorker,  William  H.  Seward — (Applause.) — he  sent  word  to 
Louis  Napoleon,  Emperor,  "Get  out  of  Mexico-"  (Laughter.)  He 
added  to  that,  "General  Sheridan  is  on  the  border."  (Applause.)  And 
you  could  have  played  checkers  on  his  coat  tails  as  he  went  out  of 
Mexico;  and  there  was  no  war,  and  there  was  no  war  with  Austria. 
The  Double  Eagle  shut  up. 

I  remember  a  more  recent  incident  in  Venezuela,  when  Great 
Britain  seized  part  of  her  territory  and  said  it  was  hers,  and  Grover 
Cleveland  sent  his  message,  "Either  arbitrate  or  fight."  (Applause.) 
Great  Britain  arbitrated  and  there  was  no  war.  And  when  that 
message  of  John  Hay's  went  to  Morocco,  "Perdicaris  alive  or  Raisuli 
dead"  and  Perdicaris  was  delivered  the  next  day,  there  was  no  war. 
(Applause.) 

The  cartoonist  and  vaudevillist  frequently  grasp  and  present  current 
conditions  before  statesmen  discover  them.  The  curtain  rose  at  the 
theatre  and  on  the  stage  were  three  characters,  the  Kaiser,  Admiral  von 
Tirpitz  of  submarine  fame  and  Uncle  Sam.  The  Kaiser  said  to  the  Ad- 
miral, "Who  is  that  man?"  The  Admiral  replied,  "Uncle  Sam."  "Why, 
asked  the  Kaiser,  does  he  look  so  glum."  "Because,  von  Tirpitz  answered, 
"I  just  swatted  him  on  the  jaw."  "What  did  Uncle  Sam  say?"  "He  said 
he  was  too  proud  to  fight."  Then  ordered  the  Kaiser,  "Swat  him  again." 
That  Uncle  Sam  may  have  been  an  idealist  or  a  psychologist,  or  a  lover  of 
humanity,  but  he  was  not  an  American.  (Applause.) 

My  friends,  we  are  as  a  nation  idealists.  At  the  same  time  we 
are  the  most  practical  nation  in  the  wide  world.  The  world  has  al- 
ways understood  us,  up  till  now.  (Laughter  and  cheers.) 

I  received  a  letter  a  few  days  ago  from  a  famous  statesman  on 
the  other  side  who  said  to  me,  "In  our  great  crisis  we  believe  liberty 
is  at  stake  and  Empires  and  Nations  are  to  die  or  live,  and  as  we 
think  civilization  is  to  die  or  live,  what  is  the  professor  going  to  do?" 
(Laughter.)  Well,  I  could  only  answer,  "I  could  have  told  you 
eighteen  months  ago  what  the  professor  would  do,  but  a  year  after- 
wards he  changed  his  mind."  (Laughter.)  I  saw  in  yesterday's  paper, 
when  a  great  American  had  adopted  as  his  slogan  "America  first"  and  it 
was  three  weeks  before  this  American  had  made  it  public,  and  the  pro- 
fessor said,  "Well  I  guess  I  might  as  well  take  that  myself." — it  is  well 
known" — (a  loud  yell  from  the  gallery  and  great  applause  and  cheering.) 
It  is  well  known  that  for  a  while  he  said  preparedness  is  unnecessary, 
and  three  thousand  miles  enough  protection,  he  suddenly  started  across 
the  continent  preaching  it  louder  and  louder  and  when  he  got  back  the 
Democratic  Congress  refused  to  do  what  is  necessary  for  real  prepared- 
ness. It  is  a  well  known  fact  that  there  was  published  and  placed  in  the 
hands  of  the  printer  and  the  newspapers  and  therefore  in  the  hands 


78  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF   THE 

necessarily  of  friends  of  the  President,  Elihu  Root's  speech  on  the 
opening  of  the  New  York  Convention  (Applause)  and  that  speech  aroused 
the  country  to  our  weak  and  un-American  foreign  policy,  it  impressed  the 
administration,  and  as  a  result  the  last  note  which  is  the  only  one  that 
has  any  teeth  in  it,  was  sent  to  Germany,  but  nothing  has  been  done  since. 
My  friends,  it  was  well  known,  it  was  announced  almost  authoritatively, 
that  the  Lusitania  was  to  be  sunk.  The  President  of  the  United  States 
could  have  said  one  word  at  that  time  (Applause)  and  there  would  have 
been  no  tragedy  of  the  Lusitania. 

We,  ourselves,  my  brethren,  we  ourselves  fail  to  appreciate  what 
our  country  is.  You  want  to  have  lived  in  it  and  worked  in  it  for 
all  the  years  that  I  have  to  understand  what  it  means,  and  you  want 
to  travel  abroad  and  meet  in  all  countries  the  men  who  rule  and  the 
men  who  govern  and  the  men  who  make  public  opinion,  and  have 
their  idea  of  what  this  country  is.  All  over  the  world,  until  within 
this  recent  administration,  it  was  understood  that  in  the  United  States 
were  potentialities  of  power,  potentialities  of  arms,  potentialities  of 
money,  potentialities  of  resources,  which,  concentrated,  would  pre- 
vent the  country  from  being  penned  up;  which,  concentrated,  and  put 
in  any  cause  would  lead  to  the  acknowledgment  of  our  rights.  With  that 
potential  power  all  that  has  ever  been  needed  has  been  an  authoritative  ut- 
terance to  get  what  we  wanted  and  prevent  what  we  did  not  want — "Amer- 
ica stands  for  that."  (Applause.) 

Well,  my  friends,  when  I  was  in  the  South  the  other  day,  I  came 
into  a  little  place  where  a  New  Yorker  had  bought  a  farm  and  he 
said,  "You  love  good  things,  I  want  to  tell  you  what  happened  here. 
Of  course,  in  Florida,  here,  they  are  all  Democrats,  but  some  of 
them  don't  believe  in  it  although  they  vote  it.  (Laughter.)  The 
pastor  of  our  church  resigned  and  we  were  looking  for  a  new  minis- 
ter and  it  was  reported  that  a  clergyman  was  willing  to  come  and 
one  of  his  recommendations  was  that  he  had  a  library  of  one  thou- 
sand volumes.  Whereupon  an  old  brother  got  up  and  said,  "We  don't 
want  him.  Too  much  book-learning  is  a  handicap  upon  real  and 
true  religion.  What  we  want  and  all  we  want  as  a  library  for  our 
minister  is  the  Bible  to  teach  him  the  gospel,  his  almanac  to  teach 
him  the  date,  and  a  Democratic  weekly  newspaper  to  teach  him  total 
depravity.' "  (Laughter.)  We  had  an  illustration  of  it  the  other  day. 

Now,  if  there  is  one  thing  I  cannot  understand,  it  is  a  pacifist.  I 
cannot  understand  him  at  all.  I  look  back  and  I  find  that  they  were  purely 
English  who  fought  at  Bunker  Hill  and  Concord.  They  were  mostly 
Germans  who  fought  at  the  battle  with  Anthony  Wayne  in  Pennsyl 
vania;  they  were  largely  French  who  fought  in  South  Carolina,  and 
they  were  my  own  good  old,  solid,  Holland  Dutch  in  New  York  under 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL    CONVENTION  79 

Schuyler,  and  Herkimer  and  the  rest,  and  Americanism  in  1776  and 
Americanism  today  do  not  differ  in  any  respect  except  the  size  and  volume 
.of  the  word.  (Laughter.) 

Now  what  is  a  pacifist?  I  turn  to  the  exponent — and  I  believe 
my  friend  is  here  in  the  hall — and  I  think  the  greatest  exponent  is 
my  friend  Mr.  Bryan.  (Applause.) 

Now  Mr.  Bryan  presents  a  solution,  as  I  read  it,  for  what  might 
happen.  You  know  it  has  been  developed  in  the  mechanism,  the 
experience  and  the  wonderful  inventions  of  this  war,  that  an  army 
carries  with  it  guns  which  will  shoot  five  miles  and  hit  within  a  radius  of 
two  feet;  the  target  indicated  by  an  aeroplane  overhead  and  the  shell 
exploding  will  destroy  a  whole  regiment,  a  brigade,  a  town,  tnearly, 
and  they  carry  mitrailleuses  which  will  sweep  all  before  them  for  miles,  and 
yet  I  understand  the  pacifist  argument  to  be  that  if  by  any  chance  two  or 
three  hundred  thousand  or  four  hundred  thousand  of  these  highly 
trained  troops,  with  these  highly  specialized  methods  of  destruction, 
should  land  upon  our  shore,  a  million  Americans  in  Ford  machines  would 
meet  them  and  drive  them  off.  (Laughter.) 

And  that  reminds  me  of  an  old  joke  of  mine, — and  while  I  am 
charged  with  chestnuts,  they  are  generally  my  own,  and  I  think  it 
fully  applies  to  the  gentlemen  who  would  be  in  those  Ford  machines, — 
that  a  Ford  machine  is  like  a  bathtub:  Everybody  wants  one  and 
nobody  wants  to  be  seen  in  it.  (Laughter.) 

Well,  my  friends,  just  a  word  about  the  old-fashioned,  hard-pan 
Republicanism.  I  preached  it  sixty  years  ago;  I  have  preached  it 
ever  since,  from  stump  and  platform  and  in  halls  and  in  churches 
all  over  the  country  We  do  not  grasp  how  rich  we  are.  We  don't 
grasp  what  a  prize  we  are.  You  remember  that  when  Blucher,  the 
famous  German  Commander,  who  had  helped  Wellington  win  the 
Battle  of  Waterloo,  was  taken  over  to  England  to  visit  the  King,  the 
only  remark  he  made  while  riding  in  his  carriage  through  London, 
was,  "What  a  town  to  loot!"  And  we  don't  appreciate  what  a  country 
we  are  to  loot-  When  this  war  closes,  there  will  be  millions  of  trained 
soldiers,  ready  for  anything,  without  conscience  and  without  princi- 
ple, wanting  to  get  something,  and  if  they  thought  that  America 
could  be  squeezed,  America  would  be  squeezed  without  regard  to 
scraps  of  paper.  But  I  don't  fear  so  much  an  invasion  of  the  country, 
if  the  Republicans  can  get  in  power  and  properly  prepare,  (applause) 
as  I  do  for  an  industrial  invasion.  No  matter  what  they  may  say  who 
preach  on  the  other  side,  the  idealists  of  free  trade,  no  matter  what 
they  may  say,  these  millions  of  men  are  coming  back  to  the  industries 
and  factories,  which  are  now  united  on  the  other  side.  Only  yesterday  it 
was  announced  that  all  the  dye  manufacturers  of  Germany  had  united 
in  a  hundred  million  dollar  corporation.  They  are  going  to  be  aided 


80  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF   THE 

by  their  Government,  and  their  Government  is  going  to  give  them 
facilities  on  the  Government  owned  railroads,  and  facilities  on  their  mer- 
chant marine  which  will  cover  the  ocean,  while  our  flag  has  been  driven 
off  from  the  Pacific  by  the  action  of  this  Administration.  (Applause.) 

We  have  at  present  the  greatest  tariff  we  ever  saw,  a  prohibitory 
one,  by  war.  Let  peace  come,  and  leave  the  situation  as  it  is  today, 
with  the  Underwood  tariff  the  law,  with  the  idealists  of  free  trade  in 
power  in  the  Presidency  and  in  Congress,  and  there  will  happen  such 
a  dumping  of  manufactures  of  every  kind,  of  cotton  and  of  wool,  of 
steel  and  of  wood  on  this  country  as  will  close  our  factories,  will  drive 
our  present  highly-paid  mechanics  out  of  employment  and  out  of  wages 
and  opportunities  an  industrial  cataclysm  which  will  make  1896  seem  like  a 
holiday.  (Applause.) 

My  friends,  I  knew  Abraham  Lincoln.  He  was  a  wonderful  man. 
He  was  not  the  ideal  that  we  have  made  him.  We  have  not  raised 
him  quite  yet  where  Washington  is,  so  that  you  have  to  get  a  tele- 
scope to  see  him,  without  a  human  attribute  of  any  sort.  Lincoln  was 
the  most  intensely  human  being  I  ever  met;  (applause)  but  there  were 
two  Lincolns,  one  the  idealist  who,  reading  the  Bible  and  Shakespeare, 
had  formed  a  perfect  language  and  who  spoke  it  best  in  the  Gettysburg 
speech  and  in  his  second  inaugural.  The  other  was  Lincoln,  the  practical 
man  of  affairs,  who  could  tell  more  stories  and  better  ones  than  I  ever 
heard  from  any  other  man,  and  every  one  of  them  with  a  point  that  was 
a  dead  shot  in  the  center  against  whom  it  was  aimed.  He  was  a  practical 
politician  who  had  organized  his  party  in  Illinois,  an  organization  which  re- 
sulted in  victory.  So  that  you  have  on  the  one  side  the  idealist,  and  on 
the  other  side  the  practical  man  of  affairs,  and  that  is  only  possible  in 
the  product  that  comes  from  our  common  schools,  the  product  that  lives 
our  common  American  life,  the  democracy  that  makes  us,  in  the  villages 
and  farms  all  over  the  country  so  intimately  acquainted,  so  well  known 
to  each  other,  so  that  we  are  all  brothers  and  sisters,  until  we  go  out  to 
fight  and  make  our  own  way  as  Lincoln  did. 

And  now,  my  friends,  with  a  speech  unprepared,  but  obedient  to  the 
command  of  our  chairman,  I  thank  you  for  listening  to  me.  The  Japanese 
— and  I  know  about  them,  because  I  was  appointed  Minister  to  Japan  sixty 
years  ago  (laughter)  and  Japan  then  had  no  navy  but  junks,  no  army 
except  those  with  spears  and  arrows  and  armor,  no  universities 
and  today  they  are  among  the  foremost  powers  of  the  world.  But 
among  their  institutions  is  this :  They  have  their  sovereign —  they 
call  him  Emperor;  their  House  of  Lords — our  Senate;  their  Elective 
House — our  House  of  Congress.  But  while  those  fellows  do  what 
they  can,  they  have  over  them  a  body  which  governs  and  whose  de- 
cisions are  final,  and  they  are  called  the  Elder  Statesmen.  Now,  gentlemen, 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL    CONVENTION  81 

I  want  to  say  to  you  that  if  you  get  in  trouble  and  in  a  hopeless  conflict 
and  wish  a  solution,  a  solution  that  will  save  the  country-,  here  is  an  elder 
statesman.  (Great  applause  and  laughter.) 

(Cries  of  "Uncle  Joe-") 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  (Mr.  Harding). — Ladies  and  gentlemen 
of  the  convention:  When  the  Chairman  left  Washington  to  come  to 
this  convention,  a  very  able  member  of  the  majority  in  the  Senate 
said  to  me:  "You  Republicans  are  making  such  headway  and  we 
Democrats  are  making  such  fools  of  ourselves,  that  I  have  a  notion 
you  will  not  only  recover  control  of  the  House  but  you  will  get  the 
Senate  as  well,  and  we  feel  confident  you  will  get  the  White  House, 
and  the  only  thing  left  to  the  present  administration  will  be  Colonel 
E.  M.  House,  and  that  won't  make  much  difference  to  the  country." 
(Laughter.) 

And  now  I  want  to  present  to  this  convention  one  of  the  most 
notable  figures  that  ever  gave  his  personality  and  talent  on  the  Re- 
publican side  to  the  American  House  of  Representatives,  grand  old 
Uncle  Joe  Cannon  of  Illinois.  (Great  applause.) 

MR.  JOSEPH  G.  CANNON   (Of  Illinois). — Mr.  Chairman. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Mr.  Cannon. 

REMARKS  BY  MR.  JOSEPH  G.  CANNON 

MR.  JOSEPH  G.  CANNON  (Of  Illinois). — Gentlemen  of  the  Conven- 
tion, distinguished  citizens,  and  the  ladies — God  bless  them — I  some- 
times wish,  and  I  do  now  as  I  look  into  their  faces — that  I  could  adopt 
them  all  to  be  my  granddaughters.  (Applause.) 

I  have  been  stopping  at  the  Union  League  Club  for  a  few  days, 
and  the  weather  has  been  so  bad  I  have  not  stepped  out;  but  I  have 
not  been  lonesome,  for  a  number  of  newspaper  men  have  called  on 
me  and  I  have  given  out  the  same  interview  three  times,  but  as  yet  it 
has  not  reached  the  managing  editor.  And  I  am  going  to  give  it  to 
you.  There  was  one  question  which  I  was  asked  that  I  answered  but 
which  never  appeared  in  print. 

The  question  was:  "Who  will  the  Republican  Convention  nomi- 
nate as  its  standard  bearer?"  And  it  was  not  a  long  answer.  I  said: 
"It  is  a  Republican  Convention;  it  will  nominate  a  Republican  for  its 
standard  bearer,  upon  a  Republican  platform,  and  he'll  be  elected-' 
(Applause.)  One  of  them  said:  "You  don't  have  to  prove  it."  An- 
other said:  "You  must  prove  it."  I  said:  "The  American  people, 
one  hundred  million  strong,  will  not,  in  my  time,  although  I  should 
live  to  be  one  hundred  years  old,  again  allow  forty-two  per  cent,  of 
the  people  to  elect  a  president  and  a  congress."  (Applause.) 


82  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF  THE 

Now  I  guess  that  is  about  all  of  a  Republican  speech  that  I  ought 
to  make  after  the  splendid,  the  magnificent  speech  we  had  from  our 
permanent  chairman,  and  that  remarkable  speech  we  had  from  that 
prince  of  speakers,  Honorable  Chauncey  M.  Depew.  Chauncey,  I 
am  going  to  your  one  hundredth  anniversary.  (Applause.)  Men  may 
come,  and  men  may  go,  but  I  think  you  will  live  to  be  one  hundred 
and  fifty.  (Laughter.) 

Gentlemen,  there  are  one  hundred  million  people  in  the  United 
States,  American  sovereigns.  I  asked  today  how  many  people  were 
in  the  Coliseum.  I  was  told  that,  including  visitors,  delegates  and 
alternates,  there  were  some  fourteen  thousand.  Now  let  us  not  be 
stuck  on  ourselves.  Those  fourteen  thousand  people  that  fill  this 
great  Coliseum  today  might  cross  over  to  the  other  side  before  an- 
other convention  time  comes  around.  The  earth  might  open,  and 
distinguished  as  you  are,  you  might  be  all  swallowed  up.  But  the 
proper  policies  for  a  government  of,  for  and  by  the  people,  economic 
and  otherwise,  would  remain  to  be  chosen,  as  they  will  be  in  this 
convention.  All  the  candidates  that  are  spoken  of  before  this  con- 
vention might  sink  into  the  middle  of  the  earth,  and  yet  we  could 
supply  equally  good  candidates  four  years  from  now.  We  could  supply 
equally  good  candidates  and  equally  handsome  women  to  meet  and 
designate  other  standard  bearers  in  this  great  country.  (Applause.) 
I  am  not  speaking  disrespectfully  of  the  personnel  of  this  delegation 
or  of  the  candidates  when  I  say  that. 

Gentlemen,  it  is  said  in  Holy  Writ:  "Whom  the  Lord  loveth,  He 
chasteneth."  And  yet,  when  you  run  back  over  the  history  of  the 
world,  you  will  find  that  He  did  not  often  chasten  nations,  great 
bodies  of  people,  unless  they  divided  and  quarreled  amongst  them- 
selves and  cut  at  each  other.  Sometimes  great  leaders,  great  public 
men,  from  purely  personal  motives  bring  about  such  conditions. 

We  have  had  illustrations  of  that,  many  such  illustrations  in  the 
history  of  the  race,  from  the  beginning  up  to  the  present  time.  But 
the  average  life  of  a  generation  is  less  than  forty  years,  which  leads 
me  to  call  your  attention  to  the  fact  that  there  will  be  a  new  genera- 
tion tramping  fast  upon  our  heels  and  upon  your  heels.  Once  in  a 
while  we  have  to  have  a  little  kindergarten  experience. 

We  fell  out,  from  the  personal  standpoint  largely,  four  years  ago, 
and  a  minority  overcame  us  which  is  now  in  power.  We  were  all  good 
Republicans  then  about  material  questions,  about  proper  policies,  and 
we  are  all  good  Republicans  now.  (Applause.) 

And  let  me  tell  you  something.  There  is  not  going  to  be  any 
further  falling  out  between  leaders,  whoever  they  may  be,  because 
when  this  great  convention  speaks  it  will  nominate  a  worthy  ticket, 
and,  as  I  said  in  the  beginning,  it  will  be  elected.  (Applause.) 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL    CONVENTION  83 

I  want  to  do  complete  justice  to  every  American  citizen.  I  had 
the  honor  of  being  Speaker  of  the  national  House  of  Representatives 
when  one  of  the  most  illustrious  Americans  was  President.  He  was, 
and  is,  a  great  man.  I  will  not  enter  into  what  divided  us;  but  this 
year  we  have  no  Shiboleth  from  anybody.  The  Country  is  bigger 
than  any  man  or  any  set  of  men.  (Applause.) 

Now  I  am  not  going  to  take  time  to  talk  about  the  party  in  power. 
I  might  talk  about  its  respectability,  the  rounded,  scholarly  sentences 
that  emanate  from  those  in  power,  the  frequent  changes  that  occur  on 
the  part  of  its  public  men  going  out  of  office  and  others  going  in;  re- 
spectability— yes.  I  wish  to  God  it  was  ten  times  as  respectable  as 
it  is.  (Laughter.) 

I  look  into  your  faces  and  I  ask  you  to  close  your  eyes  and  hark 
back  for  six  generations  and  inquire  who  your  ancestors  were,  and  it 
you  count  them  up  you  will  find  that  you  have  more  than  four  hun- 
dred. And,  in  common  with  myself,  the  great  majority  of  you  have 
English  blood  and  Irish  blood  and  Scotch  blood  and  Dutch  blood  and 
German  blood  and  French  blood  in  your  veins;  all  Caucasias — all 
great  peoples.  But  here  is  the  great  melting  pot.  I  am  not  going  to 
quarrel  when  someone  says,  "Cannon,  you're  Irish."  Yes,  with  a 
strain  of  French  and  a  strain  of  English  and  a  strain  of  German.  I 
don't  know  which  is  the  strongest,  but  I  know  that  what  is  true  of 
me  is  true  of  nearly  all  of  you. 

You  gentlemen  who  have  been  in  Washington  recollect  the  group 
of  statuary  at  Lafayette  Square  representing  Lafayette  and  his  French 
aides.  Farther,  along  you  come  to  the  statue  of  the  great  Kosciusko. 
Over  at  the  next  corner  there  is  the  statue  of  Von  Steuben,  and  at 
the  next  corner  you  find  the  statue  of  Rochambeau.  They  helped  to 
gain  our  liberty,  these  men  who  came  from  so  many  different  coun- 
tries in  Europe  to  help  us  when  our  forebears  were  struggling  to 
gain  their  independence.  In  the  center  of  this  square  is  the  equestrian 
statue  of  Andrew  Jackson,  typical  American,  born  of  immigrant  Irish 
parents,  soldier,  statesman,  patriot,  eight  years  President,  who,  in 
war  and  in  peace,  led  in  the  preservation  of  our  country. 

I  listened,  Mr.  Chairman,  with  great  interest,  to  your  speech  yes- 
terday. I  would  not  give  three  whoops  for  a  man  who  was  born  in 
Germany,  in  France,  in  England,  Ireland  or  Scotland,  or  in  Austria, 
who,  when  he  shut  his  eyes  and  thought  of  this  great  struggle,  had 
no  sympathies  for  the  land  of  his  birth.  (Applause.)  But  I  have  said 
before,  and  I  will  say  again,  that  of  all  the  citizens — Americans — that 
make  up  this  great  Republic,  whatever  their  sympathies  may  be  in  the 
great  struggle  abroad,  there  is  not  one  per  cent,  of  these  one  hundred 


84  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF  THE 

millions  of  people  who  will  not  stand  under  the  Stars  and  Stripes 
against  any  or  all  of  these  countries  and  fight  to  the  death  for  the 
preservation  of  our  common  country.  (Applause.) 

It  is  a  pretty  hard  matter  to  follow  a  man  like  Chauncey  M- 
Depew,  and  I  am  not  going  to  try  to  follow  him  any  farther. 

But  I  will  say  this  in  closing:  Make  your  nomination  wisely; 
make  the  Republican  Platform  broad  enough  to  cover  every  nationality 
that  is  represented  here  in  this  country.  We  are  all  American  citizens. 
Pronounce  in  your  platform  for  Republican  policies.  Recognize  the 
progress  of  the  country.  When  you  have  nominated  your  candidate, 
when  you  have  made  your  platform  and  gone  before  the  people  with 
that  platform  and  that  candidate,  all  hell  shall  not  prevail  against  that 
ticket  and  that  platform  because  that  ticket  and  that  platform  are 
necessary  for  the  preservation  and  well-being  of  the  country.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Ladies  and  gentlemen  of  the  con- 
vention: Lest  some  of  the  exceedingly  critical  writers  of  the  day 
shall  infer  that  we  Republicans  live  only  in  the  past  by  introducing 
these  eminent  and  much  beloved  veterans  of  the  party,  I  want  to 
present  to  this  convention  a  Republican  who  represents  a  new  genera- 
tion in  the  party,  but  is  nevertheless  in  harmony  with  those  who  have 
given  their  services  at  an  earlier  time.  I  want  to  present  to  you  one 
of  the  ablest  and  readiest  debaters  of  the  United  States  Senate,  and 
one  of  the  most  distinguished  Republicans  of  these  United  States. 

I  have  the  pleasure  of  calling  up  and  presenting  to  you  Senator 
William  E.  Borah  of  Idaho.  (Applause.) 

SPEECH  OF  WILLIAM  E.  BORAH  OF  IDAHO 

MR.  WILLIAM  E.  BORAH. — Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen  of  the  con- 
vention: When  the  Republican  party  met  in  this  city  fifty-six  years  ago 
it  came  in  the  midst  of  political  unrest  to  consult  the  conscience  of  the 
American  people.  It  professed  no  purpose  and  essayed  no  ambition  other 
than  to  serve  those  who  felt  that  the  hour  was  at  hand  when  the  nation 
should  experience  a  new  birth  of  freedom.  We  had  long  struggled  with 
the  problem  of  human  slavery.  We  had  procrastinated  and  compromised, 
placed  gain  and  business  in  front  of  conscience  and  freedom  until  we 
seemed  steeped  beyond  escape  in  cowardice  and  dishonor.  But  under- 
neath this  surface  of  sham  and  selfishness  flowed  the  undercurrents  strong 
and  deep  of  conviction  and  truth.  A  political  party  was  needed  to  write 
in  its  platform  national  honor  first  and  all  things  else  second.  (En- 
thusiastic applause.)  This  the  Republican  party  had  the  courage,  the 
foresight  and  the  patriotism  to  do.  Let  us  linger  for  a  moment  beside  this 
splendid  party  precedent  that  we  may  learn  wisdom  and  gather  courage 
for  the  great  conflict  just  ahead.  (Applause.)  There  is  no  example  of 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL    CONVENTION  85 

sublime  moral  courage  more  worthy  of  emulation  in  all  the  annals  of 
political  warfare. 

We  are  met  here  again  after  the  lapse  of  more  than  fifty  years. 
Again  we  are  in  the  midst  of  a  great  national  crisis.  The  usual  and  the 
ordinary  are  pushed  aside  and  those  things  which  have  to  do  with  the 
primary  obligations  of  citizenship  demand  consideration.  (Applause.) 
Again  millions  of  voters  bewildered  by  months  of  indecision  and  confusion, 
remembering  the  traditions  of  the  old  party  and  anxious  for  its  future 
glory  turn  to  these  proceedings,  eager  to  catch  the  clear,  firm  tones  of 
conviction,  the  unmistakable  note  of  national  honor.  Let  us  not  disap- 
point them.  Even  should  they  prove  to  be  in  the  minority,  better  that  the 
old  party,  true  to  the  sublime  precepts  of  its  first  great  leader  uphold  and 
maintain  at  whatever  cost  of  place  and  power  the  dignity  and  inviolability 
of  American  citizenship  and  the  prestige  and  honor  of  this  government 
than  to  enter  upon  the  shameless  paths  of  expediency.  (Applause.)  A 
nation  without  honor  is  spiritually  dead.  A  political  party  which  in  times 
of  national  stress,  when  not  only  our  standing  and  prestige  in  every  capital 
in  Christendom  is  at  stake  but  when  the  efficiency  and  worth  of  our  in- 
stitutions are  involved,  would  compromise  with  duty  for  the  sake  of  power 
or  barter  our  rights  and  standing  abroad  for  supposed  political  strength 
at  home  would  be  a  treasonable  organization.  (Applause.) 

During  all  these  years  we  have  been  generous  with  the  inestimable 
boon  of  American  citizenship.  They  have  come  from  every  clime  and  we 
have  gone  out  to  meet  them  and  to  welcome  them  to  the  opportunities 
and  to  the  glory  of  citizenship  in  the  only  real  republic  that  ever  existed 
upon  the  earth.  In  doing  so  we  have  not  erred.  Let  us  not  be  misled  by 
the  fears  of  some  or  the  prejudices  of  others.  These  people  who  have 
sworn  allgiance  to  this  government  are  neither  ungrateful  nor  disloyal. 
(Applause.)  In  any  controversy  involving  the  rights  and  honor  of  this 
government  with  other  nations  they  would  stand  resolute  to  the  last  for 
this  republic.  (Applause.)  They  have  done  so  on  every  battle-field  from 
Brandywine  to  Gettysburg,  from  Bunker  Hill  to  the  Wilderness.  (Ap- 
plause.) We  do  not  doubt  them  at  all  and  we  do  not  want  any  policy  as 
a  party  based  upon  the  theory  that  they  are  traitors  and  that  we  are 
trimmers.  (Hand  clapping  and  loud  applause.)  Let  us  make  our 
policy  clear  and  strong  for  America,  for  our  dignity  and  honor  here  and 
abroad,  and  all  who  love  America  best  will  be  with  us,  the  others  we  do 
not  want.  (Applause.)  There  is  room  enough  under  the  Republican  ban- 
ner for  every  loyal  citizen  regardless  of  the  birth  place  of  his  ancestors; 
(applause)  and  there  is  no  room  for  the  man  of  divided  allegiance  though 
three  centuries  of  native  blood  courses  his  veins.  (Applause.)  The  mis- 
take which  public  men  are  making  in  these  days  is  in  placing  the  common 
standard  of  patriotism — of  loyalty — to  the  government  too  low  instead  of 
too  high.  The  citizenship  of  this  country  will  measure  up  in  any  real  test 


86  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF  THE 

where  American  rights  and  interests  are  involved  to  the  old  heroic  stand- 
ard of  the  fathers.  (Applause.) 

But  if  this  view  be  founded  in  error  and  there  are  any  considerable 
number  of  people  in  this  country  who  own  to  a  divided  allegiance  never- 
theless there  is  but  one  course  to  pursue.  Our  duty  is  clear  and  unmis- 
takable, our  pathway  as  a  party  is  plain.  The  party  whose  youth  was 
consecrated  to  the  preservation  of  the  Union  and  faltered  not  at  the 
sacrifice  the  task  involved,  will  not  in  the  maturity  of  its  manhood  shirk 
from  the  responsibility  of  maintaining  in  all  their  integrity  our  interests 
and  our  rights  as  a  nation  among  other  nations.  (Applause.)  The  men 
who  fought  at  Vicksburg  and  Antietam  fought  in  vain  if  that  govern- 
ment which  they  died  to  preserve  gives  neither  standing  nor  security  to 
their  children.  (Applause,  loud  and  prolonged).  In  vain  did  Lincoln 
grapple  with  the  intrepid  Douglass  over  the  freedom  of  a  race,  in  vain 
did  he  carry  through  four  long  years  of  internal  strife,  the  stupendous 
burdens  of  government,  in  vain  did  he  yield  up  his  life  as  the  last  full 
measure  of  his  devotion,  if  American  women  and  American  men  are  to 
be  sacrificed  to  the  cruelty  of  every  power  which  finds  them  in  the  path- 
way of  its  relentless  purpose.  (Applause.)  It  is  for  us  here  highly  to 
resolve  that  these  dead  shall  not  have  died  in  vain  but  that  they  died  in 
the  noblest  cause  for  which  men  may  die — in  the  cause  of  peace — loving 
but  self -protecting,  self-respecting  republic.  (Applause.}  We  are  weary 
of  words  that  have  behind  them  no  high  resolve  to  make  them  good.  We 
have  seen  our  own  robbed  and  ravished  and  drowned  and  murdered. 
We  have  seen  the  flag  subjected  to  nameless  insult — the  flag  which  sym- 
bolizes our  past  achievements  and  our  future  aspications,  our  hopes  and 
prayers.  We  are  weary  of  words — we  want  protection  for  our  people, 
their  lives  and  their  property.  We  want  respect  and  honor  for  this  gov- 
ernment and  we  believe  that  the  party  of  Lincoln  and  Grant  and  McKinley 
knows  how  to  command  these  things  and  how  to  maintain  them  and  to 
do  so  in  peace  and  honor.  (Applause.) 

Let  us  pledge  ourselves  anew  not  in  mere  form  but  with  profoundest 
purpose  to  a  united,  unified  and  disenthralled  country.  Let  us  examine 
anew  the  obligations  of  citizenship  and  reconsecrate  our  party  to  those 
enduring  principles  of  national  honor  for  which  it  has  always  stood,  not 
alone  because  it  is  the  only  thing  for  a  self-respecting  political  organiza- 
tion to  do  but  because  it  is  the  surest  guarantee  of  peace — a  cardinal  tenet 
of  our  faith  from  the  beginning.  (Applause.)  A  timid  appreciation  of 
national  rights  is  an  invitation  to  aggression.  A  vacillating  foreign  policy 
solicits  attack.  A  nation  too  proud  to  fight  will  soon  be  regarded  by  the 
dominant  powers  of  the  world  as  too  cowardly  to  live.  (Applause  loud 
and  prolonged).  If  you  consent  to  the  slaying  of  the  citizen  across  the 
border  it  is  only  a  question  of  time  until  he  will  be  murdered  in  his  own 
home  and  under  his  own  flag.  (A  voice:  That  has  already  been  done.) 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL   CONVENTION  87 

Columbus  and  Glenn  Springs  are  the  legitimate  fruits  of  our  cowardly  in- 
difference to  the  assassination  at  San  Isabel.  The  policy  which  invites 
contempt  seldom  fails  to  earn  a  more  substantial  punishment.  (Applause.) 
Foreign  governments  are  not  in  doubt  as  to  our  rights  or  the  consideration 
due  us  as  a  people.  But  they  are  in  doubt  as  to  our  willingness  to  protect 
our  rights.  The  surest  way  to  keep  the  peace  is  to  keep  the  faith.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

The  issues  which  have  for  years  distinguished  our  political  campaigns 
are  important  but  not  controlling.  The  tariff  will  be  readjusted.  It  will 
be  framed  on  protective  lines  and  upon  lines  broad  enough  to  include  the 
farmer  as  well  as  the  manufacturer,  the  laborer  as  well  as  the  employer. 
It  will  be  our  task  early  assumed  and  gladly  performed  to  provide  a  dif- 
ferent brand  of  prosperity  than  that  which  had  its  origin  in  the  calamities 
of  war  and  will  have  its  finish  in  the  blessings  of  peace.  Never  have  we 
had  a  greater  concern  in  the  wholesome  principles  of  protection  than  we 
shall  have  at  the  close  of  this  war.  (Applause.)  True  to  this  principle 
for  fifty  years  the  Republican  party  can  be  trusted  to  meet  that  situation 
with  judgment  and  promptness. 

But  vital  as  this  and  kindred  questions  are  there  lies  beyond  and  over 
and  above  them  all  this  eminent  and  transcendent  problem — are  we  a 
nation  ?  (A  delegate :  "Yes,  but  the  world  has  had  little  cause  to  realize 
that  fact  during  the  past  three  years."  Laughter  and  applause.)  MR. 
BORAH,  of  Idaho :  Have  we  a  national  mind,  a  national  purpose  and 
do  we  possess  national  ideals?  Are  they  dear  enough  that  men  will  dare 
and  die  for  them?  Can  this  democracy  of  ours  for  which  the  brave  have 
suffered  and  sacrificed  and  died  give  security  to  life  and  protection  to 
property.  (Applause  and  a  voice:  "Yes  we  will  after  March  4th,  1917.") 
Has  it  a  soul  which  suffers  when  wrongs  are  inflicted  upon  the  human 
family  and  does  it  hate  injustice  or  have  these  qualities  been  withered  and 
eaten  away  by  the  love  of  ease  and  the  consuming  passion  for  wealth? 
Has  our  republic  a  moral  code,  has  it  a  standard  of  intellectual  integrity 
and  does  it  place  honor  and  sacrifice  above  dishonor  and  ignoble  ease? 
Do  the  sturdy  virtues  still  live  among  this  people  and  are  we  ready  to 
protect  our  own,  the  honor  of  our  women  and  the  lives  of  our  men  as 
our  forefathers  did  in  the  olden  days — the  days  of  our  building? 

Yes,  we  have  a  soul  that  dares  to  denounce  wrong,  to  speak  out  for 
humanity  (applause)  a  people  who  love  honor  and  thrill  to  the  appeals  of 
our  countrymen  in  distress.  We  are  a  nation  with  ideals — down  in  our 
hearts  and  in  the  introspective  hour  we  scorn  the  contentment  that  is  born 
of  duty  shirked  and  of  material  advantages  coined  of  the  miseries  of  the 
human  race.  (Applause.)  We  are  a  people  waiting  for  a  voice,  waiting 
for  a  leader,  as  our  fathers  waited  for  Lincoln,  for  a  party  whose  tradi- 
tions are  the  achievements  of  patriotism  and  whose  creed  is  the  Union 
uncompromised  and  unstained.  Let  us  summon  to  the  contest  the  national 


88  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF   THE 

spirit.  Let  us  make  our  plea  to  the  sturdier  and  braver  virtues.  Let  us 
avoid  the  side  arches  and  byways  of  expediency.  (Applause.)  Let  us 
take  the  broad,  open  way  of  justice  and  courage,  the  way  our  fathers  trod, 
and  never  leave  it.  Let  us  declare  once  and  for  all  that  we  will  shirk 
not  at  all  from  the  obligation  of  protecting  our  own;  (great  applause.) 
let  us  declare  that  while  we  love  peace  and  covet  and  respect  the  friend- 
ship of  all  nations,  even  these  blessings  are  not  to  be  purchased  at  the 
price  of  honor.  (Applause.)  And  so  believing  and  so  declaring  let  us 
make  ready  as  a  great  party  to  meet  the  obligations  which  devolve  upon  us. 
as  a  people  and  as  a  government.  Gentlemen  of  the  convention,  I  thank 
you.  (Long  and  continued  applause.) 

RECESS. 

MR.  HERBERT  PARSONS,  of  New  York. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  move  that  this 
Convention  do  now  recess  until  four  o'clock  this  afternoon. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and,  (at  I  o'clock  and  31  minutes  p.  m.) 
the  Convention  recessed  until  4  o'clock  p.  m. 


AFTERNOON  SESSION 


At  four  o'clock  p.  m.  the  Convention  reassembled. 

REPORT  OF  COMMITTEE  OF  RESOLUTIONS 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  first  business  in  order  is  the  re- 
port of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions.  The  Chair  has  the  pleasure  of 
introducing  the  Chairman  of  the  Committee,  Senator  Henry  Cabot  Lodge, 
of  Massachusetts.  (Enthusiastic  applause.) 

MR.  HENRY  CABOT  LODGE,  of  Massachusetts. — Mr.  Chairman  and 
ladies  and  gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  on  behalf  of  the  Committee  on 
Resolutions  I  make  the  following  report : 

THE   PLATFORM 

In  1861  the  Republican  party  stood  for  the  Union.  As  it  stood  for 
the  Union  of  States,  it  now  stands  for  a  united  people,  true  to  Ameri- 
can ideals,  loyal  to  American  traditions,  knowing  no  allegiance  ex- 
cept to  the  Constitution,  to  the  Government  and  to  the  flag  of  the 
United  States. 

We  believe  in  American  policies  at  home  and  abroad. 


HON.   HENRY   CABOT   LOBGE,   of  Massachusetts, 
Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL    CONVENTION  89 

PROTECTION  OF  AMERICAN   RIGHTS 

We  declare  that  we  believe  in  and  will  enforce  the  protection  of 
every  American  citizen  in  all  the  rights  secured  to  him  by  the  Con- 
stitution, by  treaties  and  the  laws  of  nations,  at  home  and  abroad, 
by  land  and  sea.  These  rights,  which  in  violation  of  the  specific 
promise  of  their  party  made  at  Baltimore  in  1912,  the  Democratic 
President  and  the  Democratic  Congress  have  failed  to  defend,  we 
will  unflinchingly  maintain. 

FOREIGN    RELATIONS 

We  desire  peace,  the  peace  of  justice  and  right,  and  believe  in 
maintaining  a  strict  and  honest  neutrality  between  the  belligerents 
in  the  great  war  in  Europe.  We  must  perform  all  our  duties  and  in- 
sist upon  all  our  rights  as  neutrals  without  fear  and  without  favor. 
We  believe  that  peace  and  neutrality,  as  well  as  the  dignity  and  in- 
fluence of  the  United  States,  cannot  be  preserved  by  shifty  expedients, 
by  phrase-making,  by  performances  in  language,  or  by  attitudes  ever 
changing  in  an  effort  to  secure  groups  of  voters.  The  present  Admin- 
istration has  destroyed  our  influence  abroad  and  humiliated  us  in 
our  own  eyes.  The  Republican  party  believes  that  a  firm,  consistent, 
and  courageous  foreign  policy,  always  maintained  by  Republican 
presidents  in  accordance  with  American  traditions,  is  the  best,  as  it  is 
the  only  true  way,  to  preserve  our  peace  and  restore  us  to  our  right- 
ful place  among  the  nations. 

We  believe  in  the  pacific  settlement  of  international  disputes,  and 
favor  the  establishment  of  a  world  court  for  that  purpose. 

.     MEXICO 

We  deeply  sympathize  with  the  fifteen  million  people  of  Mexico 
who  for  three  years  have  seen  their  country  devastated,  their  homes 
destroyed,  their  fellow  citizens  murdered  and  their  women  outraged, 
by  armed  bands  of  desperadoes  led  by  self-seeking,  conscienceless  agi- 
tators who  when  temporarily  successful  in  any  locality  have  neither 
sought  nor  been  able  to  restore  order  or  establish  and  maintain  peace. 

We  express  our  horror  and  indignation  at  the  outrages  which 
have  been  and  are  being  perpetrated  by  these  bandits  upon  American 
men  and  women  who  were  or  are  in  Mexico  by  invitation  of  the  laws 
and  of  the  government  of  that  country  and  whose  rights  to  security 
of  person  and  property  are  guaranteed  by  solemn  treaty  obligations. 
We  deno'unce  the  indefensible  methods  of  interference  employed  by 
this  Administration  in  the  internal  affairs  of  Mexico  and  refer  with 
shame  to  its  failure  to  discharge  the  duty  of  this  country  as  next  friend 
to  Mexico,  its  duty  to  other  powers  who  have  relied  upon  us  as  such 


90  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF  THE 

friend,  and  its  duty  to  our  citizens  in  Mexico,  in  permitting  the  con- 
tinuance of  such  conditions,  first  by  failure  to  act  promptly  and  firmly, 
and  second,  by  lending  its  influence  to  the  continuation  of  such  condi- 
tions through  recognition  of  one  of  the  factions  responsible  for  these 
outrages 

We  pledge  our  aid  in  restoring  order  and  maintaining  peace  in 
Mexico.  We  promise  to  our  citizens  on  and  near  our  border,  and  to 
those  in  Mexico,  wherever  they  may  be  found,  adequate  and  absolute 
protection  in  their  lives,  liberty  and  property. 

MONROE  DOCTRINE 

We  reaffirm  our  approval  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  and  declare  its 

maintenance   to   be   a   policy   of   this  country    essential    to    its   present 

and  future  peace  and  safety  and  to  the  achievement  of  its  manifest 
destiny. 

LATIN   AMERICA 

We  favor  the  continuance  of  Republican  policies  which  will  result 
in  drawing  more  and  more  closely  the  commercial,  financial  and  social 
relations  between  this  country  and  the  countries  of  Latin  America. 

PHILIPPINES 

We  renew  our  allegiance  to  the  Philippine  policy  inaugurated  by 
McKinley,  approved  by  Congress  and  consistently  carried  out  by 
Roosevelt  and  Taft.  Even  in  this  short  time  it  has  enormously  im- 
proved the  material  and  social  conditions  of  the  Islands,  given  the 
Philippine  people  a  constantly  increasing  participation  in  their  gov- 
ernment and  if  persisted  in,  will  bring  still  greater  benefits  in  the 
future. 

We  accepted  the  responsibility  of  the  Islands  as  a  duty  to  civiliza- 
tion, and  the  Filipino  people-  To  leave  with  our  task  half  done,  would 
break  our  pledge,  injure  our  prestige  among  nations,  and  imperil 
what  has  already  been  accomplished. 

We  condemn  the  Democratic  administration  for  its  attempt  to 
abandon  the  Philippines,  which  was  prevented  only  by  the  vigorous 
opposition  of  Republican  members  of  Congress,  aided  by  a  few  patrio- 
tic Democrats. 

RIGHT  OF  EXPATRIATION 

We  reiterate  the  unqualified  approval  of  the  action  taken  in  De- 
cember, 1911,  by  the  President  and  Congress  to  secure  with  Russia, 
as  with  other  countries,  a  treaty  that  will  recognize  the  absolute  right 
of  expatriation  and  prevent  all  discrimination  of  whatever  kind  be- 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL    CONVENTION  91 

tween  American  citizens  whether  native  born  or  alien,  and  regardless 
of  race,  religion  or  previous  political  allegiance.  We  renew  the 
pledge  to  observe  this  principle  and  to  maintain  the  right  of  asylum, 
which  is  neither  to  be  surrendered  nor  restricted,  and  we  unite  in 
the  cherished  hope  that  the  war  which  is  now  desolating  the  world 
may  speedily  end,  with  a  complete  and  lasting  restoration  of  brother- 
hood among  the  nations  of  the  earth  and  the  assurance  of  full  equal 
rights,  civil  and  religious,  to  all  men  in  every  land. 

PROTECTION   OF   THE   COUNTRY 

In  order  to  maintain  our  peace  and  make  certain  the  security  of 
our  people  within  our  own  borders  the  country  must  have  not  only 
adequate  but  thorough  and  complete  national  defenses  ready  for  any 
emergency  We  must  have  a  sufficient  and  effective  Regular  Army, 
and  a  provision  for  ample  reserves,  already  drilled  and  disciplined, 
who  can  be  called  at  once  to  the  colors  when  the  hour  of  danger 
comes. 

We  must  have  a  Navy  so  strong  and  so  well  proportioned  and 
equipped,  so  thoroughly  ready  and  prepared,  that  no  enemy  can  gain 
command  of  the  sea  and  effect  a  landing  in  force  on  either  our  West- 
ern or  our  Eastern  coast.  To  secure  these  results  we  must  have  a 
coherent  and  continuous  policy  of  national  defense,  which  even  in 
these  perilous  days  the  Democratic  party  has  utterly  failed  to  de- 
velop, but  which  we  promise  to  give  to  the  country. 

TARIFF 

The  Republican  party  stands  now,  as  always,  in  the  fullest  sense  for 
the  policy  of  tariff  protection  to  American  industries  and  American  labor 
and  does  not  regard  an  anti-dumping  provision  as  an  adequate  substitute. 

Such  protection  should  be  reasonable  in  amount  but  sufficient  to  pro- 
tect adequately  American  industries  and  American  labor  and  so  adjusted 
as  to  prevent  undue  exactions  by  monopolies  or  trusts.  It  should,  more- 
over, give  special  attention  to  securing  the  industrial  independence  of  the 
United  States  as  in  the  case  of  dye  stuffs. 

Through  wise  tariff  and  industrial  legislation  our  industries  can  be 
so  organized  that  they  will  become  not  only  a  commercial  bulwark  but  a 
powerful  aid  to  national  defense. 

The  Underwood  tariff  act  is  a  complete  failure  in  every  respect. 
Under  its  administration  imports  have  enormously  increased  in  spite  of 
the  fact  that  intercourse  with  foreign  countries  has  been  largely  cut  off 
by  reason  of  the  war,  while  the  revenues  of  which  we  stand  in  such  dire 
need  have  been  greatly  reduced. 

Under  the  normal  conditions  which  prevailed  prior  to  the  war  it  was 


92  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF  THE 

clearly  demonstrated  that  this  Act  deprived  the  American  producer  and 
the  American  wage  earner  of  that  protection  which  enabled  them  to  meet 
their  foreign  competitors,  and  but  for  the  adventitious  conditions  created 
by  the  war,  would  long  since  have  paralyzed  all  forms  of  American  in- 
dustry and  deprived  American  labor  of  its  just  reward. 

It  has  not  in  the  least  degree  reduced  the  cost  of  living,  which  has  con- 
stantly advanced  from  the  date  of  its  enactment.  The  welfare  of  our 
people  demands  its  repeal  and  the  substitution  of  a  measure  which  in 
peace  as  well  as  in  war  will  produce  ample  revenue  and  give  reasonable 
protection  to  all  forms  of  American  production  in  mine,  forest,  field  and 
factory. 

We  favor  the  creation  of  a  tariff  commission  with  complete  power  to 
gather  and  compile  information  for  the  use  of  Congress  in  all  matters 
relating  to  the  tariff. 

BUSINESS 

The  Republican  party  has  long  believed  in  the  rigid  supervision  and 
strict  regulation  of  the  transportation  and  of  the  great  corporations  of 
the  country.  It  has  put  its  creed  into  its  deeds,  and  all  really  effective 
laws  regulating  the  railroads  and  the  great  industrial  corporations  are 
the  work  of  Republican  Congresses  and  Presidents.  For  this  policy  of 
regulation  and  supervision  the  Democrats,  in  a  stumbling  and  piecemeal 
way,  are  within  the  sphere  of  private  enterprise  and  in  direct  competition 
with  its  own  citizens,  a  policy  which  is  sure  to  result  in  waste,  great  ex- 
pense to  the  tax  payer  and  in  an  inferior  product. 

The  Republican  party  firmly  believes  that  all  who  violate  the  laws 
in  regulation  of  business,  should  be  individually  punished.  But  prosecu- 
tion is  very  different  from  persecution,  and  business  success,  no  matter 
how  honestly  attained,  is  apparently  regarded  by  the  Democrat  party  as 
in  itself  a  crime.  Such  doctrines  and  beliefs  choke  enterprise  and  stifle 
prosperity.  The  Republican  party  believes  in  encouraging  American  busi- 
ness, as  it  believes  in  and  will  seek  to  advance  all  American  interests. 

RURAL    CREDITS 

We  favor  an  effective  system  of  Rural  Credits  as  opposed  to  the 
ineffective  law  proposed  by  the  present  Democratic  Administration. 

RURAL  FREE  DELIVERY 

We  favor  the  extension  of  the  Rural  Free  Delivery  system  and 
condemn  the  Democratic  administration  for  curtailing  and  crippling 
it. 

MERCHANT    MARINE 

In  view  of  the  policies  adopted  by  all  the  maritime  nations  to 
encourage  their  shipping  interests,  and  in  order  to  enable  us  to  com- 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN'    NATIONAL   CONVENTION  93 

pete  with  them  for  the  ocean-carrying  trade,  we  favor  the  payment 
to  ships  engaged  in  the  foreign  trade  of  liberal  compensation  for 
services  actually  rendered  in  carrying  the  mails,  and  such  further  leg- 
islation as  will  build  up  an  adequate  American  Merchant  Marine  and 
give  us  ships  which  may  be  requisitioned  by  the  Government  in  time 
of  national  emergency. 

We  are  utterly  opposed  to  the  Government  ownership  of  vessels 
as  proposed  by  the  Democratic  party,  because  Government-owned 
ships,  while  effectively  preventing  the  development  of  the  American 
Merchant  Marine  by  private  capital,  will  be  entirely  unable  to  provide 
for  the  vast  volume  of  American  freights  and  will  leave  us  more 
helpless  than  ever  in  the  hard  grip  of  foreign  syndicates. 

TRANSPORTATION 

Interstate  and  intrastate  transportation  have  become  so  inter- 
woven that  the  attempt  to  apply  two  and  often  several  sets  of  laws 
to  its  regulation  has  produced  conflicts  of  authority,  embarrassment 
in  operation  and  inconvenience  and  expense  to  the  public. 

The  entire  transportation  system  of  the  country  has  become  es- 
sentially national.  'We.  therefore,  favor  such  action  by  legislation  or, 
if  necessary,  through  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  as  will  result  in  placing  it  under  complete  Federal  control. 

ECONOMY  AND  A  NATIONAL  BUDGET 

The  increasing  cost  of  the  national  government  and  the  need 
for  the  greatest  economy  of  its  resources  in  order  to  meet  the  grow- 
ing demands  of  the  people  for  government  service  call  for  the  severest 
condemnation  of  the  wasteful  appropriations  of  this  democratic  ad- 
ministration, of  its  shameless  raids  on  the  treasury,  and  of  its  op- 
position to  and  rejection  of  President  Taft's  oft  repeated  proposals 
and  earnest  efforts  to  secure  economy  and  efficiency  through  the 
establishment  of  a  simple  businesslike  budget  system  to  which  we 
pledge  our  support  and  which  we  hold  to  be  necessary  to  effect  any 
real  reform  in  the  administration  of  national  finances. 

CONSERVATION 

We  believe  in  a  careful  husbandry  of  all  the  natural  resources  of 
the  nation — a  husbandry  which  means  development  without  waste;  use 
without  abuse. 

CIVIL   SERVICE   REFORM 

The  Civil  Service  Law  has  always  been  sustained  by  the  Re- 
publican party,  and  we  renew  our  repeated  declarations  that  it  shall 


94  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF  THE 

be  thoroughly  and  honestly  enforced  and  extended  wherever  practica- 
ble. The  Democratic  party  has  created  since  March  4,  1913,  thirty 
thousand  offices  outside  of  the  Civil  Service  law  at  an  annual  cost  of 
forty-four  million  dollars  to  the  tax  payers  of  the  country. 

We  condemn  the  gross  abuse  and  the  misuse  of  the  law  by  the 
present  Democratic  administration  and  pledge  ourselves  to  a  reor- 
ganization of  this  service  along  lines  of  efficiency  and  economy. 

TERRITORIAL  OFFICIALS 

Reaffirming  the  attitude  long  maintained  by  the  Republican  party, 
we  hold  that  officials  appointed  to  administer  the  government  of  any 
territory  should  be  bona  fide  residents  of  the  territory  in  which  their 
duties  are  to  be  performed. 

LABOR    LAWS 

We  pledge  the  Republican  party  to  the  faithful  enforcement  of 
all  Federal  laws  passed  for  the  protection  of  labor.  We  favor  voca- 
tional education;  the  enactment  and  rigid  enforcement  of  a  Federal 
child  labor  law;  the  enactment  of  a  generous  and  comprehensive 
workmen's  compensation  law,  within  the  commerce  power  of  Con- 
gress, and  an  accident  compensation  law  covering  all  Government 
employes.  We  favor  the  collection  and  collation,  under  the  direction 
of  the  Department  of  Labor,  of  complete  data  relating  to  industrial 
hazards  for  the  information  of  Congress,  to  the  end  that  such  legis- 
lation may  be  adopted  as  may  be  calculated  to  secure  the  safety,  con- 
servation and  protection  of  labor  from  the  dangers  incident  to  in- 
dustry and  transportation. 

SUFFRAGE 

The  Republican  party,  reaffirming  its  faith  in  government  of  the 
people,  by  the  people,  for  the  people,  as  a  measure  of  justice  to  one- 
half  the  adult  people  of  the  country,  favors  the  extension  of  the  suf- 
frage to  women,  but  recognizes  the  right  of  each  state  to  settle  this 
question  for  itself. 

CONCLUSION 

Such  are  our  principles,  such  are  our  "purposes  and  policies-" 
We  close  as  we  began.  The  times  are  dangerous  and  the  future  is 
fraught  with  perils.  The  great  issues  of  the  day  have  been  confused 
by  words  and  phrases.  The  American  spirit,  which  made  the  country 
and  saved  the  union,  has  been  forgotten  by  those  charged  with  the  re- 
sponsibility of  power.  We  appeal  to  all  Americans,  whether  natural- 
ized or  native-born,  to  prove  to  the  world  that  we  are  Americans  in 
thought  and  in  deed,  with  one  loyalty,  one  hope,  one  aspiration.  We 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL    CONVENTION  95 

call  on  all  Americans  to  be  true  to  the  spirit  of  America,  to  the  great 
traditions  of  their  common  country,  and  above  all  things,  to  keep  the 
faith. 

MR.  LODGE,  of  Massachusetts. — I  move  the  adoption  of  the  report. 

MR.  ADOLPH  O.  EBERHART,  of  Minnesota. — I  second  the  motion. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  question  is  upon  the  adoption  of 
the  report  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions.  The  Chair  recognizes  Mr. 
Edwin  J.  Gross,  of  Wisconsin,  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions,  who 
wishes  to  present  a  minority  report. 

MINORITY  REPORT 

MR.  EDWIN  J.  GROSS,  of  Wisconsin. — Mr.  Chairman  and  delegates  of 
this  Convention :  Being  unable  to  agree  with  the  majority  report,  as  a 
member — 

(The  speaker  was  interrupted  by  cries  of  "Louder!"     Louder!") 
THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — If  the  delegates  will  be  patient  with  the 
speaker  his  voice  will  doubtless  reach  you  in  a  moment.     He  is  saving 
some  of  his  strength  to  yell  for  the  nominee  of  this  Convention.     (Laugh- 
ter and  applause.) 

MR.  GROSS,  of  Wisconsin. — Being  unable  to  agree  with  the  majority 
report,  as  a  member  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions,  from  the  State 
of  Wisconsin,  I  submit  the  following  minority  report  and  recommend 
its  adoption. 

TARIFF 

We  favor  a  protective  tariff  the  schedules  of  which  shall  be  based  upon 
the  ascertained  difference  in  the  labor  in  this  country  and  abroad  and 
which  shall  be  so  adjusted  as  to  assure  its  benefit  to  labor  and  yet  not 
tax  the  consumer  to  cover  inefficient  management  nor  place  a  premium  on 
the  exhaustion  of  our  natural  resources.  The  investigation  of  these  facts 
and  the  revision  of  these  schedules  should  be  made  by  a  non-partisan  tariff 
commission,  subject  to  the  action  of  Congress. 

PATENTS 

Inventions  should  be  fully  developed  and  utilized  for  the  public 
benefit  under  reasonable  regulation  by  the  Federal  Trade  Commission.  We 
pledge  the  enactment  of  a  law  which  will  protect  the  inventor  as  well  as 
the  public,  and  which  cannot  be  used  against  the  public  welfare  in  the 
interest  of  injurious  monopolies. 


96  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDINGS    OF   THE 

SHIP  SUBSIDY 

We  are  unequivocally  opposed  to  ship  subsidies.  We  believe  the 
American  merchant  marine  can  be  builded  upon  a  stable  basis  by  equaliz- 
ing the  costs  of  building  and  the  costs  of  operation.  We  commend  the 
enactment  of  the  so-called  Seamen's  Law  which  gave  freedom  to  seamen 
and  equalized  the  labor  costs  of  ship  operation  between  vessels  of  the 
United  States  and  foreign  countries.  We  insist  upon  the  proper  enforce- 
ment of  that  act  and  demand  legislation  to  equalize  the  cost  of  ship 
construction. 

SOCIAL    WELFARE 

A  well  nurtured,  well  developed,  loyal  citizenship  is  essential  to  Na- 
tional defense.  Without  such  a  body  of  citizens,  physical  resources  are 
of  little  value.  The  nation  best  commands  an  adequate  defense  that  most 
efficiently  safeguards  against  exploitation  and  most  adequately  provides 
for  the  material  and  physical  well-being  of  its  citizens.  We  favor  laws, 
to  assure  the  greatest  possible  safety  to  workmen  from  industrial  acci- 
dents and  vocational  diseases,  to  provide  compensation  for  occupational 
accidents  and  diseases,  to  facilitate  and  encourage  safe  provisions  for  de- 
pendents and  for  old  age,  to  strictly  regulate  and  control  the  employment 
of  women  and  children,  to  secure  the  fullest  inquiry  and  publicity  with 
regard  to  living  conditions  and  conditions  of  employment,  to  encourage 
the  organization  of  workmen  and  farmers  to  co-operate  in  the  distribu- 
tion of  products  and  the  elimination  of  unnecessary  expense,  loss  and 
waste  and  to  promote  their  education,  efficiency  and  general  welfare. 


We  favor  the  strengthening  of  the  various  agencies  of  the  govern- 
ment relating  to  pure  foods,  quarantine  and  health,  and  their  union  into 
a  single  United  States  Health  Service  not  subordinated  to  any  interest, 
commercial  or  financial,  but  devoted  to  co-operation  with  the  health  ac- 
tivities of  the  various  States  and  cities  of  the  nation,  and  to  such  efforts 
as  are  consistent  with  reasonable  personal  liberty,  looking  to  the  elimina- 
tion of  unnecessary  disease  and  the  lengthening  of  human  life. 

GOVERNMENT    MANUFACTURE    OF    MUNITIONS 

We  favor  a  comprehensive  survey  by  the  government  of  the  indus- 
tries, transportation  and  other  resources  of  the  United  States  and  such  or- 
ganization thereof  in  times  of  peace,  that  in  time  of  war  every  resource  of 
the  country  shall  be  available  immediately  for  the  needs  of  the  government. 
National  defense  should  involve  equal  sacrifice  and  there  should  be  no 
private  profit  from  war  or  preparation  for  war.  The  private  manufac- 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL   CONVENTION  97 

ture  of  munitions  of  war  furnishes  a  direct  incentive  to  war.  Govern- 
ment manufacture  of  munitions,  by  eliminating  private  profit,  does  away 
with  the  desire  for  war.  We  pledge  the  government  manufacture  of  all 
munitions  and  vessels  of  war  in  time  of  peace,  and  in  time  of  war  the 
requisition  and  operation  by  the  government  of  privately  owned  plants 
so  far  as  needed. 

NAVAL    SUPPLIES 

We  pledge  ourselves  to  the  acquisition  and  operation  by  the  govern- 
ment of  coal  mines  and  oil  wells  upon  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Coasts 
and  in  Alaska  for  the  supply  of  the  Navy  and  other  Governmental  de- 
partments with  fuel  and  oil. 

TAXATION 

Great  fortunes  have  been  gained  through  the  manufacture  and  sale  of 
munitions  of  war  to  belligerent  European  countries.  We  believe  that 
those  who  have  directly  profited  by  the  European  war  should  contribute 
a  portion  of  such  profits  to  pay  the  increased  expenses  of  our  govern- 
ment caused  by  expansion  of  our  military  program.  We  therefore  favor 
paying  for  such  increased  expenditures  by  increasing  the  surtax  upon 
incomes,  levying  a  tax  upon  all  manufacturers  of  munitions  of  war,  and 
a  graduated  Federal  Inheritance  Tax  with  reasonable  exemptions. 

STRICT  NEUTRALITY 

We  insist  that  this  country  shall  maintain  strict  neutrality  toward 
nations  engaged  in  war,  thus  preserving  friendly  relations  with  all  belliger- 
ents and  keeping  open  the  door  of  opportunity  to  service  in  promoting 
just  terms  of  peace.  We  pledge  to  so  amend  our  neutrality  laws  as  to  make 
it  the  duty  of  the  President,  by  Executive  order,  to  preserve  the  perfect 
balance  of  our  neutrality  even  at  the  sacrifice  of  profits  to  the  money 
power  and  the  manufacturers  of  arms  and  ammunition. 

CONFERENCE    OF    NEUTRAL    NATIONS    FOR    PEACE 

We  favor  a  conference  of  neutral  nations  with  a  view  to  a  permanent 
organization  to  promote  peace,  prevent  wars  and  aid  in  the  settlement  of 
international  questions  and  the  adjustment  of  differences  between  na- 
tions at  war. 

INTERNATIONAL     PEACE     TRIBUNAL 

To  compose  the  differences  of  nations  and  to  maintain  World  peace, 
we  favor  the  creation  of  an  International  Tribunal  to  which  shall  be 
referred  for  final  settlement  all  issues  between  nations,  and  upon  the 
establishment  of  such  a  Tribunal  we  favor  action  by  our  government 


98  OFFICIAL    PROCEEDIXGS    OF   THE 

toward  general  disarmament  of  the  nations  of  the  world;  and  that  an 
adequate  International  army  and  navy  be  maintained  under  the  com- 
mand of  such  Tribunal  to  enforce  its  decrees. 


REFERENDUM   OF   WAR 

We  favor  a  law  providing  for  a  popular  expression  of  opinion  by 
the  voters  for  or  against  war  with  any  foreign  government  with  which 
the  President  shall  have  severed  diplomatic  relations. 

FOREIGN    RELATIONS 

We  denounce  the  un-American  and  undemocratic  secret  diplomacy 
which  continually  threatens  the  honor,  peace  and  security  of  our  coun- 
try, and  we  favor  full  and  immediate  publicity  in  all  our  relations  with 
foreign  governments. 

DOLLAR    DIPLOMACY 

The  natural  resources  of  our  country  have  been  largely  monopolized 
by  privileged  interests.  These  interests  have  formed  monster  combina- 
tions in  every  important  industry,  controlling  production  and  prices  and 
creating  a  vast  surplus  wealth.  This  excess  capital  which  might  otherwise 
be  loaned  at  reduced  interest  rates  to  the  people  from  whom  it  has  been 
wrongfully  exacted,  has  been  withdrawn  from  the  country  by  the  masters 
of  finance  and  used  to  secure  concessions  in  oil,  coal,  timber  and  mineral 
lands  in  Mexico,  Central  and  South  American  countries,  and  loaned  in 
China  and  elsewhere  at  usurious  rates  and  extortionate  commissions, 
thus  enabling  these  interests  to  control  the  natural  resources  of  the 
weaker  nations  and  exploit  their  helpless  peoples. 

In  support  of  this  system,  in  recent  years  there  has  been  an  attempt 
to  establish  and  maintain  a  foreign  policy  of  "Dollar  Diplomacy"  that 
would  make  our  government  the  guarantor  for  the  private  investments 
of  our  privileged  interests  in  foreign  countries. 

Back  of  this  foreign  policy  lies  in  large  part  the  demand  for  a  big 
army  and  a  big  navy  to  enforce  the  collection  of  the  private  claims  and 
protect  the  concessions  and  investments  of  these  interests. 

These  same  interests  own  the  munition  plants  which  fatten  off  the 
great  government  contracts  to  supply  the  big  army  and  build  the  big 
navy  maintained  by  taxing  our  people. 

We  denounce  this  mercenary  system  of  a  degraded  foreign  policy 
which  has  at  times  reduced  our  State  Department  from  its  high  service 
as  a  strong  and  kindly  intermediary  of  defenseless  governments  into  a 
trading  outpost  for  these  privileged  interests  and  concessions  seekers 
engaged  in  exploiting  weaker  nations. 


SIXTEEXTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION  99 

\Ye  pledge  ourselves  against  "Dollar  Diplomacy"  and  the  identifica- 
tion of  the  government  with  the  claims  of  concession  seekers,  financiers 
and  privileged  interests  operating  in  weaker  countries. 

WOMAN'S  SUFFRAGE 
\Ye  favor  the  extension  of  suffrage  to  women. 

INITIATIVE,   REFERENDUM    AND    RECALL 

Over  and  above  constitutions  and  statutes,  and  greater  than  all,  is 
the  supreme  sovereignty  of  the  people.  \Yhenever  the  initiative,  referen- 
dum and  the  recall  have  been  adopted  by  State  governments,  it  has  stimu- 
lated the  interest  of  the  citizen  in  his  government  and  awakened  a 
deeper  sense  of  responsibility.  If  it  is  wise  to  entrust  the  people  with 
this  power  in  State  government,  no  one  can  challenge  the  extension  of 
this  power  to  the  national  government.  We  favor  such  amendments  to 
the  federal  constitution,  and  thereupon  the  enactment  of  such  statutes 
as  may  be  necessary  to  extend  the  initiative,  the  referendum  and  the 
recall  to  representatives  in  Congress  and  United  States  senators. 

LEGISLATION    AND    PUBLICITY 

We  pledge  the  enactment  of  a  law  requiring  all  congressional  com- 
mittee hearings  to  be  public  and  providing  for  a  permanent  public  record 
of  all  appearances  and  votes  at  committee  meetings  and  for  the  strictest 
regulation  of  the  acts  of  all  persons  employed  for  pecuniary  considera- 
tion to  oppose  or  promote  legislation. 

During  the  reading  of  the  minority  report  of  the  Committee  on 
resolutions  there  was  some  little  confusion. 

After  reading  the  section  in  regard  to  patents  and  ship  subsidies,  the 
following  occurred : 

MR.  GROSS,  of  Wisconsin. — Can  you  hear  me,  ladies  and  gentlemen? 

A  DELEGATE. — No. 

ANOTHER  DELEGATE. — Never  mind,  that's  all  right. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Convention  will  be  in  order. 
A  minority  member  of  any  committee  is  entitled  to  a  hearing  by  the 
Convention  in  order. 

FROM   THE   GALLERY. — Louder,  louder,   louder! 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Any  offending  guest  of  this  Conven- 
tion who  interrupts  a  speaker  will  be  removed,  under  the  order  of  the 
Chair,  by  the  Sergeant-at-Arms.  (Applause  among  the  delegates.) 

When  Mr.  Gross  reached  the  woman  suffrage  clause  of  his  report 
he  said : 

MR.  GROSS,  of  Wisconsin. — "We  favor  the  extension  of  suffrage  to 
women,"  and  we  stop  there!  (Applause.) 


100  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

MR.  GROSS,  of  Wisconsin. — Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  you  may 
not  like  what  I  have  said  in  this  platform,  but  at  least  I  have  said  ex- 
actly where  we  stand  and  there  is  no  mistake  about  it. 

When  Mr.  Gross  was  concluding  the  section  of  the  minority  report 
in  regard  to  the  initiative,  referendum  and  recall,  the  following  occurred: 

MR.  GROSS,  of  Wisconsin. — "We  favor  such  amendments  to  the  Fed- 
eral Constitution,  and  thereupon  the  enactment  of  such  statutes  as  may 
be  necessary  to  extend  the  initiative,  the  referendum,  and  the  recall  to 
representatives  in  Congress  and  United  States  senators."  (Loud  laughter, 
cries  of  "No,  No,  No."  and  hisses.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Convention  will  be  in  order.  I 
feel  quite  sure  that  it  is  not  necessary  for  the  Chairman  to  say  that  the 
delegates  will  respectfully  hear  what  any  minority  member  may  have  to 
say,  and  the  guests  of  the  Convention  must  not  interrupt  any  minority 
speaker  by  interjecting  remarks  or  any  one  offending  will  be  removed 
from  the  hall. 

After  concluding  the  final  section  of  the  minority  report  on  legis- 
lation and  publicity,  Mr.  Gross  said: 

MR.  GROSS,  of  Wisconsin. — Ladies  and  gentlemen  of  the  Convention, 
you  heard  your  Chairman  when  he  opened  this  great  Convention  on 
yesterday  morning  deliver  a  speech  that  rang  clear  and  true  in  some 
particulars.  (Laughter.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Convention  will  be  in  order. 

MR.  GROSS,  of  Wisconsin. — We  state  this,  ladies  and  gentlemen  of  the 
Convention,  that  although — 

A  DELEGATE  FROM  INDIANA. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  rise  to  a  point  of  order. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentlemen  will  state  his  point  of 
order. 

THE  DELEGATE  FROM  INDIANA. — There  is  nothing  before  the  house  but 
the  reading  of  the  platform,  and  under  our  rules  a  member  cannot  de- 
liver a  speech  when  reading  the  platform. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  delegate  from  Indiana  is  quite 
right  in  his  point  of  order  but,  by  inference  at  least,  the  gentleman  on 
the  platform  moved  to  substitute  the  minority  report  for  the  majority 
report,  and  under  that  construction  he  has  the  floor  for  five  minutes. 

ANOTHER  DELEGATE. — Mr.  Chairman. 

THE  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — For  what  purpose  does  the  gentleman 
rise? 

THE  DELEGATE. — I  want  to  make  a  motion. 

THE  TEMPORARY  CHAIRMAN. — No  motion  is  in  order  at  this  moment. 
Mr.  Gross  will  proceed. 

MR.  GROSS,  of  Wisconsin. — Gentlemen  of  this  Convention,  I  do  not 
think  it  will  hurt  you  one  minute  to  listen  to  what  I  have  to  say,  (cries 
of  "Oh,  no.")  because  if  you  do  not  agree  with  what  I  have  to  say  you 


SIXTEENTH  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  101 

do  not  need  to  vote  that  way.  I  wouldn't  want  any  man  to  violate  his 
conscience  by  his  vote.  (A  voice,  "You  need  not  worry.")  As  I  was 
saying  when  I  was  interrupted,  your  Chairman  on  yesterday  well  said  that 
although  this  country  is  undergoing  a  state  of  prosperity,  it  is  not  a 
natural  condition  but  an  artificial  condition  brought  about  by  that  great 
holocaust  across  the  pond.  He  stated  that  we  are  making  great  profits 
out  of  shipments  of  munitions  of  war;  and  God  forbid  that  we  should 
rejoice  over  money  made  in  that  way.  (Handclapping.)  You  are  ap- 
plauding that  statement  now  because  it  came  from  your  Chairman,  but 
when  I  read  that  plank  a  few  moments  ago  that  would  wipe  out  such 
horrible  conditions  abroad,  you  did  not  applaud  or  handclap  then.  If  it 
was  right  for  your  chairman  to  take  that  position  and  you  agreed  with 
him,  why  isn't  it  right  for  you  to  agree  with  the  minority  plank  on  that 
proposition? 

It  may  be  true  that  we  should  not  involve  ourselves  for  expediency's 
sake,  but  the  Republican  Party  is  expected  to  do  what  any  progressive 
party  ought  to  do  and  should  do;  and  if  the  question  is  right  I  do  not 
care  one  snap  of  the  finger  for  expediency.  If  a  question  is  right  it  is 
worth  fighting  for  and  worth  adopting  irrespective  of  the  expediency 
The  majority  platform  covers  a  situation  that  deals  with  a  state  of  neu- 
trality that  uses  the  phraseology  something  like  strict  and  honest  neu- 
trality. Why!  Doesn't  the  Democratic  administration  at  Washington 
claim  to  conduct  a  strict  and  honest  neutrality?  It  is  simply  a  general 
expression  that  doesn't  amount  to  anything.  Put  some  teeth  in  that  plank 
of  your  platform — 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  time  of  the  gentleman  has  ex- 
pired. 

MR.  GROSS,  of  Wisconsin. — I  say,  put  some  teeth  in  that  plank  of  your 
platform,  and  do  not  merely  use  high-sounding  phrases  that  mean  abso- 
lutely nothing.  I  want  you  to  consider  these  things,  ladies  and  gentlemen 
of  the  Convention,  and  vote,  if  you  conscientiously  can,  in  favor  of  the 
minority  platform.  I  thank  you. 

MR.  LODGE,  of  Massachusetts. — Mr.  Chairman. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  recognizes  Senator  Lodge 
of  Massachusetts. 

MR.  LODGE,  of  Massachusetts. — Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen  of  the 
convention :  I  shall  not  take  your  time  in  discussing  the  minority  report, 
for  it  would  involve  a  discussion  of  the  entire  report  of  the  committee, 
upon  which  your  Committee  on  Resolutions  has  spent  many  hard-working 
hours.  The  minority  report  is  signed  alone  by  the  gentleman  who  has 
presented  it.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  And,  while  we  all  respect  the 
courage  of  conviction  displayed  by  the  gentleman,  yet  I  think  it  only 
fair  to  say  that  the  committee  has  considered,  I  believe,  all  the  sugges- 
tions contained  in  the  minority  report,  and  on  the  only  one  on  which  a 


102  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

vote  was  obtained,  the  committee  voted  forty-five  to  one  against  it.  1 
therefore  trust,  and  it  is  all  I  intend  to  say,  that  the  convention  will  not 
substitute  the  minority  report  for  that  of  the  committee. 

While  on  my  feet  and  after  reading  the  report  of  the  Committee  on 
Resolutions  I  moved  the  adoption  of  the  report. 

The  question  was  called  for. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  question  before  the  convention  is 
on  the  substitute  offered  by  the  gentleman  from  Wisconsin,  (Mr.  Gross), 
that  the  minority  report  be  adopted  in  place  of  the  majority  report. 
All  in  favor  of  the  motion  will  make  it  known  by  saying  "aye."  (A  few 
scattering  ayes.)  Those  opposed  will  make  their  pleasure  known  by 
saying  "no."  (A  chorus  of  "noes.")  The  noes  have  it  and  the  substitute 
is  lost. 

The  question  now  is  on  the  adoption  of  the  report  of  the  Committee 
on  Resolutions,  or  which  may  be  termed  the  majority  report. 

And  the  report  was  agreed  to. 

COMMUNICATION  FROM  PROGRESSIVE  CONVENTION 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Ladies  and  gentlemen  of  the  conven- 
tion :  Your  chairman  is  in  receipt  of  a  communication  which  he  desires 
to  convey  to  the  delegates  of  this  convention : 

"Chicago,  June  8th,   1916. 

"Hon.  Warren  G.  Harding,   Chairman  of  the  Republican  National  Con- 
vention, The  Coliseum,  Chicago. 

"Dear  Sir :  By  direction  of  the  Progressive  National  Convention, 
I  transmit  for  the  consideration  of  the  Republican  National  Convention 
copy  of  a  resolution  duly  adopted  by  the  Progressive  National  Convention 
at  its  afternoon  session,  June  8th,  1916. 

"Very  truly  yours, 

"O.  K.  DAVIS, 
"Secretary,  Progressive   National   Convention." 

RESOLUTION 

"In  the  spirit  of  the  statement  approved  at  the  meeting  of  its 
National  Committee  held  on  January  nth  last  past,  the  National 
Convention  of  the  Progressive  Party  invites  and  requests  the 
National  Convention  of  the  Republican  Party  to  appoint  a  Com- 
mittee on  Conference  to  meet  with  a  similar  committee  from  this 
body." 

The  reading  of  the  resolution  was  greeted  by  enthusiastic  applause. 
MR.  REED  SMOOT,  of  Utah. — Mr.  Chairman. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  chair  recognizes  Senator  Smoot, 
of  Utah. 


SIXTEENTH  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  103 

MR.  SMOOT. — I  move  that,  in  view  of  the  request  of  the  Progressive 
National  Convention,  a  committee  of  five  delegates  be  appointed  by  the 
Chairman  of  this  Convention  to  confer  with  a  committee  or  the  Conven- 
tion of  the  Progressive  Party.  (Applause.) 

A  DELEGATE. —  I  second  the  motion. 

A  VOICE. — We  have  got  to  get  together. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  question  is  on  agreeing  to  the 
motion  of  the  Senator  from  Utah.  Those  of  you  who  favor  the  adoption 
of  the  motion  will  say  "aye."  (A  chorus  of  ayes.)  Contrary  "no."  (A 
few  scattering  noes  were  heard.)  The  ayes  seem  to  have  it.  (After  a 
pause.)  The  ayes  have  it,  and  the  motion  is  agreed  to. 

COMMITTEE  OF  CONFERENCE 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — In  accordance  with  the  instructions  of 
this  Convention,  the  Chair  appoints  as  such  a  committee,  Senator  Smoot 
of  Utah,  Ex-Senator  Murray  Crane  of  Massachusetts,  Senator  William 
E.  Borah  of  Idaho,  Dr.  Nicholas  Murray  Butler  of  New  York,  and  Ex- 
Congressman  A.  R.  Johnson  of  Ohio.  (Applause.) 

ELECTION  OF  NATIONAL  COMMITTEE 

PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  :  The  next  business  in  order  is  the  election 
of  the  National  Committee.  In  accordance  with  Rule  No.  14,  the  Secretary 
will  call  the  roll  for  nomination  of  members  of  the  National  Committee. 
The  Secretary  will  call  the  roll. 

As  the  Secretary  calls  the  roll  of  States,  the  Chairman  of  each  State 
Delegation  will  please  announce  the  nomination  by  his  State  for  its  mem- 
ber of  the  committee. 

The  Convention  will  be  in  order. 

Thereupon  the  Secretary  proceeded  to  call  the  roll.  When  Connecti- 
cut was  reached,  the  Chairman  for  Connecticut  said  as  follows : 

Chairman  of  Connecticut  delegation:  Connecticut  has  not  as  yet 
nominated. 

The  Secretary  continued  with  the  call  of  the  roll  and  when  Kentucky 
was  reached,  Mr.  A.  E.  Willson  for  Kentucky  said  as  follows: 

The  Chairman  announces  the  election  of  A.  T.  Hert,  by  the  delegation, 
but  I  am  advised  that  there  will  be  a  contest  of  this  election  by  Mr.  J.  W. 
McCulloch.  (Confusion  and  cries  of  "No!  No!") 

MR.  R.  C.  STOLL:  (Of  Kentucky)  I  want  to  submit  that  on  yesterday 
at  a  meeting  of  the  delegates  they  were  notified  that  they  would  have 
ample  notice  of  a  meeting  for  the  selection  of  a  National  Committeeman, 
but  just  at  this  moment  they  have  called  a  meeting  for  the  election  of  a 


104  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

National  Committeeman.  There  are  several  delegates  who  are  not  here, 
and  who  did  not  know  the  matter  was  going  to  come  up.  We  protest 
against  this  election. 

(Mr.  Stoll's  further  remarks  were  not  audible  on  the  stage,  and 
the  calling  of  the  roll  was  proceeded  with.) 

At  the  call  of  New  York. 

MR.  WHITMAN,  of  New  York. — Mr.  Chairman,  the  report  of  New  York 
will  be  made  later. 

When  Tennessee  was  reached. 

MR.  HOOPER,  of  Tennessee. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  challenge  the  announce- 
ment of  Tennessee,  under  the  authority  of  Rule  No.  14,  adopted  by  this 
Convention  today.  I  move  to  substitute  the  name  of  John  J.  Gore  for  Na- 
tional Committeeman  of  this  State  (Tennessee)  on  the  ground  that  in- 
structions were  violated  in  the  election  of  Mr.  Littleton. 

PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  :  The  case  of  Tennessee  will  be  passed  until 
the  roll  call  is  completed,  when  the  Chair  will  again  revert  to  Tennessee. 

Secretary  Gleason  continues  the  call  of  the  roll  of  States,  to  the  end. 

PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN:  The  Chair  recognizes  Mr.  O.  B.  Marx,  of 
Michigan. 

MR.  MARX  :  Mr.  Chairman,  I  move  that  the  members  so  nominated 
without  objection  be  now  elected. 

PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN:  The  gentleman  from  Michigan  (Mr.  Marx) 
moves  the  election  of  the  members  of  the  National  Committee  who  are 
nominated  without  objection.  The  question  is  on  the  adoption  of  the 
motion  of  the  member  from  Michigan.  Those  who  favor  the  motion 
will  say  Aye.  Opposed,  no.  The  motion  is  carried. 

The  Chair  recognizes  the  Hon.  R.  W.  Austin,  of  Tennessee. 

MR.  AUSTIN  :  Mr.  Chairman,  I  move  to  lay  the  motion  of  Mr.  Hooper 
of  Tennessee  on  the  table. 

PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN:  The  delegate  from  Tennessee,  Mr.  Austin, 
moves  to  lay  the  motion  of  Governor  Hooper  of  the  same  State,  on  the 
table. 

MR.  BROWN,  of  New  York:    Mr.  President. 

PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN:    For  what  purpose  does  the  gentleman  rise? 

MR.  BROWN  :     For  information.    I  desire  to  know  the  motion. 

PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  :  The  motion  is  to  lay  the  challenge  of  Gov- 
ernor Hooper  of  Tennessee  on  the  table.  The  motion  is  not  debatable. 

VOICES  AMONG  THE  DELEGATES:  State  the  motion.  What  is  the  mo- 
tion? (Cries  of  "Hooper!  Hooper!") 

PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  :  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  Governor 
Hooper  of  Tennessee  challenges  the  nomination  presented  by  that  State. 
Delegate  Austin  of  Tennessee  moves  to  lay  the  challenge  on  the  table  and 
the  motion,  under  the  rules,  is  not  debatable.  Those  of  you  who  favor 


SIXTEENTH  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  105 

laying  the  challenge  on  the  table  say  Aye.  Those  of  you  who  are  opposed 
will  say  No.  (Loud  No  vote.)  The  Noes  appear  to  have  it.  The 
Noes  do  have  it  and  the  motion  to  table  does  not  prevail. 

I  recognize  the  gentleman  from  New  York,  Senator  Eloii  R.  Brown. 

MR.  BROWN  :     Mr.  Chairman. 

PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  :     Senator  Brown  has  the  floor. 

MR.  BROWN  :  I  move  that  in  the  matter  of  the  National  Committee- 
man  from  Tennessee,  the  pending  motion,  be  referred  to  the  National 
Committee,  and  I  do  so  for  this  reason. 

(No!     No!) 

PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  :  State  your  motion,  and  then  your  re- 
marks will  be  in  order. 

MR.  BROWN  :    I  have  stated  my  motion,  that  it  be  referred. 

PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  :  Senator  Brown,  of  the  New  York  delega- 
tion, moves  that  the  protest  and  the  contest,  if  you  please,  from  Tennessee, 
be  referred  to  the  National  Committee  with  power  to  act.  Such  is  the 
pending  motion  before  the  Committee  of  the  Convention  now. 

A  DELEGATE:     Seconded. 

MR.  BROWN,  of  New  York:     Mr.  Chairman. 

PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN:     Senator  Brown,  Gentlemen. 

MR.  BROWN:  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  As  a  member  of  the 
Committee  on  Rules,  and  a  member  of  the  Sub-Committee  on  Rules,  be- 
fore whom  this  matter  was  considered,  I  make  this  motion  because  of  the 
inability  at  this  time,  even  more  than  at  the  time  the  Committee  was  in 
session,  to  give  due  consideration  to  the  claims  of  the  contestants  for 
the  position. 

MR.  HOOPER,  of  Tennessee  (Interrupting)  :  We  all  agreed,  Mr.  Chair- 
man. 

MR.  BROWN,  of  New  York  (continuing)  : — to  give  due  consideration 
to  the  claims  of  the  contestants  for  the  position.  It  will  be  utterly  futile 
for  the  Convention  to  enter  into  a  consideration  of  it,  because  the  parties 
disagree  as  to  the  facts.  You  have  adopted  your  rules.  Those  rules  will 
be  binding  upon  the  National  Committee,  and  the  National  Committee  can 
settle  the  matter  according  to  the  very  justice  of  the  case. 

DELEGATES  :     Cries  of  "Question,  Question." 

MR.  HOOPER,  of  Tennessee :  Mr.  Chairman,  I  want  to  say  on  behalf 
of  the  Tennessee  delegation  that  from  expressions  I  hear  here,  just  now, 
I  feel  sure  that  the  entire  delegation  is  in  accord  with  the  motion  made 
by  the  gentleman  from  New  York.  Am  I  right,  gentlemen? 

DELEGATES  :     Yes,  yes. 

MR.  HOOPER,  of  Tennessee:  All  right,  let  it  go  to  the  National  Com- 
mittee. 

PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN:     Are  there  any  other  remarks? 


106  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  :  The  question  is  on  the  motion  of  the  gen- 
tleman from  New  York  to  refer  the  matter  to  the  National  Committee  with 
power  to  act.  Those  of  you  who  favor  agreeing  with  the  motion  will  say 
Aye.  Opposed,  No.  The  Ayes  have  it. 

(The  vote  was  unanimous.) 

PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  :  The  gentleman  who  made  a  partial  report 
from  Kentucky — Is  Governor  Willson  ready  to  report? 

MR.  J.  W.  LANGLEY,  of  Kentucky. — Mr.  Chairman,  that  was  a  full 
report.  Our  delegation  selected  Mr.  Hert  yesterday  by  a  majority  vote. 
The  other  side  announced  that  they  would  raise  a  contest  on  the  idea  that 
a  previous  vote  in  Kentucky  several  weeks  ago  elected  another  gentleman, 
but  we  take  it  there  is  no  election  until  today,  and  our  delegation  has  voted 
by  a  conceded  majority  to  nominate  Mr.  Hert. 

MR.  E.  T.  FRANKS   (Of  Kentucky)  :     Mr.  Chairman. 

PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN:    For  what  purpose  does  the  gentleman  rise? 

MR.  FRANKS  (Of  Kentucky)  :  I  rise  for  the  purpose  of  moving  that 
the  Kentucky  situation  be  referred  to  the  National  Committee  with 
power  to  act. 

A  DELEGATE:     Seconded. 

MR.  JOHN  W.  LANGLEY  (Of  Kentucky)  :  Mr.  Chairman,  a  point  of 
order.  I  understand  the  chair  to  announce  the  motion  to  vote  on  all 
nominations  to  which  there  was  no  objection. 

(Several  delegates  were  in  the  aisles,  and  there  was  some  confusion.) 

PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  :    Quite  right. 

MR.  LANGLEY:  There  was  no  objection  made  to  the  nomination  by 
Governor  Willson,  and  therefore  my  point  of  order  is  that  National  Com- 
mitteeman  from  Kentucky — 

PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  :  The  point  of  order  is  sustained.  The  chair 
will  recognize  Mr.  Warren  (of  Michigan)  for  a  motion. 

(See  page  203  for  list  of  members  of  National  Committee  so  far  as 
of  yesterday. 

MR.  WARREN  (Of  Michigan)  :  Mr.  Chairman,  I  move  that  the  Con- 
vention do  now  adjourn  until  eleven  o'clock  tomorrow  morning. 

PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN:  The  motion  is  to  adjourn  until  eleven 
o'clock  tomorrow  morning. 

DELEGATES  :    Aye.    Aye. 

PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  :  The  motion  is  carried  and  the  convention  is 
adjourned  until  eleven  o'clock  tomorrow  morning. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  (at  5  o'clock  and  55  minutes  p.  m.) 
the  Convention  adjourned  until  tomorrow,  Friday,  June  Qth,  1916,  at  II 
o'clock  a.  m. 


LAFAYETTE  B.  GLEASON,  of  New  York 
General  Secretary  of  the  Convention 


THIRD  DAY 


CONVENTION  HALL 

THE  COLISEUM 

CHICAGO,   ILL,   JUNE  9,    1916. 

The  Convention  met  at  II  o'clock  a.  m. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Convention  will  be  in  order.  The 
Chair  requests  the  members  of  the  Convention  and  its  guests  to  rise  while 
prayer  is  offered  by  Bishop  William  F.  McDowell. 

PRAYER  OF  BISHOP  WILLIAM  F.  McDOWELL 

Bishop  William  F.  McDowell,  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church, 
Washington,  D.  C,  offered  the  following  prayer : 

Almighty  God,  unto  Whom  all  hearts  are  open,  all  desires  known  and 
from  Whom  no  secrets  are  hid,  cleanse  the  thoughts  of  our  hearts  by 
the  inspiration  of  Thy  holy  spirit  that  we  may  perfectly  love  Thee  and 
perfectly  magnify  Thy  holy  name  in  what  we  do  this  day.  Go  before 
us  with  Thy  holy  spirit  that  all  our  work  begun,  continued  and  ended  in 
Thee  may  redound  to  Thy  glory  and  the  welfare  of  mankind. 

We  are  here  on  the  most  important  day  that  has  ever  witnessed  a 
gathering  like  this.  What  we  here  do  has  more  than  party  significance; 
it  means  everything  to  the  republic;  it  means  vastly  to  the  world  itself. 
Oh,  Lord  God,  may  the  spirit  of  Abraham  Lincoln  fall  upon  this 
great  company  today  that  we  may  nobly  consecrate  ourselves  to  that  larger 
service  of  humanity  that  characterized  him  and  those  who  like  him  have 
fought  the  good  fight  and  kept  the  faith  and  finished  their  course. 

Keep  us  true  to  those  ideals  that  make  for  human  welfare  every- 
where in  the  world. 

Lift  us  above  all  that  is  low  and  little  and  petty  and  material,  and 
save  us,  O  God,  that  we  may  help  Thee  save  the  world  for  liberty,  for 
righteousness,  for  truth,  for  human  welfare. 

Guide  the  thoughts  and  the  hearts  of  men,  control  the  speech  of  men 
and  let  Thy  blessings  fall  upon  the  republic  and  the  world  for  Jesus 
Christ's  sake,  we  ask  it,  Amen. 

107 


108  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

CORRECTION  OF  RULING  OF  THE  CHAIR  AS  TO  NATIONAL 
COMMITTEEMAN  FROM  KENTUCKY 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  asks  unanimous  consent  of 
the  Convention  to  correct  an  error  on  the  part  of  its  Presiding  Officer 
which  occured  during  the  proceedings  of  yesterday.  Is  there  objection? 

A  VOICE. — Let  us  hear  it. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — In  ruling  upon  a  point  of  order  on 
yesterday  raised  by  a  delegate  from  the  State  of  Kentucky,  the  Chair  was 
quite  correct,  according  to  the  information  at  hand;  but  the  Chair  was 
not  at  that  time  aware  that  a  protest  had  been  filed  in  writing  with  the 
Secretary  of  the  Convention  relating  to  the  nomination  of  a  member  of 
the  National  Committee  from  that  State.  In  order  to  correct  the  pro- 
ceedings and  make  the  record  straight  the  Chair  now  recognizes  Mr. 
William  Heyburn  of  Kentucky. 

MR.  WILLIAM  HEYBWRN,  of  Kentucky. — Mr.  Chairman,  and  gentlemen 
of  the  Convention :  The  Kentucky  delegation  met  at  the  Auditorium 
Hotel  on  June  7,  at  10  o'clock,  all  of  the  delegates  from  that  State  being 
present.  By  a  vote  of  13^  to  ^  Mr.  A.  T.  Hert  was  nominated  for 
National  Committeeman ;  the  other  12  votes  being  present  but  not  voting. 
I  therefore  move  you  that  in  view  of  the  fact  that  Mr.  A.  T.  Hert  had  a 
clear  majority  of  the  Kentucky  delegation  that  he  be  elected  the  member 
of  the  National  Committee  for  the  State  of  Kentucky. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  you 
have  heard  the  motion  offered  by  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky,  (Mr. 
Heyburn)  that  Mr.  A.  T.  Hert  be  elected  National  Committeeman  for 
the  State  of  Kentucky.  What  is  the  pleasure  of  the  Convention? 

MR.  W.  D.  COCHRAN,  of  Kentucky. — Mr.  Chairman — 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  recognizes  Mr.  Cochran  of 
Kentucky. 

MR.  W.  D.  COCHRAN,  of  Kentucky. — At  the  State  Convention  which 
selected  delegates  at  large  to  this  National  Convention,  notice  was  given 
of  a  meeting  of  the  delegates  for  the  purpose  of  organization.  After 
the  close  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Convention  a  meeting  of  the  dele- 
gates was  held,  with  16  present,  and  155/2  votes  were  cast,  5/2  vote  not 
voting;  and  the  others  remained  away  and  tried  to  keep  some  of  these 
from  attending  in  an  effort  to  prevent  a  quorum  being  present.  At  that 
meeting  John  W.  McCulloch  was  re-elected  the  member  of  the  National 
Committee  for  the  State  of  Kentucky.  A  motion  was  made  to  re-consider, 
and  that  was  laid  upon  the  table. 

A  DELEGATE. — I  move  to  substitute  the  name  of  A.  T.  Hert  for  the 
name  of  John  W.  McCulloch  as  National  Committeeman  for  the  State 
of  Kentucky. 

MR.  JAMES  W.  WADSWORTH,  JR.,  of  New  York. — Mr.  Chairman. 


SIXTEENTH  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  109 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  recognizes  Senator  Wads- 
worth  of  New  York. 

MR.  JAMES  W.  WADSWORTH,  JR. — I  move  that  the  matter  of  the  con- 
test for  National  Committeeman  for  the  State  of  Kentucky  be  referred 
to  the  Republican  National  Committee  with  power  to  act. 

A  DELEGATE. — I  second  the  motion. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Mr.  Wadsworth  of  New  York  moves 
that  the  question  of  a  National  Committeeman  for  the  State  of  Kentucky 
be  referred  to  the  National  Committee  with  power  to  act.  What  is  the 
pleasure  of  the  convention? 

MR.  WILLIAM  MARSHALL  BULLITT,  of  Kentucky. — Mr.  Chairman. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  chair  recognizes  the  gentleman 
from  Kentucky. 

MR.  WILLIAM  MARSHALL  BULLITT. — That  motion  is  debatable,  is  it 
not? 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — For  five  minutes. 

MR.  WILLIAM  MARSHALL  BULLITT. — Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen  of 
the  convention :  Under  the  rules  adopted  by  this  National  Convention 
the  chairman  of  each  State  delegation,  when  the  roll  of  States  was  called, 
was  to  announce  the  name  of  the  one  person  chosen  by  the  delegation  to 
act  as  the  member  of  the  National  Committee  from  that  State.  That  has 
been  done — (considerable  confusion  arose  among  the  Kentucky  delega- 
tion and  extending  to  other  delegates.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Gentlemen  of  the  convention,  you 
will  please  hear  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky,  who  wishes  to  make  a 
statement  to  the  convention. 

MR.  WILLIAM  MARSHALL  BULLITT. — As  I  was  saying  that  has  been 
done ;  and  there  is  no  provision  in  the  party  law  for  the  National  Com- 
mittee to  hear  contests  concerning  the  eligibility  of  its  members.  The 
chairman  of  the  delegation  at  the  roll-call  gave  the  name  of  Mr.  A.  T. 
Hert.  Any  member  of  the  Kentucky  delegation  had  the  right  to  call  for 
a  poll  of  the  delegates  if  he  was  not  satisfied  with  the  announcement  by  the 
chairman.  No  one  did  so  when  the  roll  was  called  and  when  the  an- 
nouncement was  made ;  therefore  it  seems  to  me  that  that  announcement 
fs  bound  to  stand — certainly  unless  the  delegation,  when  called  for  a 
poll,  votes  otherwise.  There  is  no  provision  in  the  party  law  for  leaving 
a  contest  to  the  National  Committee  for  settlement  as  a  matter  of  ar- 
bitration, unless  done  by  consent,  and  I  therefore  oppose  the  motion  of 
the  Senator  from  New  York  (Mr.  Wadsworth)  upon  the  ground  that  it 
is  not  proper  under  the  party  law,  and  that  the  announcement  of  the 
chairman  of  the  Kentucky  delegation  must  stand  unless  a  poll  of  the 
Kentucky  delegation  is  called  for,  and  when  such  poll  is  called  for  and 
voted  upon  the  result  should  be  different  from  the  announcement  by  the 
chairman. 


110  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  question  before  the  Convention 
is  on  the  motion  of  the  Senator  from  New  York,  (Mr.  James  W.  Wads- 
worth,  Jr.)  to  refer  the  Kentucky  controversy  to  the  National  Committee 
with  power  to  act.  Those  of  you  who  favor  the  motion  will  say  "Aye." 
(A  chorus  of  Ayes.)  Contrary  "No."  (A  good  many  Noes.)  The  Ayes 
seem  to  have  it.  (After  a  pause.)  The  Ayes  have  it,  and  the  matter 
is  referred  to  the  National  Committee  with  power  to  act. 

NATIONAL  COMMITTEEMEN  FOR  OTHER  STATES 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Secretary  will  read  the  report 
from  two  other  State  delegations  nominating  members  of  the  Republi- 
can National  Committee. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — I  will  read  the  following  com- 
munication : 

Chicago,  June  9,   1916. 
Hon.  Warren  G.  Harding,   Chairman, 

Republican   National   Convention, 

Chicago,  Illinois. 
Sir: 

I  take  pleasure  in  reporting  to  you  that  the  unanimous  choice  of  this 
delegation  for  the  Minnesota  member  of  the  National  Republican  Com- 
mittee is  Hon.  Chester  A.  Congdon,  of  Duluth. 

Yours  truly, 

S.  R.  VAN  SANT, 
Chairman  Minnesota  Delegation. 

I  also  wish  to  announce  that  I  have  the  certificate  from  the  South 
Carolina  delegation  naming  J.  W.  Tolbert  as  the  member  of  the  Republi- 
can National  Committee  for  the  State  of  South  Carolina. 

MR.  JAMES  W.  WADSWORTH,  JR.,  of  New  York. — Mr.  Chairman,  I 
move  that  this  Convention  do  now  elect  Mr.  Chester  A.  Congdon  as  the 
member  of  the  Republican  National  Committee  for  the  State  of  Min- 
nesota, and  Mr.  J.  W.  Tolbert  as  the  member  of  the  same  Committee  for 
the  State  of  South  Carolina. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to. 

CONFERENCE  COMMITTEE  REPORT 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN.— The  Chair  will  now  ask  the  Conven- 
tion to  hear  a  report  from  Mr.  Smoot  of  Utah,  Chairman  of  the  Con- 
ference Committee  appointed  to  confer  with  a  similar  committee  selected 
by  the  National  Progressive  Convention. 


SIXTEENTH  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  111 

MR.  REED  SMOOT,  of  Utah. — Mr.  Chairman,  ladies  and  gentlemen  of 
the  Convention :     Your  Committee  has  instructed  me  to  make  the  fol- 
lowing report: 
"To  the  Republican  National  Convention : 

Your  Committee  appointed  pursuant  to  the  resolution  adopted  at 
yesterday's  session,  met  in  conference  with  a  committee  representing  the 
National  Progressive  Convention  last  evening.  That  the  Progressive 
Committee  of  Conference  consisted  of  Messrs.  Perkins  of  New  York, 
Johnson  of  California,  Bonaparte  of  Maryland,  Wilkinson  of  New  York, 
and  Parker  of  Louisiana. 

The  conference  was  frank,  free  and  most  friendly.  The  conferees 
were  of  one  mind  in  believing  that  the  good  of  the  country  and  perhaps 
its  repute  and  influence  for  years  to  come,  depends  upon  the  complete  de- 
feat of  the  present  Democratic  Administration  and  the  restoration  of  the 
control  of  the  Executive  and  Legislative  branches  of  the  Government  to 
the  hands  of  those  who  firmly  believe  in  and  will  execute  the  policies  that 
are  so  heartily  supported  by  the  Republican  and  the  Progressive  parties 
alike. 

The  Progressive  conferees  were  unanimous  in  urging  with  temperate- 
ness  and  fairness,  the  opinion  that  Theodore  Roosevelt  of  New  York 
had  so  large  a  personal  following  and  such  a  close  personal  relation  to 
the  issues  of  the  coming  campaign  as  to  make  him  the  most  desirable 
candidate  upon  which  to  unite. 

It  was  agreed  that  your  conferees  would  report  these  facts  to  this 
Convention. 

Respectfully  submitted, 

REED  SMOOT. 

W.  MURRAY  CRANE. 

W.  E.  BORAH. 

NICHOLAS  MURRAY  BUTLER, 

A.  R.  JOHNSON. 
June  9th,  1916. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Inasmuch  as  the  Committee  of  Con- 
ference has  not  asked  for  its  discharge  it  is  authorized  to  continue  its 
work.  (Great  applause.) 

NOMINATION  OF  CANDIDATES  FOR  PRESIDENT 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Under  Rule  9,  adopted  by  this  Con- 
vention, we  will  now  proceed  to  the  business  of  presentation  of  names 
of  Candidates  for  the  nomination  for  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States. 
The  Secretary  will  proceed  to  call  the  roll  of  States. 

The  Chair  has  arrogated  to  itself  the  authority  to  require  that  sec- 
onding speeches  be  made  after  the  complete  roll  call  of  States,  and  he 
desires  such  delegates  as  are  commissioned  to  speak  the  wishes  of  their 


112  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

several  delegations  to  send  their  names  to  the  chair  in  order  that  they 
may  be  recognized  in  the  same  order  in  which  the  presentation  speeches 
are  made. 

On  the  calling  of  the  roll,  now  to  be  made  by  the  Secretary,  nominat- 
ing speeches  for  candidates  for  the  Presidency  will  be  in  order.  The 
secretary  will  call  the  roll  of  States. 

The  Secretary  rose  to  call  the  roll  of  States. 

MR.   FRANK   R.   STEWART,  of  Arizona. — Mr.   Chairman — 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — For  what  purpose  does  the  gentleman 
rise? 

MR.  FRANK  R.  STEWART,  of  Arizona. — Mr.  Chairman,  1  wish  to  say 
that  I  am  the  first  alternate  on  the  list,  and  delegate  John  B.  Wright  is 
absent — 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Wait  until  the  State  of  Arizona  is 
reached  on  the  roll  call  and  then  you  can  present  any  matter  which  may 
be  pertinent. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — I  will  request  Mr.  Will  A. 
Waite,  of  Michigan,  one  of  the  reading  clerks,  to  call  the  roll. 

Alabama  was  called  and  passed. 

Arizona  was  called. 

MR.  EDWARD  KENT,  of  Arizona. — Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen  of  the 
Convention :  Arizona  has  no  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  and  I  am 
instructed  by  my  delegation  to  say  that  Arizona  yields  to  New  York. 

MR.  FRANK  R.  STEWART,  of  Arizona. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  challenge  the 
report  of  the  delegation  and  ask  for  a  roll  call. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — A  demand  having  been  made  for  the 
calling  of  the  roll  of  the  delegates  from  Arizona,  and  the  vote  as  an- 
nounced challenged,  the  Secretary  will  call  the  roll. 

MR.  EDWARD  KENT,  of  Arizona. — I  rise  to  a  point  of  order,  Mr. 
Chairman. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  will  state  his  point  of 
order. 

MR.  EDWARD  KENT,  of  Arizona. — My  point  of  order  is  that  no  mem- 
ber of  the  Arizona  delegation,  at  least  no  delegate  has  challenged  Arizona's 
vote.  The  gentleman  who  has  spoken  is  not  entitled  to  a  place  on  the 
delegation. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  chairman  of  the  Arizona  delega- 
tion says  that  the  gentleman  who  has  risen  and  challenged  the  announce- 
ment for  Arizona  is  not  entitled  to  a  place  on  the  delegation.  The  Chair 
will  determine  that  point  upon  the  roll  call.  The  Secretary  will  call  the 
roll  of  delegates  from  the  State  of  Arizona. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION,  (Mr.  Lafayette  B.  Gleason,  of 
New  York). — The  delegates  will  answer  as  their  names  are  called. 

The  Secretary  called  the  name  of  Edward  Kent,  delegate,  and  he 
answered  "Ave." 


SIXTEENTH  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  113 

The  Secretary  called  the  name  of  Charles  A.  Overlook,  delegate,  and 
he  answered  "Aye." 

The  Secretary  called  the  name  of  Leroy  Anderson,  delegate,  and  he 
answered  "Aye." 

The  Secretary  called  the  name  of  Ph.  Freudenthal,  delegate,  and  he 
answered  "Aye." 

The  Secretary  called  the  named  of  John  B.  Wright,  delegate,  and  some 
one  answered  "Aye." 

The  Secretary  called  the  name  of  Fred  S.  Breen,  delegate,  and  he 
answered  "Aye." 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — Mr.  Chairman,  all  six  have 
answered  "Aye." 

MR.  FRANK  R.  STEWART,  of  Arizona. — Mr.  Chairman,  Mr.  John  B. 
Wright  is  not  in  the  delegation  but  returned  to  Arizona  yesterday. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Will  the  gentleman  rise  who  an- 
swered for  Mr.  Wright? 

MR.  BRACEY  CURTIS,  of  Arizona. — I  answered  when  his  name  was 
called. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — By  what  right  did  you  answer  when 
Mr.  Wright's  name  was  called? 

MR.  BRACEY  CURTIS,  of  Arizona. — Mr.  Wright  turned  over  his  badge 
and  ticket  to  me,  the  third  alternate  on  the  list  of  six  alternates  represent- 
ing the  State  of  Arizona,  and  therefore  I  feel  that  I  am  acting  as  the 
proxy  for  Mr.  Wright. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Under  the  rules  of  the  Convention  you 
have  no  right  to  represent  Mr.  Wright.  The  Secretary  will  therefore 
call  the  name  of  the  first  alternate  in  the  place  of  Mr.  John  B.  Wright, 
delegate,  who  is  absent. 

The  Secretary  thereupon  called  the  name  of  Frank  R.  Stewart,  the 
first  Alternate  on  the  list  of  alternates  from  the  State  of  Arizona,  and  he 
answered  "aye."  (Laughter.) 

THE  SECRETARY. — The  gentleman  votes  "aye." 

MR.  FRANK  R.  STEWART,  of  Arizona. — I  vote  "No."  (Laughter.)  Well, 
I  was  only  answering  to  the  roll  call,  you  understand. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — On  a  poll  a  majority  of  the  delegates 
from  Arizona  having  yielded  to  New  York,  the  Secretary  will  now  call 
New  York. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION  (Mr.  Lafayette  B.  Gleason  of 
New  York). Pursuant  to  the  courtesy  extended  by  the  State  of  Arizona  and 
by  direction  of  the  Permanent  Chairman  of  this  Convention  I  do  now 
call  the  State  of  New  York. 

MR.  CHARLES  S.  WHITMAN,  of  New  York. — Mr.  Chairman. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  recognizes  Governor  Charles 
S.  Whitman,  of  New  York.  (And  when  Governor  Whitman  reached  the 
platform  he  was  greeted  by  loud  and  prolonged  applause.) 


114  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

GOVERNOR  WHITMAN  NOMINATING  MR.  HUGHES 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  takes  pleasure  in  introducing 
to  the  Convention  Governor  Charles  S.  Whitman  of  the  Empire  State. 
(Renewed  applause.) 

MR.  WHITMAN,  of  New  York. — Mr.  Chairman,  and  ladies  and  gentle- 
men of  the  Convention :  As  we  have  been  frequently  told  during  the  days 
past  we  are  here  today  to  choose  the  standard  bearer  of  the  Republican 
Party  in  a  great  campaign.  We  are  here,  and  we  shall  go  from  this  place, 
provided  that  our  action  be  wise  and  be  righteous,  having  chosen  the 
ruler  for  one  hundred  millions  of  people.  We  are  here  to  choose  and  to 
name  the  next  President  of  the  United  States.  (Great  applause.)  No 
man  living  can  assume  nor  have  assumed  a  more  solemn  obligation,  a 
more  sacred  trust,  than  devolves  today  upon  you  and  me  and  upon  every 
man  assembled  in  this  Convention,  who  are  representing  as  we  do  and 
as  God  grant  we  may,  the  sovereign  will  of  a  great  people.  We  are  here 
in  response  to  the  demand  of  the  American  people  that  a  minority  Presi- 
dent shall  give  way  to  a  leader  representing  the  will  of  the  majority. 
(Applause.)  He  who  casts  his  ballot  here  in  any  spirit  whatsoever  save 
in  profound  devotion  to  America  and  for  what  it  is  and  what  it  has  been 
and  for  what  it  must  stand  for  before  the  nations  of  the  world,  is 
undeserving  the  name  of  patriot  and  is  unworthy  the  name  Republican. 

It  is  not  the  policy  of  expediency  that  must  guide  us  in  this  sacred 
and  solemn  moment  but  the  Republicanism  of  history.  The  national 
horizon  is  dark  and  troubled.  From  afar  the  lurid  flashes  of  a  world 
war  reminds  us  of  our  own  citizens  killed  and  our  own  flag  insulted.  To 
the  south  we  see  anarchy  encroaching  on  our  borders.  At  Washington  the 
President  "watches  and  waits." 

Yet  we  must  not  think  the  task  before  us  an  easy  one.  The  country 
is  still  at  peace,  and  the  maintenance  of  peace  will  be  plausibly  claimed 
by  the  Democratic  party.  That  party  hopes  the  country  will  soon  for- 
get the  insults  of  our  national  honor.  It  is  its  belief  that  the  people 
will  not  long  remember  the  vacillating  diplomacy  clothed  in  glittering 
rhetoric  which  has  alarmed  our  people,  discredited  our  standing  among  the 
nations,  and  brought  us  to  the  verge  of  war. 

A  form  of  prosperity  is  in  the  land  and  few  perhaps  recognized  its 
temporary  nature  or  pause  to  analyze  its  causes. 

The  great  war  in  Europe  created  unusual  and  temporary  markets 
which  stayed  for  the  time  the  disaster  otherwise  sure  to  result  from  a 
Democratic  tariff.  The  war  came  when  our  factories  were  beginning  tu 
close,  when  cars  and  engines  were  being  shunted  on  to  sidings  for  long 
idleness,  when  business  was  preparing  for  a  siege  of  hard  times  such  as 
had  not  been  experienced  since  1895.  This  great  war  turned  our  work- 


SIXTEENTH  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  115 

men  from  the  bread  lines  back  to  the  mills,  the  forges  and  the  farms, 
as  surely  as  did  the  election  of  William  McKinley  and  a  Republican 
Congress  in  1896.  (Applause.) 

If  the  devout  prayers  of  all  mankind  be  answered  and  our  hopes  be 
fulfilled,  which  God  grant,  the  frightful  holocaust  of  war  will  end  as 
quickly  and  unexpectedly  as  it  began,  and  the  products  of  European  labor 
will  pour  in  upon  us,  undeterred  by  a  tariff  barrier,  at  prices  ruinous  to 
our  trade  and  industries. 

We  must  choose  a  man  so  great  and  of  such  masterful  authority  that 
he  may  bring  home  to  the  people  a  realization  of  the  artificial  character 
of  our  temporary  prosperity.  We  must  choose  a  man  so  great  that  he 
may  be  able  to  lead  us  safely  through  the  perils  that  will  follow  the  re- 
sumption of  peace.  We  must  choose  a  man  so  great  in  himself  that  the 
fear  of  comparison  with  himself  will  not  deter  him  from  surrounding 
himself  with  the  greatest  men  and  the  ablest  statesmen  of  the  nation. 
We  must  choose  a  man  so  great  that  he  may  meet  as  a  true  American  the 
supreme  national  issues,  not  only  of  the  hour  but  those  of  the  future. 
(Applause.) 

Our  party  is  rich  in  men  imbued  with  the  true  spirit  of  Americanism. 
No  one  of  them  can  claim  a  preponderance,  a  monoply,  of  the  American 
spirit  in  his  heart  or  in  his  nature.  (Applause.)  All  alike  have  been 
brought  up  in  the  school  of  the  great  Republican  Party,  whose  record 
is  the  best  guarantee  of  absolute,  unswerving  and  devoted  loyalty  to  the 
liberty,  the  enlightenment  and  civilization  which  the  flag  embodies  and 
represents,  and  which  the  Republican  Party  has  defended  from  its  birth. 
Our  party  has  ever  believed  that  for  the  maintenance  of  these  principles, 
the  nation  should  always  be  ready,  should  always  be  prepared,  and  should 
always  be  "proud  to  fight."  (Applause.) 

We  bring  to  you  today  the  name  of  a  man  trained  in  battle  for  the 
truth,  tried  and  found  faithful  in  the  administration  of  great  public  trusts, 
sterling  in  his  Republicanism,  free  from  the  animosities  engendered  by 
factional  strife,  his  private  life  above  suspicion,  his  public  life  without 
flaw,  a  great  lawyer,  an  effective  campaigner,  a  wonderfully  able  execu- 
tive, a  mature  statesman,  a  great  judge ;  he,  above  all  others,  combines  the 
essential  qualifications  of  a  true  leader  in  this  crisis  of  our  party  and  in 
this  crisis  of  our  country. 

His  searching,  fearless  and  epoch-making  investigation  into  the  man- 
agement of  our  great  insurance  companies  gave  the  people  their  first 
glimpse  of  his  rare  intellectual  power,  his  indomitable  courage,  his  high 
idealism.  The  salutary  results  achieved  have  justly  endeared  the  in- 
vestigator to  the  millions  of  policyholders  throughout  the  nation.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

When  he  was  first  nominated  for  Governor  of  the  Empire  State,  so 
great  was  his  hold  upon  the  people  that  he  was  victorious  although  every 


116  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

other  candidate  on  the  Republican  ticket  went  down  to  defeat.  Medi- 
tate upon  this,  gentlemen  of  the  Convention.  It  is  known  to  all  of  you 
that  success  in  New  York  State  is  essential  to  success  in  the  nation.  His 
nomination  here  will  carry  with  it  absolute  certainty  of  success  there. 
(Applause.) 

In  1908  the  United  Republican  Party  had  nominated  for  its  Presi- 
dential candidate  that  eminent  statesman  and  judge,  William  Howard 
Taft.  (Loud  and  prolonged  applause,  delegates  rising  to  their  feet  and 
waving  hats,  handkerchiefs  and  flags,  the  applause  dying  down  several  times 
only  to  start  anew.)  The  Democratic  Party,  under  the  leadership  of  Mr. 
Bryan,  offered  the  people  plausible  panaceas  for  all  our  national  ills.  The 
country  awaited  proof  of  the  sincerity  of  the  promises  of  the  Republican 
Party  before  they  were  willing  to  entrust  the  destinies  of  the  nation  to  its 
keeping.  One  figure  stood  forth  pre-eminent — the  champion  of  the  people, 
of  the  party,  and  of  the  truth — the  Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
who  in  his  wealth  of  splendid  manhood,  had  won  the  attention  and  the 
admiration  of  the  entire  country.  At  the  demand  of  the  people,  not  only 
of  his  State  but  of  the  nation,  he  had  been  renominated  for  Governor. 
(Applause.) 

In  the  midst  of  his  own  campaign  the  West  called  for  him.  The  Re- 
publican managers  felt  the  need  of  a  speaker  who  by  his  reputation  and 
his  logic  could  carry  conviction  to  the  voters  of  the  nation.  At  Youngs- 
town,  Ohio,  he  delivered  an  address  which,  as  an  able  and  sincere  presen- 
tation of  the  Republican  platform  and  as  a  destructive  attack  upon  the 
fallacies  of  the  Democratic  proposals,  was  not  equalled  except  by  his  own 
later  speeches.  In  Indiana  he  repeated  his  Ohio  triumph,  and  early  in 
October  he  made  a  meteoric  swing  around  the  circle.  Through  the  States 
of  Wisconsin,  Minnesota  and  South  Dakota  he  bore  the  party's  banner. 
There  wasn't  any  question  about  his  Americanism  then ;  there  wasn't  any 
question  about  his  Republicanism  then.  The  Republican  Party  needed  this 
giant  from  New  York,  and  his  sendees  were  freely  given  then.  In  Iowa, 
Nebraska  and  Kansas  he  pounded  home  the  solid  truths  and  pledges  of 
the  Republican  platform.  Through  Missouri  and  Illinois  his  tour  was 
one  great  rally  of  voters  to  our  standards.  You  remember  what  he  did 
in  your  State !  You  men  of  the  Michigan  delegation,  I  know  you  will  bear 
me  out,  that  his  words  uttered  there  are  the  accepted  Republican  gospel 
today.  Would  that  I  could  bring  vividly  to  your  minds  the  heroic  picture 
he  made.  Some  of  you  recall  it.  Would  that  I  could  make  you  see  him, 
as  we  saw  him,  speaking  day  after  day  amidst  tumultuous  enthusiasm, 
whether  his  rostrum  was  the  rear  platform  of  his  train  or  the  stage  of  a 
crowded  auditorium.  See  him,  the  master  of  logic  and  convincing  speech, 
establishing  himself  as  the  greatest  campaigner  of  that  or  any  other  politi- 
cal campaign.  (Applause.)  See  him  the  Governor  of  an  Eastern  State, 
marching  victorious  through  the  West,  demolishing  the  plausible  proposals 


SIXTEENTH  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  117 

of  the  opposing  party  with  such  effect  that  final  victory  came  to  our  stand- 
ard, and  no  man  contributed  more  to  that  result  than  he  did.  (Tumultuous 
applause. 

In  the  same  year  he  consented  that  his  name  be  placed  in  nomination 
for  the  Presidency.  He  signified  his  consent  in  a  speech  full  of  sterling 
Republican  and  patriotic  doctrine.  Hear  him  speak  of  the  Republican 
party  and  its  mission : 

"The  Republican  party  is  the  party  of  stability,  and  the 
party  of  progress.  Its  fundamental  policies  have  determined 
the  course  of  the  Nation's  history.  Largely,  they  are  now 
without  serious  challenge  and  are  removed  from  any  contro- 
versy the  issue  of  which  might  be  regarded  as  doubtful.  They 
include  the  policy  of  Union  in  opposition  to  every  divisive  sen- 
timent or  disrupting  force.  They  include  the  policy  of  estab- 
lishing the  national  credit  upon  a  sure  foundation,  in  op- 
position to  those  financial  vagaries  which,  paraded  at  one  time 
with  solemn  argument  and  fervid  appeal  as  the  hope  of 
the  people,  are  now  by  common  consent  relegated  to  our 
museum  of  political  absurdities,  wholly  amusing  save  for  our 
keen  appreciation  of  the  peril  we  narrowly  escaped.  And  they 
also  include  the  policy  of  protection  to  American  industry  in 
the  interest  of  the  wage-earners  of  our  country  and  in  order  to 
safeguard  those  higher  American  standards  of  living  which 
our  people  will  never  permit  to  be  reduced  .  .  .  The  great 
names  of  the  party  are  the  priceless  possession  of  the  Ameri- 
can people  who  irrespective  of  partisan  affiliations,  are  grate- 
ful that  the  violence  of  opposition  did  not  deprive  the  Nation 
of  their  leadership." 

Could  anyone  pay  a  more  sincere  tribute  to  our  party,  or  give  more 
convincing  proof  of  his  Republicanism? 

Finally,  he  was  sound  upon  the  great  question  of  national  preparedness 
and  national  defense.  He  has  not  spoken?  Why,  my  friends,  he  spoke 
eight  years  ago !  Listen  to  what  he  then  said : 

"We  are  devoted  to  the  interests  of  peace  and  we  cherish 
no  policy  of  aggression.  The  maintenance  of  our  ideals  is  our 
surest  protection.  It  is  our  constant  aim  to  live  in  friend- 
ship with  all  nations  and  to  realize  the  aims  of  a  free  govern- 
ment secure  from  the  interruptions  of  strife  and  the  wastes  of 
war.  It  is  entirely  consistent  with  these  aims,  and  it  is  our 
duty,  to  make  adequate  provision  for  our  defense  and  to 
maintain  forever  the  efficiency  of  our  Army  and  Navy.  And 
this  I  favor."  (Applause.) 
These  then,  are  his  principles;  sound,  Republican  and  patriotic. 


118  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

I  need  not  dwell  upon  his  recent  career.  You  all  remember  his  sec- 
ond administration  as  Governor — filled  with  valiant  fights  for  the  people, 
which  brought  him  the  sympathy,  the  admiration,  the  love,  of  his  fellow- 
men  in  his  own  State,  yes,  in  every  State  in  the  Union. 

Of  his  more  recent  patriotic  service  on  the  most  august  of  the  world's 
judicial  tribunals,  his  magnificent  utterances  from  the  bench  are  his  best 
and  his  greatest  monument.  They  show  his  accustomed  tireless  energy, 
his  tremendous  reasoning  power,  his  mature  grasp  of  the  fundamental 
principles  out  of  which  has  developed  the  American  commonwealth. 

This  phase  of  his  career  is  a  magnificent  supplement  to  his  earlier 
achievements.  Few  of  our  great  executives  have  had  such  an  opportunity, 
or  such  a  trial  of  their  intellectual  power.  His  eminent  success  is  as  strik- 
ing a  tribute  to  the  versatility  of  his  genius,  as  to  the  fundamental  great- 
ness of  his  character. 

We  have  seen  him  the  man  of  action,  the  champion  of  the  people,  the 
idol  of  the  electorate,  the  faithful  public  servant,  the  profound  thinker 
on  national  affairs. 

He,  above  all  other  men,  can  bring  home  to  the  people  the  fact  that 
the  Democratic  party  has  failed  and  miserably  failed,  in  its  stewardship. 
He,  above  all  other  men,  can  bring  to  the  people  a  conviction  of  the 
dangers  which  surround  us.  He,  above  all  other  men,  can  assure  this 
country  that  the  Republican  Party,  the  Party  of  progress,  of  union,  and 
of  patriotic  achievement,  is  once  more  united  and  capable  of  assuming 
the  helm  of  the  ship  of  State.  He,  above  all  others,  can  bring  to  the 
party  the  confidence  of  the  people.  He,  above  all  others,  can  bring  to  the 
country  prosperity,  security  and  honor.  He  above  all  other  men  embodies 
in  himself  and  represents  to  all  the  world  a  great  people's  courage,  am- 
bition and  character.  He  is  the  American  spirit  incarnate.  (Applause.) 

I  do  not  speak  for  any  man  or  for  any  candidate.  I  do  not  claim  to 
represent  any  man  or  any  candidate.  The  great  State  of  New  York, 
through  the  lips  of  its  Governor,  offers  to  the  people  and  the  party,  to 
the  voters  of  the  party — not  only  to  them,  to  the  great  Nation — her  son, 
her  noblest  and  her  best. 

I  nominate  as  the  Republican  candidate  for  President  of  the  United 
States  Charles  Evans  Hughes,  of  New  York.  (Applause,  enthusiastic  and 
long  continued,  during  which  members  of  the  New  York,  Michigan, 
Maine,  Vermont  and  Mississippi  delegations  took  up  their  State  standards 
and  marched  round  the  hall ;  and  a  member  of  the  Maine  delegation 
carried  a  toy  elephant  of  about  two  feet  in  height  on  his  head  to  the 
platform.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  convention  will  be  in  order.  Ari- 
zona having  yielded  to  the  great  Empire  State,  the  Chair  now  grants 
recognition  to  Dr.  Nicholas  Murray  Butler,  of  New  York.  (Applause). 


COLONEL  WILLIAM  F.  STONE,  of  Maryland, 
Sergeant-at-Arms   of   the    Convention    and  of   the    National    Committee 


SIXTEENTH  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  119 

MR.  BUTLER  NOMINATING  MR.  ROOT. 

MR.  BUTLER,  of  New  York. — Mr.  Chairman,  ladies  and  gentlemen  of 
the  convention : 

To  be  elected  twenty-ninth  President  of  the  United  States,  I  shall 
nominate  him  who,  by  common  consent,  stands  with  the  foremost  states- 
men of  his  time  in  this  or  any  other  land.  (Applause.) 

This  is  no  ordinary  convention.  These  are  no  ordinary  times.  The 
world  is  in  upheaval.  Forces  thought  to  be  long  since  cribbed,  cabined 
and  confined  are  loose  in  the  world,  spreading  havoc  and  destruction  on 
every  side.  There  is  everywhere  uncertainty,  unrest,  grave  concern  for 
the  happenings  of  tomorrow.  The  American  people  find  themselves  in 
the  midst  of  a  great  world  storm.  Round  about  them  the  tempest  is 
raging,  and  the  great  heaving  waves  of  passion,  or  prejudice  and  of  hate 
are  threatening  the  total  destruction  of  the  craft  which  bears  those  fruits 
of  human  accomplishment  that  we  call  civilization.  There  is  need  of 
vision ;  there  is  need  of  leadership ;  there  is  need  of  sound,  well-tested  prin- 
ciple and  policy,  if  all  that  we  hold  most  dear  is  to  ride  this  storm  in 
safety.  (Great  applause.) 

Problems  abroad  multiply  problems  at  home.  Problems  at  home  in- 
tensify problems  abroad.  Where  can  this  nation  turn  for  guidance  and 
for  accomplishment  at  a  crisis  like  this  if  not  to  the  party  which  has  given 
to  American  life  one  after  another  of  the  great  group  of  leaders  and  con- 
structive statesmen  who  have  made  so  large  a  part  of  American  history 
for  the  past  sixty  years?  That  party  is  possessed  of  a  body  of  fundamental 
principles  which  rest  upon  the  foundation  of  American  character,  Ameri- 
can history  and  American  hope.  (Applause.)  That  party  does  not  draw 
back  from  difficulty,  because  it  has  grown  great  by  surmounting  one  severe 
difficulty  after  another.  That  party  does  not  draw  back  from  problems,  be- 
cause it  has  made  its  repute  in  the  history  of  free  government  by  success  • 
fully  solving  one  hard  problem  after  another.  That  party  is  confident  of 
finding  leaders  with  vision,  with  sagacity  and  with  power,  because  for  two 
generations  of  men  it  has  furnished  one  such  after  another  to  the  causes 
which  it  has  made  its  own.  The  best  guide  for  the  future  is  the  knowledge 
and  the  experience  of  the  past.  (Applause.) 

Just  now  every  difficulty,  every  problem  merges  into  one.  That  is  the 
difficulty,  that  is  the  problem,  of  finding  the  voice  and  of  executing  the 
will  of  real  America. 

Our  America  is  the  land  where  hate  expires.  (Applause.)  It  is  the 
land  where  differences  of  race,  of  creed,  of  language,  all  melt  away  before 
the  powerful  and  welding  heat  of  devotion  to  civil  liberty.  We  are  com- 
posite as  a  people,  but  we  are  one  in  fundamental  belief,  one  in  controlling 
principle,  one  in  confident  hope  for  the  future.  (Applause.)  It  was  the 
task  of  the  Republican  Party,  with  the  splendid  aid  of  men  of  other  politi- 


120  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

cal  faith,  to  preserve  the  integrity  of  the  nation  in  the  6o's,  and  to  keep  its 
financial  and  commercial  honor  unsullied  in  the  go's.  Shall  it  not  be  the 
goal  of  the  Republican  Party,  as  the  twentieth  century  unfolds  itself  to  be 
a  stage  for  the  thoughts  and  the  deeds  of  men,  to  integrate  and  to  express 
the  spirit  and  the  soul  of  the  American  people  at  home,  and  abroad  ?  May 
we  not  call  to  our  side  for  the  accomplishment  of  this  task,  as  our  grand- 
fathers and  our  fathers  did  for  theirs,  all  patriotic  Americans,  men  and 
women  alike,  whose  faith  may  at  times  be  different  from  ours  but  who  see 
the  compelling  power  of  the  one  great  problem  and  the  one  great  need  of 
this  moment?  (Applause.) 

Nineteen  sixteen  is  no  ordinary  year.  The  American  people  find  them- 
selves voiceless,  disunited,  broken,  owing  to  what  we  cannot  but  regard  as 
the  incompetence  of  the  Administration  and  its  inability  either  to  under- 
stand or  to  confront  the  stupendous  happenings  of  the  past  two  years.  We 
are  gathered  here,  in  the  presence  of  this  great  company  and  under  the 
scrutiny  of  the  whole  American  people,  to  take  the  first  step  in  substituting 
for  the  Administration  now  in  power  a  Republican  Administration  that 
shall  bring  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  safety,  prosperity,  happiness, 
and  increasing  self-respect.  (Great  applause.)  We  are  here  to  choose 
leaders  who,  in  turn,  are  to  give  voice  and  effect  to  Republican  principles 
and  to  Republican  policies.  One  State  after  another  will,  in  friendly 
rivalry,  present  the  name  of  him  whom  it  prefers  to  have  selected  to  be- 
come the  next  President  of  the  United  States.  For,  as  surely  as  the  sun 
rides  in  high  heaven,  the  nominee  of  this  Convention  will  succeed  to  the 
office  of  the  President  on  March  4,  1917.  (Long  continued  applause.) 

It  is  my  privilege  to  offer  you  the  name  not  only  of  a  typical  Ameri- 
can, but  of  an  American  whose  character,  abilities  and  public  service,  now 
in  the  ripe  fullness  of  their  power,  have  brought  to  him  fame  and  distinc- 
tion such  as  fall  to  the  lot  of  but  few  men  in  a  century.  (Applause.)  Born 
among  the  hills  of  Central  New  York,  on  the  campus  of  an  American  col- 
lege which  appropriately  enough  bears  the  great  name  of  Hamilton,  he  made 
his  way  with  credit  and  every  evidence  of  promise  through  college  and  law 
school  to  the  Bar.  Admitted  to  the  Bar  at  the  age  of  twenty-two,  his  indus- 
try, his  native  ability  and  his  power  to  clear  and  persuasive  speech  quickly 
brought  him  both  clients  and  reputation.  Young  as  he  was,  President 
Arthur  found  in  him  a  trusted  adviser  and  a  close  friend.  He  first  held 
public  office  as  United  States  District  Attorney,  by  President  Arthur's  ap- 
pointment. So  widespread  was  his  reputation  and  so  high  his  character 
that  in  1899,  when  the  problems  left  by  the  Spanish  War  were  pressing 
heavily  upon  the  Administration  and  the  people,  President  McKinley  turned 
to  him  for  counsel  and  for  great  public  responsibility  and  service.  (Ap- 
plause.) When  the  message  of  invitation  reached  him  to  become  Secretary 
of  War,  he  replied,  "I  know  nothing  about  the  army.  Thank  the  President 
for  me,  but  say  it  is  quite  absurd.  I  know  nothing  about  war."  Shortly  the 


SIXTEENTH  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  121 

answer  came  back :  "President  McKinley  directs  me  to  say  he  is  not  look- 
ing for  any  one  who  knows  about  war  or  about  the  army.  He  is  looking  for 
a  statesman  to  organize  and  to  direct  the  government  of  the  new  pos- 
sessions that  the  war  has  brought  to  the  people  of  the  United  States.  You 
are  the  man  he  wants."  Such  an  invitation  was  a  command.  The  high- 
minded  and  conscientious  lawyer  laid  aside  the  ordinary  practice  of  his 
profession  to  answer  the  call  of  the  greatest  of  all  clients,  the  people  of 
the  United  States.  For  sixteen  years  they  have  been  his  clients,  and  how 
faithfully  and  with  what  distinction  he  has  served  them  are  now  matters 
of  history.  (Great  applause.) 

He  reorganized  the  army  of  the  United  States  and  brought  it  to  the 
highest  point  of  efficiency  it  has  ever  reached.  The  General  staff  and  the 
War  College  are  the  fruit  of  his  policies.  In  Cuba,  in  Porto  Rico,  in  the 
Philippine  Islands,  at  Panama,  his  administrative  skill  and  his  vision  have 
made  his  name  one  to  be  conjured  with.  The  policies  that  were  then 
formulated  and  executed  brought  happiness  and  contentment  to  those  dis- 
tant people  and  new  honor  and  credit  to  the  Government  of  the  United 
States.  He  was  in  large  measure  the  founder  of  our  American  colonial 
policy,  and  no  more  enlightened,  more  humane,  or  more  successful  colonial 
policy  has  yet  been  seen  in  the  world.  (Applause.) 

Let  us  not  forget  that  among  the  problems  that  press  in  the  im- 
mediate future  are  problems  relating  to  the  army.  He  of  whom  I  speak 
was  perhaps  our  greatest  Secretary  of  War.  (Applause.) 

On  the  death  of  John  Hay,  he  was  recalled  to  the  Cabinet  of  President 
Roosevelt  as  Secretary  of  State.  Four  brilliant  years  of  constructive 
statesmanship  and  of  rapidly  growing  international  influence  were  the 
result.  Never  was  our  foreign  policy  more  definite,  never  was  it  more 
precisely  stated,  and  never  was  it  more  kindly  and  more  firmly  executed. 
In  the  South  American  Republics  his  name  is  acclaimed  as  has  been  that 
of  no  other  American  since  the  silvery  voice  of  Henry  Clay  was  stilled. 
In  China,  because  of  the  remission  of  the  Boxer  indemnity,  he  is  hailed 
as  the  most  generous  and  most  enlightened  of  statesmen,  and  our  coun- 
try is  held  to  be  the  most  beneficient  and  large-minded  of  nations.  In 
Japan,  because  of  the  joint  agreement  which  bears  his  name,  he  is  trusted 
as  having  been  able  to  propose  a  working  solution  of  a  difficult  and  deli- 
cate question  of  international  policy.  He  found  many  and  serious  out- 
standing matters  of  difference  with  our  neighbors  to  the  north,  and  he 
left  them  all  settled  or  in  process  of  settlement.  In  every  chancellery  of 
Europe  his  name  is  known  and  honored.  (Applause  ) 

Let  us  not  forget  that  the  chief  problems  that  now  confront  this 
nation  are  those  relating  to  international  policy  and  international  influence. 
He  of  whom  I  speak  has  unrivalled  knowledge  of  international  law  and 
practice,  and  his  name  is  written  on  the  roll  of  Secretaries  of  State  with 
the  highest.  (Applause.) 


122  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

From  the  great  post  of  Secretary  of  State  he  passed  for  six  years 
to  the  United  States  Senate.  Here  again  his  rare  knowledge,  his  familiar- 
ity with  American  political  and  diplomatic  history,  his  firm  grasp  of  con- 
stitutional and  legal  principle,  and  his  unrivalled  power  of  exposition,  gave 
him  from  the  moment  of  his  entrance  a  place  in  the  first  rank.  Political 
friends  and  political  foes  alike  deferred  to  his  judgment  and  respected  his 
opinion.  (Applause.)  As  a  direct  result  of  a  single  speech,  dangerous  pro- 
visions making  financial  inflation  possible  were  stricken  from  the  Federal 
Reserve  Act.  He  retired  from  his  post  of  service  of  his  own  free  will  in 
order  that  he  might  now  seek  years  of  well-earned  rest  and  repose. 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  people  are  not  willing  that  this  notable  ability, 
this  exceptional  experience,  and  this  quite  unequalled  reputation  shall  be 
beyond  their  reach  at  a  time  like  this.  The  American  people  are  searching 
for  the  best  they  have.  (Great  applause.)  They  are  everywhere  asking 
whether  it  is  possible  that  when  England  and  France  and  Germany  and 
Russia,  and  every  other  nation  on  the  globe,  are  seeking  their  most  ex- 
perienced and  ablest  men  to  take  posts  of  highest  service,  the  American 
democracy  is  to  be  content  with  anything  less  than  the  very  best  it  has. 
This  is  no  time  to  pay  compliments.  The  stern  duty  of  today  is  to  place 
in  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States  that  Republican  who  by  native 
ability,  by  long  public  service,  by  large  and  full  contribution  to  public 
policy,  and  by  force  of  conviction  and  power  of  expression,  is  best  fitted 
among  us  to  wield  the  executive  power  and  to  guide  the  destinies  of  this 
nation  for  the  four  anxious  years  upon  which  we  are  about  to  enter. 
(Applause.)  We  must  so  act  as  to  bring  to  an  end  conspiracy,  disorder, 
and  the  destruction  of  life  and  industry  at  home,  at  the  behest  of  agents  of 
a  foreign  power  or  of  sympathizers  with  them,  as  well  as  to  protect  Ameri- 
can life  and  property  abroad.  (Great  applause.) 

There  are  critics  of  democracy  who  tell  us  that  nothing  is  so  unpopu- 
lar as  excellence,  that  the  best  is  too  good  for  recognition  under  popular 
government.  Who  are  those  who  so  slander  democracy,  who  are  those 
who  so  reflect  upon  popular  appreciation  and  popular  judgment,  who  are 
those  who  so  underestimate  the  intelligence  and  the  virtue  of  the  Ameri- 
can people?  Is  it  possible  that  democracy  has  made  no  progress  since 
Athens  of  old?  Are  we  still  in  that  stage  of  civilization  where  we  ostra- 
cize Aristides  because  we  are  weary  of  hearing  him  called  the  Just?  Shall 
we,  in  this  twentieth  century,  only  recognize  excellence  in  order  to  pro- 
scribe it?  I  do  not  think  so  meanly  of  democracy  or  of  the  American 
people.  They  wish  leadership ;  they  wish  guidance ;  they  long  for  a  voice 
that  is  powerful  enough  to  express  all  that  their  heart  feels,  and  a  brain 
that  is  clear  enough  to  state  in  terms  of  public  policy  those  hopes  and  as- 
pirations which  are  democracy's  life.  (Applause.) 

Mr.  Chairman,  it  is  my  good  fortune  to  enjoy  the  friendship  of  many 
of  those  whose  names  are  now  to  be  presented  for  the  consideration  of 


SIXTEENTH  REPUBLICAN'  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  123 

this  convention.  They  are  men  of  character,  men  of  capacity,  men  of 
public  experience,  men  of  high  patriotism.  It  would  be  a  pleasure,  were 
we  able  to  have  many  Republican  Presidents,  to  find  a  place  for  them  all. 
But  we  are  compelled  to  make  a  choice.  It  is  our  duty  to  choose  him  as 
our  candidate  who,  in  the  year  1916  and  in  the  presence  of  the  issues  of 
this  moment,  is  in  our  judgment  best  fitted  and  most  competent  effectively 
to  represent  Republican  principles  and  best  able  to  guide  the  policies  of 
the  American  people.  (Applause.) 

Mr.  Chairman,  let  us  take  counsel  of  courage,  not  of  fear.  Let  us 
seek  to  lift  this  coming  campaign  above  all  the  smaller  and  the  more 
sordid  phases  of  politics.  Let  us  give  to  the  nation  a  President  than  whom 
no  public  man  in  the  history  of  this  country  has  possessed  larger  powers 
of  mind,  firmer  or  more  consistent  character,  greater  capacity  for  public 
service,  or  more  finished  skill  in  exposition  and  persuasion.  Let  us  fortify 
ourselves  at  home  and  re-establish  our  repute  abroad.  (Applause  long 
continued.) 

Beyond  today's  raging  storm  of  war  I  see  forming  a  rainbow  of 
promise.  The  bright  colors  that  fade  one  into  another  are  the  colors  of 
the  Saxon  and  the  Celt,  the  Teuton  and  the  Latin,  the  Slav  and  the  Hun. 
Slowly  these  pass  into  the  pure  white  light  of  the  day  of  peace  and  prog- 
ress, of  happiness  and  friendship  among  men.  This  rainbow  is  the  symbol  of 
our  dear  America.  (Applause.)  Each  separate  color  marks  an  element  of 
race  or  creed  that  goes  into  its  making ;  but  when  the  white  light  of  day  ab- 
sorbs them  all  into  self,  they  exist  no  longer  as  separate  colors  but  only  as 
indistinguishable  parts  of  a  single  and  sufficient  brightness.  So,  under  com- 
petent and  compelling  leadership,  I  see  a  single,  united  America — strong, 
firm,  resolute,  just — made  out  of  all  the  different  elements  that  have 
sought  these  shores  of  hope  and  promise  as  a  sailor  seeks  a  safe  and 
sheltered  port  for  refuge  when  the  tempest  roars.  This  America,  the 
America  of  Washington  and  Jefferson,  'of  Hamilton  and  Marshall,  of 
Webster  and  Lincoln,  will  be  a  light  to  lighten  the  whole  world  and  ages 
yet  unborn.  (Applause.)  This  America  will  know  its  mind  and  do  its  will 
because  it  shall  have  found  a  leader  and  a  voice.  (Applause.) 

To  be  Republican  candidate  for  President  of  the  United  States,  I 
name  Elihu  Root  of  New  York.  (Great  applause  and  demonstration.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Secretary  will  continue  the  roll 
call,  and  I  will  ask  Senator  Sutherland  of  Utah  to  take  the  chair. 

MR.  GEORGE  SUTHERLAND,  of  Utah,  (in  the  chair). — Proceed  with  the 
roll  call. 

(The  Secretary  continues  the  roll  call.) 

ARKANSAS — 

DELEGATE  FROM  ARKANSAS. — Mr.  Chairman,  Arkansas  has  no  candi- 
date, but  by  instructions  of  the  delegates,  Arkansas  yields  to  Ohio.  (Ap- 
plause.) 


124  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

MR.  WILLIS  NOMINATING  MR.  BURTON 

PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  will  recognize  Governor  Willis, 
of  Ohio. 

(Demonstration  for  Governor  Willis.) 

A  DELEGATE. — Three  cheers  for  Governor  Willis  of  Ohio. 

(Cheering.) 

PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Governor  Willis  of  Ohio. 

MR.  WILLIS. — Mr.  Chairman,  ladies  and  gentlemen  of  the  Convention : 
We  have  just  listened  to  two  great  addresses  placing  in  nomination  two 
distinguished  citizens  of  the  Republic.  But,  my  friend  Governor  Whit- 
man, and  my  friend  Dr.  Nicholas  Murray  Butler,  not  being  able  to  agree 
as  to  the  ownership  of  this  New  York  elephant,  I  claim  it  for  Ohio. 

(Lifting  up  the  toy  elephant  amid  cheers  and  laughter.) 

Ohio  is  the  Mother  of  Presidents,  anyhow,  and  she  has  the  right  to 
name  them.  (Laughter.)  I  therefore  have  rescued  this  animal  from 
contention  and  have  rededicated  him  to  reunited  Republicanism. 

But  seriously,  my  fellow  countrymen,  moved  as  we  always  are  by 
fitting  tributes  of  respect  to  any  great  man,  let  us  not  forget  that  we  in 
this  Convention  today  are  not  only  to  nominate  a  candidate  for  the 
Presidency,  but,  more  important  than  that,  we  are  to  remake  and  reunite 
and  reconsecrate  this  Republican  Party  that  saved  the  Union.  (Cheers 
and  applause.) 

A  few  years  ago  it  was  my  privilege  to  be  in  the  City  of  Springfield 
in  this  great  State,  and  while  there  I  visited  the  site  of  one  of  the  greatest 
political  meetings  this  country  or  any  country  ever  saw;  and  I  learned 
from  the  lips  of  men  who  were  present  at  that  meeting  the  story  of  that 
wonderful  gathering.  When  the  great  crowd  had  assembled,  there 
walked  out  to  the  edge  of  the  platform  a  man,  tall  and  lean  and  angular, 
and  this  is  what  he  said : 

"We  are  now  far  into  the  fifth  year  since  a  policy  was  initiated  with 
the  avowed  object  and  confident  promise  of  putting  an  end  to  slavery 
agitation.  (Applause.)  Under  the  operation  of  that  policy  agitation  has 
not  only  not  ceased,  but  has  continually  augmented.  ...  A  house 
divided  against  itself  cannot  stand.  (Applause.)  I  believe  this  govern- 
ment cannot  endure  permanently  half  slave  and  half  free.  I  do  not 
expect  the  Union  to  be  dissolved — I  do  not  expect  the  house  to  fall — but 
I  do  expect  it  will  cease  to  be  divided." 

Those  prophetic  words  fell  from  the  lips  of  the  man  whose  memory 
is  the  tenderest  and  sweetest  in  all  this  western  world,  Abraham  Lincoln. 
(Applause.)  And  so  I  say  to  you,  my  fellow  citizens,  the  work  we 
have  to  do  here  today  is  not  simply  to  name  some  one  of  these  eminent 
gentlemen  who  are  candidates  for  this  high  office,  but,  besides  that,  we 
are  to  here  reunite  and  reconsecrate  ourselves  to  the  everlasting  principles 
of  the  Republican  Party.  (Applause.)  Let  us  unite  the  "pep"  and  the 
"punch"  of  the  Progressives,  with  the  logic,  the  righteousness  and  the 


SIXTEENTH  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  125 

organization  of  the  Republicans,  and  we  shall  have  a  combination  so 
strong  that  the  gates  of  Hell  shall  not  prevail  against  it."  (Applause, 
and  cheers.) 

This  same  patriotic  soul  to  whom  I  referred  a  moment  ago,  also  spoke 
these  words :  "We  are  not  enemies,  but  friends.  We  must  not  be 
enemies.  Though  passion  may  have  strained,  it  must  not  break,  our 
bonds  of  affection.  The  mystic  chords  of  memory  stretching  from  every 
battlefield  and  patriot  grave  to  every  living  heart  and  hearthstone  all  over 
this  broad  land  will  yet  swell  the  chorus  of  the  Union  when  again 
touched  as  surely  they  will  be,  by  the  better  angles  of  our  nature." 

That  was  the  prophecy  and  the  prayer  of  two  generations  ago,  and 
meeting  here  as  we  do,  almost  on  the  site  of  the  famous,  historic  Wig- 
wam, where  Republican  history  began  to  be — here  is  a  good  place  for 
us  to  reunite  and  reconsecrate  ourselves  even  as  our  fathers  were  urged 
to  do  in  1858  and  1860. 

1912,  with  its  bitterness  and  hatred  and  mistakes  and  divisions,  is 
behind  us.  1916  is  upon  us.  (Cheers.)  We  are  not  here  assembled  to 
pluck  the  fragrant  flowers  of  eloquence,  nor  to  indulge  alone  in  vain 
self-glorification,  nor  yet  to  engage  in  factional  dispute,  but  met  in  this 
splendid  place,  inspired  by  the  mighty  dead,  looking  down  upon  us,  we 
are  here  in  response  to  the  demand  of  a  united  people,  to  do  business  and 
go  ahead.  The  fires  of  hatred  and  factional  strife  have  burned  out.  Let 
no  man  sitting  among  the  ashes  seize  a  fast-dying  ember  of  discord  and 
wave  it  above  his  head  as  a  battle-signal ;  the  battle  of  1912  is  over — no 
apologies  should  be  asked  or  given  by  any  man  for  honest  differences  of 
opinion  in  that  conflict. 

When  this  Party  came  into  power,  in  1861,  it  found  a  treasury 
bankrupt.  It  found  industries  prostrated.  It  found  a  country  divided 
and  overclouded  with  impending  civil  war.  But  like  the  mighty  Hamilton, 
it  touched  the  dead  corpse  of  public  credit,  and  it  sprang  upon  its  feet. 
It  sustained  the  frail  and  fainting  industries  of  the  Republic,  and  brought 
them  back  to  life ;  it  kept  all  the  stars  in  the  flag,  their  glory  untarnished, 
their  luster  undimmed ;  and  it  elected  and  re-elected  to  the  Presidency  of 
the  United  States  the  emancipator  of  a  race,  Abraham  Lincoln.  (Cheers.) 

But,  my  fellow  countrymen,  the  Republican  Party  deserves  to  live 
and  to  win,  not  simply  because  of  pride  of  ancestry  or  richness  of  in- 
heritance. We  are  proud  of  Republican  history  because  it  is  the  history 
of  the  country.  Somehow  a  Republican  takes  pride  in  the  history  of  the 
nation,  and,  by  the  same  token,  our  Democratic  friends  conceive  an 
aversion  to  history  and  indulge  themselves  in  the  wider  field  of  prophecy. 
But,  proud  as  we  are  of  our  achievements  in  the  past,  do  not  forget  this, 
ladies  and  gentlemen,  that  we  deserve  to  win,  not  only  because  of  what 
has  been  accomplished  but  because  this  Party,  revivified,  rejuvenated, 
united,  with  its  face  to  the  future  and  aglow,  in  the  consciousness  of 


126  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

capacity  for  service,  is  able  to  cope  with  the  problems  of  the  present, 
and  to  hear  and  heed  the  beckoning  voice  of  the  future,  and  as  an  omen 
of  that  bright  future,  the  sun  is  shining,  thank  God!  (Cheers.) 

(Note:  The  sun  was  then  shining  for  the  first  time  in  three  or  four 
days.) 

My  fellow  citizens,  in  the  days  of  stress  and  strife,  the  Republican 
Party  was  formed  to  handle  a  situation  like  the  present.  What  are  the 
problems  that  confront  us  at  this  hour?  Because  of  monumental  folly 
and  meddling  officiousness,  the  affairs  of  this  government,  both  domestic 
and  foreign,  are  in  a  tangle.  Somehow  we  are  less  proud  of  our  country 
than  we  used  to  be,  and  even  though  we  are  assured  on  high  authority, 
that  we  are  "too  proud  to  fight,"  I  don't  believe  a  blamed  word  of  it. 
(Laughter.) 

In  our  relations  with  the  sister  nations  of  the  earth,  the  administra- 
tion at  Washington  has  won  chagrin  at  home  and  contempt  abroad.  The 
American  flag  that  ought  to  mean  much,  means  but  little  upon  the  seas, 
or  in  foreign  ports,  because  our  Government  has  vacillated  between  the 
pen  and  the  sword  and  the  nations  of  the  earth  have  learned  that  the 
policy  of  the  Administration  at  Washington  is  more  of  "waiting"  than  it 
is  of  "watchfulness."  (Laughter.)  In  this  hour,  when  world  problems 
are  to  be  solved,  the  Republican  Party  is  the  organization  to  which  the 
people  of  this  country  are  looking  for  relief,  and  I  charge  you,  my  fellow 
delegates,  if  you  shall  go  away  from  this  Imperial  City  by  the  Lake, 
without  having  effected  the  union  in  the  Republican  Part}"  that  the  voters 
of  the  country  expect  us  to  bring  about,  we  shall  have  committed  the 
greatest  political  crime  in  the  history  of  this  Republic.  (Cheers.) 

In  this  Convention,  we  must  put  aside  mere  personal  ambitions  and 
factionalism,  and  do  the  work  that  the  people  have  commissioned  us  to 
do.  There  are  some  special  reasons  why  that  must  be  done.  I  have 
referred  to  one,  the  condition  of  the  foreign  affairs  of  this  Republic. 
We  have  lost  the  confidence  of  every  nation  in  Europe.  We  have  won 
the  ill  will  of  every  nation  in  Europe.  Their  good  will  and  confidence 
can  be  regained  only  by  the  Republican  policy  of  fairness  to  all,  favoritism 
to  none,  with  the  maintenance  of  an  absolute  unflinching  neutrality  among 
all  the  beligerent  powers.  We  have  coddled  alternately  all  the  chief 
bandits  in  Mexico  and  furnished  them  with  the  ammunition  that  is  now 
being  shipped  back  to  us  in  the  mangled  and  bleeding  bodies  of  our 
citizens  and  soldiers.  (Applause  and  cheers.)  That  is  the  policy  of  the 
administration  at  Washington,  and  that  policy  of  weakness  and  vacilla- 
tion is  at  the  foundation  of  the  trouble  with  the  people  to  the  south  of  us. 

The  Republican  Party  believes  that  it  is  better  to  spend  money  in 
time  of  peace  to  preserve  peace,  than  it  is  to  spend  blood  in  time  of  war 
to  regain  peace.  That  is  the  policy  of  the  Republican  Party.  (Applause.) 

In    our  domestic   affairs,   the   evil    effects   of   the   outworn    sectional 


SIXTEENTH  REPURLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  1 '.' 7 

tariff-policy,  adopted  by  the  national  administration,  has  been,  to  some 
extent,  obscured  by  the  feverish  ephemeral  activity  which  is  the  out- 
growth of  the  lamentable  European  conflict.  Every  sane  man  knows  that 
but  for  this  unnatural  and  inhumane  stimulus  our  industries  would  be 
prostrate,  and  we  would  be  face  to  face  with  industrial  depression,  such 
as  we  have  not  seen  in  half  a  century.  And  when  this  world-war  ends, 
another  will  begin ;  but  that  will  be  an  industrial  war  that  will  know  no 
neutrals — all  will  be  belligerents.  As  a  military  and  naval  preparedness 
adequate  to  make  any  nation  or  combination  of  nations  hesitate  to  violate 
the  rights  of  our  citizens  or  the  sanctity  of  our  flag  is  a  guaranty  of 
peace,  so  industrial  preparation  through  the  enactment  of  a  Republican 
protective  tariff  law  is  essential,  if  we  would  maintain  American  wage 
rates  and  standards  of  living. 

Yes,  but  somebody  says,  "Times  are  fairly  good  now ;  many  sections 
of  our  country  are  prosperous"  Oh,  my  fellow  countrymen,  in  the  sight 
of  Almighty  God,  I  say  to  you  that  a  prosperity  that  is  fed  upon  the 
bleeding  bodies  and  the  broken  bones  of  dying  men  in  Europe  is  costly 
and  cannot  long  endure.  (Great  applause  and  cheers.)  We  shall  not  be 
upon  a  sound  basis  industrially  until  we  re-elect  a  Republican  President, 
and  until  we  put  on  the  statute  books  a  good  old-fashioned  McKinley  pro- 
tective tariff  law.  (Great  applause  and  cheers.) 

To  that  policy  of  protection  to  the  American  home,  the  American 
working  man,  the  American  farm  and  field  and  factory,  this  Party  is 
irrevocably  committed. 

In  this  time  of  world  problems,  my  fellow  countrymen,  we  want  in 
the  Executive  chair  a  man  who  knows  the  world.  Even  at  this  moment, 
all  the  republics  of  South  and  Central  America  are  suspicious.  American 
trade  is  at  a  standstill.  The  voice  of  Pan-Americanism  was  first  sounded 
through  the  silver  lips  of  the  Plumed  Knight,  James  G.  Elaine.  It  is  time 
to  sound  that  note  again  if  we  are  to  win  for  our  people  in  that  section 
of  the  world  the  fruits  of  trade  expansion  to  which  we  are  entitled. 

The  nominee  of  this  Convention,  as  I  have  suggested,  must  be  a  be- 
liever in  old-fashioned  protective  tariff,  the  tariff  of  Clay,  of  Hamilton, 
of  Garfield  and  McKinley. 

The  nominee  of  this  convention  must  be  a  Republican  seasoned  in 
the  experiences  of  the  past,  alive  to  the  needs  of  the  present  and  able  to 
hear  and  heed  the  beckoning  voice  of  the  on-coming  future.  He  must 
be  a  fearless  opponent  of  extravagance  and  a  staunch  advocate  of  old- 
fashioned  economy ;  he  must  know  the  fiscal  system  of  the  country  and 
be  an  uncompromising  defender  of  the  patriotic  nation-building  policy  of 
protection  to  American  workingmen  and  American  enterprise.  He  must 
personify  in  record  and  character  the  ideals  and  aspirations  of  the  rank 
and  file  of  the  party  and  thus  promote  harmony  and  unity  by  holding 
fast  to  the  lessons  of  wise  experience  on  the  one  hand  and  promoting 
sane  progress  on  the  other. 


128  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

The  nominee  of  this  Convention  must  be  a  man  who  believes  it  is 
wise  in  time  of  peace  to  make  preparation  either  to  maintain  peace  or 
to  fight  if  we  have  to.  (Applause.) 

The  nominee  of  this  Convention  must  be  in  public  record  and  private 
life  altogether  above  suspicion.  There  must  be  no  flaw  in  his  armor. 
There  must  be  no  stain  upon  his  shield.  He  must  have  a  heart  that  beats 
in  sympathy  with  every  sentiment  that  is  symbolized  in  the  flag;  the  red 
that  symbolizes  the  courage  of  the  men  who  died  to  keep  the  flag  in  the  air ; 
the  white  that  is  symbolic  of  the  purity  of  American  womanhood,  and  the 
blue  that  symbolizes  the  constancy  of  American  patriotism.  You  have — 
some  one  handed  to  you  a  little  card  with  some  stanzas  from  an  Ohio 
poet  that  express  the  sentiment  that  I  hope  may  dominate  this  Convention, 
whoever  is  nominated : 

"Your  flag  and  my  flag,  and  how  it  flies  today 
In  your  land  and  my  land  and  half  a  world  away ; 
Rose  red  and  blood  red,  its  stripes  forever  gleam, 
Snow  white  and  soul  white,  the  forefathers'  dream, 
Sky  blue  and  true  blue,  with  stars  to  gleam  aright — 
The  gloried  guidon  of  the  day,  a  shelter  through  the  night. 
Your  flag  and  my  flag — and,  oh,  how  much  it  holds, 
Your  land,  and  my  land,  secure  within  its  folds. 
Your  heart  and  my  heart  beat  quicker  at  the  sight, 
Sun-kissed  and  wind-tossed,  red  and  blue  and  white. 
The  one  flag,  the  great  flag,  the  flag  for  me  and  you, 
Glorified  all  else  beside  the  Red  and  White  and  Blue." 

(Great  applause  and  cheering.)  (A  voice  from  the  gallery:  "What's 
the  matter  with  Ohio?"  A  feminine  voice,  "She's  all  right.") 

MR.  WILLIS. — God  bless  the  Ohio  girls.  (Cheers,  and  "He's  all  right." 
"Who's  all  right?"  etc.) 

MR.  WILLIS  :  Ladies  and  gentlemen,  the  nominee  of  this  Convention 
must  be  a  man  whose  record  is  not  only  unimpeachable,  but  must  be  a 
man  whose  record  is  known.  The  American  people  must  know  of  his 
efforts  where  he  has  stood  upon  the  great  public  questions  of  the  hour. 
There  must  be  nothing  to  uncover,  nothing  to  explain  away,  nothing  to 
apologize  for.  He  must  be  a  man  of  undaunted  courage — he  must  be 
unafraid  to  challenge  powerful  influences  in  his  own  or  any  other  party, 
if  they  block  the  way  of  progress. 

Such  are  the  qualities  of  leadership  our  candidate  must  have,  and 
such  a  candidate  Ohio  offers  to  the  nation. 

The  blood  of  the  Grants  is  in  his  veins — he  is  a  man  of  dauntless 
courage  and  untiring  industry.  His  boyhood  home  was  the  Western 
Reserve — he  fought  his  own  way — he  knows  the  life  of  the  common 
people.  He  came  from  the  section  of  the  state  which  gave  the  nation 


SIXTEENTH  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  129 

Wade  and  Giddings,  Garfield  and  McKinley — he  drank  deep  at  the  fount 
of  their  inspiring  example — he  represents  in  his  life  the  best  traditions 
of  our  party. 

As  a  member  of  Congress  for  sixteen  eventful  years,  he  took  promi- 
nent part  in  the  legislation  of  that  period,  embracing  within  its  scope  the 
Spanish-American  War,  sound  money,  the  tariff,  anti-trust  laws,  banking 
and  financial  legislation,  conservation,  betterment  of  labor  conditions — 
he  helped  make  Republican  history  and  that  is  the  history  of  progress. 

As  a  campaigner,  he  has  few  equals  and  no  superiors.  In  his  contests 
before  the  people  of  his  district,  he  ran  always  many  hundreds  and  some- 
times many  thousands  ahead  of  his  ticket — the  people  believed  in  him 
then — they  will  trust  him  and  elect  him  now,  if  nominated  by  this  con- 
vention. 

Elevated  to  the  Senate  in  1909,  he  at  once  took  the  high  station  to 
which  he  was  entitled  by  his  wide  experience,  his  profound  learning,  his 
ability  as  a  debater,  his  high  character  and  his  unflinching  devotion  to 
public  duty. 

As  author,  scholar,  statesman,  he  is  a  recognized  authority  in  legis- 
lation and  discussion  pertaining  to  monetary  and  banking  affairs — legiti- 
mate business  would  feel  secure  under  his  administration. 

He  is  the  greatest  living  authority  on  the  world's  waterways — he 
stood  for  a  thorough,  efficient  system  of  waterway  improvement,  but  he 
fought  log-rolling  and  extravagance — his  administration  would  be  one  of 
broad  vision  tempered  by  wise  economy. 

Let  me  say  this  men,  the  man  that  is  nominated  by  this  Convention, 
must  have  the  type  of  leadership  that  comes  from  successful  advocacy 
as  well  as  from  possession  of  commanding,  inspiring,  engaging  person- 
ality. Think  about  this.  (Applause.)  My  fellow  Republicans,  great  as 
any  leader  may  be,  love  him  as  we  may,  let  us  remember  that  the  Re- 
publican Party  and  the  principles  on  which  it  was  founded  are  greater 
than  any  man  that  ever  lived  beneath  the  sky.  (Great  applause.) 

The  type  of  leadership  that  crystallizes  about  great  principles,  at  the 
end  of  the  presidential  term  would  leave  the  Party  and  the  country  har- 
monious, united,  cohesive,  organic.  If  it  were  leadership  based  simply 
upon  engaging  personality,  however  much  to  be  admired,  at  the  end  of 
the  administration  there  would  come  disorganization  and  factional  strife. 
This  is  a  government  of  law,  and  not  of  individuals.  (Applause.) 

One  more  word :  The  candidate  that  Ohio  presents  to  this  Convention 
is  cordial  without  being  effusive,  scholarly  without  being  pedantic.  He  is 
gentle  without  being  weak.  His  private  life  is  as  clean  as  his  public 
career  is  distinguished ;  genial  and  approachable,  he  possesses  the  "rugged 
grandeur  of  the  great"  and  presents  in  its  best  light,  inspiring,  uplifting 
party  leadership.  His  modesty  and  unobtrusiveness  are  excelled  only  by 
his  cordiality  and  warmth  to  those  who  know  him  best.  He  is  common 


^.30  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

without  being  common-place.  He  is  firm  without  being  dictatorial.  That 
is  all  symbolic  of  the  fact  that  we  are  going  to  take  down  the  ropes,  if 
necessary,  to  nominate  our  candidate.  (Referring  to  the  rope  hand  rail 
which  became  unfastened  under  the  speaker's  touch.) 

I  said  he  was  firm,  without  being  dictatorial.  In  twenty  years  of 
public  life  he  has  won  the  people's  battle  for  economy  and  clean  govern- 
ment, and  at  the  same  time  has  won  the  love  and  respect  of  friend  and 
foe  alike.  It  is  no  disparagement  of  any  of  the  eminent  gentlemen  whose 
names  have  here  been  presented,  or  whose  names  will  be  presented,  when 
I  say  that  there  is  not  in  the  American  Republic  a  man  better  equipped 
by  natural  ability,  by  personal  character  and  private  life,  by  experience, 
by  breadth  of  vision,  by  whole-souled  American  patriotism, — there  is 
not,  I  say,  beneath  the  folds  of  the  flag,  a  man  better  equipped  for  the 
high  office  of  President  than  the  candidate  we  present. 

In  behalf  of  a  re-united  and  triumphant  Republican  Party  in  Ohio, 
and  speaking  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  delegation  from  Ohio,  I  present 
to  you  that  scholar,  statesman,  great  American — with  another  we  can 
win,  with  him  we  cannot  fail — I  nominate  Theodore  Burton,  of  Ohio. 
(Great  demonstration.) 

A  READING  CLERK  (Mr.  Will  A.  Waite,  of  Michigan). — Continuing 
the  roll  call  the  next  State  is  California. 

THE  CHAIRMAN  OF  THE  CALIFORNIA  DELEGATION  (Mr.  Walter  Bord- 
well). — California  has  no  candidate  and  desires  to  be  passed. 

THE  READING  CLERK. — The  next  State  is  Colorado. 

THE  CHAIRMAN  OF  THE  COLORADO  DELEGATION  (Mr.  John  A.  Ewing). — 
Colorado  has  no  candidate  and  desires  to  be  passed. 

THE  READING  CLERK. — The  next  State  is  Connecticut. 

THE  CHAIRMAN  OF  THE  CONNECTICUT  DELEGATION. — Connecticut  having 
no  candidate  yields  to  Massachusetts. 

THE  PRESIDING  OFFICER  (Mr.  Sutherland,  of  Utah.) — The  Chair  re- 
cognizes Senator  Lodge  of  Massachusetts.  (Applause). 

MR.  LODGE   NOMINATING  AIR.  WEEKS 

THE  PRESIDING  OFFICER  (Mr.  Sutherland,  of  Utah). — The  Chair  has 
very  great  pleasure  in  presenting  to  the  convention  Senator  Henry  Cabot 
Lodge,  of  Massachusetts.  (An  enthusiastic  demonstration  greeted  Mr. 
Lodge). 

MR.  HENRY  CABOT  LODGE,  of  Massachusetts. — Mr.  Chairman  and  my 
fellow  delegates :  Born  and  bred  in  New  Hampshire,  adopted  by  Massa- 
chusetts, the  candidate  whose  name  I  am  about  to  present  commands  the 
confidence  and  the  high  respect  of  these  two  old  States,  whose  names 
stand  together  on  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  on  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States.  (Applause.)  Admitted  to  the  Naval  Academy 
in  1877,  he  received  not  only  the  thorough  education  which  is  there  always 


SIXTEENTH  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  131 

given  but  he  also  learned  those  lessons  of  patriotism,  of  honor  and  of 
devotion  to  the  country  and  to  the  flag  which  are  never  forgotten  by  the 
graduates  of  Annapolis  and  West  Point.  After  leaving  the  Xavy  he  at- 
tained in  civil  life  to  a  large  and  well-earned,  success  in  the  business 
world,  whose  trust  he  never  failed  to  command.  In  that  practical  school 
he  acquired  a  wide  knowledge  of  all  the  great  economic  policies  and  of 
the  problems  of  finance  upon  which  the  prosperity  of  the  country  so 
largely  depends.  In  1898,  when  war  came  to  us,  he  returned  at  once  to 
the  profession  of  his  youth  and  served  his  country  in  naval  command 
during  the  conflict  with  Spain.  He  was  chosen  to  be  Mayor  of  Newton, 
the  city  where  he  lives,  in  1903,  and  after  an  administration  of  great  suc- 
cess he  was  elected  a  Alember  of  Congress.  In  the  House  he  rose  to  the 
front  rank  and  to  high  distinction  not  only  as  a  debater  but  as  a  master 
of  economic  questions  and  a  legislator  of  marked  constructive  ability. 
After  eight  years'  service  in  the  House  he  was  elected  to  the  Senate, 
where  he  has  not  only  continued  but  has  added  to  the  distinction  which 
he  had  won  in  the  other  branch  of  Congress  and  where  his  standing  and 
reputation  are  known  to  all  men.  A  better  training  for  the  highest  and 
most  responsible  of  public  offices  could  not  be  devised,  and  this  training 
rests  on  the  firm  foundation  of  distinguished  abilities,  strong  and  upright 
character  and  a  reputation  without  blemish  or  reproach. 

The  first  duty  of  the  Republican  party  in  the  coming  campaign  is  to 
drive  from  power  the  Administration  and  the  party  which  have  so  gravely 
injured  us  at  home  and  so  deeply  discredited  us  abroad.  (Applause.)  In 
this  great  task  we  invite  the  cooperation  of  all  citizens  who  share  our 
views  in  regard  to  the  present  Administration  and  urge  them  to  join  with 
us  in  the  work  of  bringing  the  country  back  to  the  sound  economic 
policies  under  which  the  material  prosperity  of  the  Republic  has  been 
built  up  during  the  last  half  century,  and  in  restoring  the  influence  and 
position  beyond  our  own  borders  which  the  United  States  once  held  but 
which  have  been  lost  in  the  last  three  years.  To  do  this  we  must  have  a 
candidate  who  will  command  support  beyond  the  strict  limits  of  the  party 
and  receive  it  from  all  men  who  sympathize  with  our  purposes.  We  must 
have  a  man  who  is  in  thorough  accord  with  Republican  principles.  (Ap- 
plause, and  a  voice,  "That's  right.")  Our  candidate  must  be  a  man  who 
believes  in  the  protection  of  American  rights  by  land  and  sea  and  who 
will  maintain  an  honest  and  a  real  neutrality;  who  loves  peace,  the  peace 
of  justice  and  right,  and  who  at  the  same  time  thoroughly  believes  in  a 
preparation  both  in  the  Army  and  Navy-  which  will  absolutely  defend  and 
secure  not  only  our  peace  but  our  rights  and  our  honor.  We  must  have 
a  man  who  believes  in  American  policies  and  the  protection  of  American 
interests,  who  is  American  through  and  through.  Most  of  all  we  must 
have  a  man  who  believes  that  this  great  nation  is  one — one  in  ideals,  in 
hopes,  in  aspirations.  (Applause).  A  man  who  believes  that  all  Ameri- 
cans should  be  loyal  to  American  traditions,  who  represents  the  con- 


132  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

science  and  the  soul  of  the  American  people ;  a  man  who  will  not  only 
use  the  power  of  his  great  office  to  advance  wise  policies  and  protect 
American  rights  but  who  believes  that  it  is  his  duty  above  all  things  to 
keep  the  faith — the  faith  of  the  men  who  followed  Washington  at  Trenton 
and  of  those  who  fell  at  Gettysburg.  (Prolonged  applause). 

Such  a  man,  in  every  fibre  of  his  being,  is  the  candidate  I  am  now  to 
present  to  you,  and  I  name  to  you  as  a  candidate  for  the  nomination  for 
President  of  the  United  States  the  Honorable  John  W.  Weeks  of  Massa- 
chusetts. (Loud  and  prolonged  applause.) 

THE  PRESIDING  OFFICER  (Mr.  Sutherland,  of  Utah). — The  roll  call 
will  be  proceeded  with. 

THE  READING  CLERK  (Mr.  Waite  of  Michigan). — The  next  State  is 
Delaware. 

THE  PRESIDING  OFFICER  (Mr.  Sutherland  of  Utah). — The  Chair  rec- 
ognizes Mr.  Thomas  W.  Miller,  a  Representative  in  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States  from  the  State  of  Delaware. 

MR.  MILLER  NOMINATING  MR.  DU  PONT 

MR.  THOMAS  W.  MILLER,  of  Delaware. — Air.  Chairman  and  delegates 
of  the  Convention:  The  fact  that  the  great  State  of  New  York,  through 
its  two  eminent  speakers,  has  two  candidates  to  propose  as  the  rider  this 
year  for  the  G.O.P.  elephant,  seems  to  have  given  some  solace  to  my 
friend  from  Ohio  (Mr.  Willis)  who  has  preceded  me.  (Laughter). 
But  judging  from  what  we  hear  here  today,  and  heard  on  the  opening 
day,  Ohio  isn't  the  only  State  in  the  Union  that  has  a  patent  on  riders 
for  the  elephant.  The  State  of  Delaware, — and  it  was  the  first  to  sign 
the  Constitution — has  until  now  had  no  candidate  to  bring  before  a  Re- 
publican National  Convention,  but  today  we  present  an  honored  son  of 
our  adoption,  a  man  who  by  his  many  and  versatile  accomplishments  has 
placed  himself,  from  the  standpoint  of  a  national  character,  in  the  front 
ranks  of  the  Nation's  regiment  of  great  men,  and  is  so  recognized  from 
one  end  of  this  country  to  the  other.  (Applause). 

A  native  of  Kentucky,  born  in  the  year  1863,  our  friend  did  not 
number  among  his  playthings  the  silver  spoon;  what  he  possesses  he  has 
gained  by  his  own  individual  efforts.  Starting  as  a  miner  in  the  coal 
mines  of  Kentucky,  our  candidate  learned  at  the  start  to  work  up  by  hard 
knocks  and  in  the  school  of  experience.  After  completing  his  education, 
which  was  interrupted  through  his  early  circumstances,  our  friend  found 
himself  in  the  thirties  the  superintendent  of  the  mine  in  which  he  had 
started  as  a  mule  driver  some  years  before.  He  was  beloved  by  all  with 
whom  he  came  in  contact  and  in  all  affairs  between  the  employees  and 
employers  he  stood  as  the  champion  of  the  former's  cause.  His  interest 
in  the  betterment  of  the  civic  and  industrial  condition  in  the  mining  town 


CORNELIUS   N.   BLISS,  JR.,   of   New   York, 
Treasurer  of  the  Republican   National  Committee 


SIXTEENTH  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  133 

while  of  benefit  to  the  employers,  due  to  the  increased  efficiency  of  the 
employees,  was  in  reality  done  to  increase  the  welfare  of  the  workers  who 
were  first  in  his  heart  for  he  had  been  one  of  them.  (Applause). 

He  lived  in  his  native  State  of  Kentucky  until  1893,  when  he  was 
called  to  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  to  carry  forward  enterprises  whicn 
were  far-reaching  in  their  importance  and  which  gave  employment  to 
many  thousands  of  people.  Later  on  he  was  called  to  the  State  of  Dela- 
ware, in  the  year  1900,  a  State  which  for  a  century  had  been  honored  by 
his  family,  prominent  in  the  Naval,  Military  and  Industrial  history  of  the 
United  States.  The  record  of  that  family  has  been  one  of  public  service 
since  they  landed  on  this  shore  a  century  ago.  They  called  their  young 
cousin  from  the  South  to  come  up  there  because  he  had  demonstrated  by 
his  energy  and  capacity  for  work  that  he  was  the  man  that  was  needed 
there,  a  man  of  executive  ability.  (Applause). 

They  say  he  smells  of  powder,  but  I  say  to  you  if  that  is  true  it  is 
the  same  odor  that  the  British  smelt  at  the  Battle  of  Lake  Erie  in  1812, 
much  to  their  displeasure.  That  powder  was  hauled  by  wagon  trains 
from  the  State  of  Delaware  for  use  by  Perry,  and  resulted  in  placing  the 
American  flag  on  top  in  the  war  of  1812.  The  same  odor  was  very  promi- 
nent in  Mexico  in  1846,  and  it  would  have  been  far  better  during  the  past 
three  years  if  we  had  given  the  same  dose  to  the  Republic  to  the  south 
of  us,  either  through  intervention  or  as  a  severe  border  tonic,  rather  than 
the  "watchful  waiting"  which  we  have  given  those  people.  Had  we  fol- 
lowed the  proper  course,  the  Mexican  policy  of  the  Administration  would 
not  now  be  standing  before  us  to  mock  us  no  matter  which  way  we 
turned.  (Applause). 

As  I  said,  gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  the  man  of  whom  I  speak 
came  to  Delaware  sixteen  years  ago,  and  at  the  opening  of  the  war  in 
Europe  he  severed  his  connection  with  the  enterprise  I  have  just  referred 
to  and  went  to  New  York  to  engage  in  other  pursuits,  namely,  the  con- 
struction of  the  largest  office  building  in  the  world,  and  the  acquisition 
of  the  Equitable  Life  Assurance  Society,  which  society  brings  good  cheer 
to  many  people.  Delegates  of  the  Convention,  after  this  war  in  Europe 
closes  we  are  going  to  have  two  friends,  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific 
Oceans,  and  it  behooves  us  to  see  that  these  oceans  are  held  by  a  Navy 
that  can  patrol  both  sides  of  our  country  and  its  outlying  possessions. 
One  month  ago  we  saw  the  Democratic  majority  in  the  house  of  repre- 
sentatives endeavoring  to  adopt  a  bill  which  meant  scuttle  for  the  ship 
of  state  in  the  Philippine  Islands,  and  what  was  one  of  their  reasons? 
They  gave  as  one  of  their  reasons  that  the  Philippine  Islands  were  weak 
as  a  defensive  unit,  a  very  poor  reason  when  our  flag  has  been  planted 
there  for  twenty  years  or  more.  I  say  to  you  that  instead  of  voting  to 
scuttle  the  ship  of  state  they  should  have  voted,  as  they  did  not  do  a 
week  ago,  for  a  Navy  adequate  not  only  to  protect  the  Atlantic  and  the 


134  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

Pacific  shores  of  our  great  country  but  to  protect  every  possession  over 
which  our  flag  floats.  (Applause).  If  they  had  followed  that  policy 
there  would  be  before  the  Senate  today  a  naval  bill  providing  for  two 
dreadnoughts  instead  of  none,  and  providing  for  what  is  asked  for  by 
the  general  board  of  the  Navy,  which  is  a  board  that  Congress  and  the 
country  should  follow  in  these  times  when  real  preparedness  is  necessary. 

But  there  is  another  kind  of  preparedness  which  should  go  hand  in 
hand  with  Naval  and  Military  preparedness,  and  that  is  Industrial  pre- 
paredness. After  this  great  war  is  over  these  two  oceans  on  either  side 
of  us,  and  which  are  our  friends,  will  need  means  of  transportation  to 
meet  the  competition  of  our  rivals  in  commerce  and  trade,  and  we  should 
see  to  it  that  we  are  prepared  to  go  into  the  industrial  world  and  assert 
ourselves  aggressively  in  all  lines.  To  do  that  we  need  a  man  of  force 
and  a  man  of  business  at  the  helm  of  State  in  this  country.  That  is  the 
reason  why  today  the  State  of  Delaware  is  supporting  one  of  its  illus- 
trious sons.  It  is  proposing  today  the  name  of  a  man  who  has  succeeded 
in  everything  he  has  undertaken.  Like  the  father  of  his  country,  George 
Washington,  he  too  started  as  an  engineer ;  like  the  saviour  of  our  country 
in  the  sixties,  Abraham  Lincoln,  he  too  has  come  up  by  hard  knocks  and 
along  the  road  of  experience ;  like  the  late  lamented  William  McKinley, 
he  possesses  a  kindliness  of  nature  that  is  unexcelled;  he  has  the  energy 
and  capacity  for  work  of  Theodore  Roosevelt  and  the  calm  deliberate 
judgment  of  William  Howard  Taft.  (Great  cheering.) 

Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  it  is  my  pleasure,  it  is  my  great  honor, 
to  present  to  this  Convention  the  name  of  one  of  Delaware's  sons,  adopted 
though  he  may  be,  and  the  man  whom  I  have  endeavored  to  tell  you  about 
in  these  few  minutes,  the  man  who  was  endorsed  by  the  Republican  State 
Convention  of  Delaware  and  its  delegates  instructed  for  him,  is  General 
Coleman  du  Pont.  I  now  present  on  behalf  of  the  State  of  Delaware 
for  your  consideration  for  the  nomination  for  President  of  the  United 
States  General  Coleman  du  Pont.  (Applause.) 

THE  PRESIDING  OFFICER  (Mr.  George  Sutherland,  of  Utah).— The  Sec- 
retary will  continue  calling  the  roll. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  TH.E  CONVENTION  (Mr.  Lafayette  B.  Gleason,  of 
New  York). — Florida. 

THE  CHAIRMAN  OF  THE  DELEGATION  (Mr.  Henry  S.  Chubb). — Florida 
has  no  nomination  to  make  and  passes. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — Georgia. 

MR.  HENRY  LINCOLN  JOHNSON,  of  Georgia.— Georgia  has  no  candidate 
to  present  and  desires  to  be  passed. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — Idaho. 

THE  CHAIRMAN  OF  THE  DELEGATION  (Mr.  John  W.  Hart).— Idaho 
passes. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — Illinois. 


SIXTEENTH  REPUBLICAN'  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  135 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  (Mr.  Warren  G.  Harding,  of  Ohio,  having 
resumed  the  chair). — The  Chair  recognizes  Colonel  W.  J.  Calhoun,  of 
Chicago,  a  veteran  of  the  Civil  War  and  a  compatriot  of  Major  McKinley. 
(Applause.) 

MR.   CALHOUN   NOMINATING  MR.  SHERMAN 

MR.  W.  J.  CALHOUN,  of  Illinois. — Mr.  Chairman,  and  ladies  and  gen- 
tlemen of  the  Convention :  For  more  than  fifty  years  with  the  exception 
of  three  widely  separated  administrative  periods,  the  Republican  Party 
has  governed  this  country.  (Applause.) 

In  its  inception — 

A  DELEGATE. — Louder,  louder,  we  can't  hear  the  speaker. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Convention  will  be  in  order.  If 
the  Convention  will  be  in  order  it  will  have  no  difficulty  in  hearing  the 
speaker. 

MR.  CALHOUN,  of  Illinois. — In  its  inception,  it  was  an  idealistic,  an 
emotional,  a  radical  party.  It  stood  for  liberty  and  against  slavery;  for 
a  civilization  based  on  free  labor  and  against  a  civilization  based  on  slave 
labor;  for  the  Union  and  against  disunion;  for  the  payment  of  the  national 
debt  according  to  the  terms  of  the  bond,  and  against  repudiation  in  whole 
or  in  part;  for  a  sound  and  stable  currency  and  against  a  debased  or 
fluctuating  currency  and  for  the  protection  of  American  labor  and  Ameri- 
can industry  against  the  depressing  competition  of  cheaper  labor  and 
cheaper  living  conditions  in  Europe  and  elsewhere.  (Applause.)  And 
four  years  ago,  when  it  turned  over  the  administration  of  public  affairs 
to  the  opposing  party,  the  country  was  never  so  prosperous,  never  so  far 
advanced  along  all  lines  of  intellectual,  social  and  industrial  development, 
and  never  so  closely  united  in  thought,  in  sympathy  and  in  aspirations 
for  the  future,  as  it  then  was.  This,  in  brief,  is  the  record  of  the  years. 
With  confidence,  we  submit  that  record  to  the  impartial  judgment  of  his- 
tory. (Applause.) 

Four  years  ago  our  party  was  still  the  majority  party.  In  numerical 
strength,  in  mental  and  moral  force,  and  in  adaptability  to  and  in  experi- 
ence with  the  affairs  of  government,  it  was  by  far  the  superior  party,  and 
it  ought  to  have  won  in  that  election.  But  unfortunately  bitter  personal 
antagonisms,  rival  ambitions  and  factional  disputes  were  developed  that 
disrupted  the  party,  and  it  went  down  in  the  most  disastrous  defeat  ever 
known  in  the  history  of  American  politics.  (A  voice:  "Yes,  but  we're 
going  to  win  this  year,"  followed  by  applause.) 

We  are  now  assembled  as  the  representatives  of  the  people  to  for- 
mulate a  declaration  of  principles  and  policies,  and  to  nominate  candi- 
dates for  President  and  Vice-President.  It  is  a  grave  responsibility  that 
rests  upon  us.  The  time  is  a  serious  one.  Almost  the  entire  world  is 
ablaze  with  the  fires  of  war.  Great  forces  are  moving,  great  events  are 


136  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

happening,  all  around  us.  The  possibilities  of  danger  to  this  country, 
now,  or  in  the  near  future,  are  present  as  never  before  since  the  civil 
war.  And  strange  to  say,  our  opponents  seem  oblivious  to  these  world- 
wide conditions,  and  apparently  are  more  intent  on  the  size  of  the  "pork 
barrel"  than  they  are  on  the  size  of  our  army  and  navy  for  defensive 
purposes.  Under  these  conditions,  the  query  comes  to  the  heart,  the 
conscience  of  every  delegate  to  this  Convention :  Are  we  big  enough  and 
broad  enough,  are  we  generous  and  patriotic  enough,  to  subordinate  our 
personal  antagonisms,  our  rival  ambitions,  our  factional  differences,  for 
the  unification  of  our  party,  so  that  through  its  success,  we  may  once 
more  serve  the  best  interests  of  the  country  we  love?  (Applause,  and 
a  voice:  "Yes,  and  we're  going  to  do  it.") 

The  personality  of  the  candidates  we  nominate  may  have  much  to 
do  with  the  result.  I  am  authorized  by  the  delegation  from  Illinois,  and 
it,  in  turn,  is  instructed  by  the  Republicans  of  the  State,  to  present  for 
your  consideration  the  name  of  a  candidate  for  the  high  office  of  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States. 

The  story  of  his  life,  as  I  know  it,  is,  for  the  most  part,  a  very 
simple  one;  and  yet  it  has  in  it  many  elements  of  the  heroic  which  ele- 
vate it  far  above  the  level  of  the  commonplace.  He  was  not  born  in  this 
State,  as  I  now  recall,  but  was  brought  here  from  another  State,  in  his 
early  infancy,  and  here  he  has  ever  since  lived. 

An  OHIO  DELEGATE. — Where  was  he  born? 

MR.  CALHOUN. — In  Ohio. 

THE  OHIO  DELEGATE. — Hurrah  for  Ohio. 

MR.  CALHOUN,  of  Illinois,  continuing. — His  life  was  developed  amid 
conditions  of  extreme  poverty,  attended  with  unremitting  toil.  But  it  was 
not  the  stifling,  the  soul-shriveling  poverty  of  the  slums  to  which  he  was 
subjected.  His  life  was  that  of  the  son  of  a  pioneer  farmer.  The  air  he 
breathed  was  the  fresh  clear  air  of  the  forest  and  the  open  field.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

His  opportunities  for  an  education  were  few  and  irregular,  and  yet 
his  desire  therefor  was  intense.  There  was  the  country  school,  some- 
times a  pupil,  sometimes  a  teacher;  and  then  came  the  country  college 
with  its  limited  curriculum.  He  never  fully  realized  his  ambition  for  an 
education,  but  he  early  formed  the  habit  of  a  student,  and  he  has  supple- 
mented his  somewhat  limited  preparatory  achievements  with  wide  reading 
and  persistent  study.  (Applause.) 

He  studied  law  and  entered  upon  the  practice  of  that  profession. 
His  career  at  the  bar  was  limited  to  the  districts  in  which  he  lived,  but 
his  record  is  a  highly  honorable  one.  (Applause.) 

He  finally  became  interested  in  politics.  He  went  to  the  State  Legis- 
lature for  one  or  more  terms.  He  became  prominent  in  its  deliberations 
and  acquired  a  State-wide  reputation.  He  was  elected  Lieutenant- 


SIXTEENTH  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  137 

Governor  and  served  four  years  as  the  President  of  the  State  Senate. 
He  was  appointed  by  the  Governor  Chairman  of  a  Commission  to  re- 
organize and  concentrate  under  one  management  the  charities  of  the 
State,  and  he  gave  four  years  to  that  work.  (Applause.) 

By  this  time  he  became  well  known  to  the  people.  His  public  service 
won  for  him  their  respect,  their  confidence,  and,  as  I  believe,  their  affec- 
tion. 

He  has  been  twice  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate;  once  by  the 
State  Legislature,  and  once  by  a  direct  vote  of  the  people;  in  each  in- 
stance, his  election  was  preceded  by  a  primary  vote  for  the  nomination. 

This  is  an  outline  of  the  life  story  of  the  man  whose  name  I  am 
instructed  to  submit  for  your  consideration.  It  is  a  simple  story,  a  story 
of  a  man  of  plain  habits  and  simple  living;  but  a  man  of  great  courage, 
of  clear  intellect,  of  clean  soul,  and  high  resolve.  In  behalf  of  the  State 
of  Illinois,  I  nominate  Lawrence  Y.  Sherman  as  your  candidate  for  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States.  (A  great  demonstration  for  Sherman  was 
begun  at  2.55  o'clock  p.m.,  upon  the  conclusion  of  Mr.  Calhoun's  nomi- 
nating speech,  the  Illinois  delegates  jumping  to  their  feet,  waving  blue  ban- 
nerettes bearing  Sherman's  name  and  picture  and  band  playing  "Illinois." 
Thereupon  a  member  of  the  Illinois  delegation  took  the  State  banner 
from  its  place  and  marched  around  the  hall,  followed  by  other  delegates. 
The  Hamilton  Club  of  Chicago,  headed  by  a  baby  elephant  and  mem- 
bers impersonating  Uncle  Sam,  Paul  Revere,  three  Minute  Men,  and 
Columbia,  marched  around  the  delegates'  enclosure,  preceded  by  a  drum 
and  fife  corps.) 

PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Convention  will  be  in  order.  The  Sec- 
retary will  continue  the  calling  of  the  roll  of  states. 

The  Secretary  called  Indiana,  and  Representative  Wood  rose. 

MR.  WOOD  NOMINATING  MR.  FAIRBANKS 

THE  PRESIDING  OFFICER  (Mr.  George  Sutherland,  of  Utah,  in  the 
chair). — It  gives  the  chair  very  great  pleasure  to  present  Representative 
Will  R.  Wood  of  Indiana.  (Applause.) 

MR.  WILL  R.  WOOD,  of  Indiana. — Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentle- 
men of  the  Convention:  From  this  platform  today  will  be  named  the 
next  President  of  the  United  States.  (Applause.)  In  selecting  our 
candidate  we  will  be  actuated  by  but  one  prime  purpose,  and  guided  by 
but  one  supreme  desire,  that  is,  to  name  a  man  who  will  stand  four-square 
to  all  the  winds  that  blow  against  the  honor,  the  dignity  and  rightful 
prosperity  of  the  Republic,  and  who  will,  at  the  end  of  his  tenure  of 
office,  leave,  as  the  brightest  heritage  pf  his  administration,  his  entire 
country  and  all  its  citizens  prosperous  and  at  peace  with  all  the  world, 
and  the  Republican  party,  that  confided  to  him  its  trust,  firmly  en- 
trenched in  the  confidence  and  affections  of  the  Nation.  (Applause.) 


138  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

In  order  that  this  may  be,  our  candidate  should  be  a  man  who 
possesses  as  nearly  as  possible  all  the  qualifications  of  heart  and  mind 
that  are  so  requisite  to  the  fullest  discharge  of  the  duties  of  this  great 
office. 

He  should  be  a  man  with  a  grasp  of  the  necessities  of  the  hour, 
a  statesman  in  every  sense  of  the  word,  broadminded  and  just,  who 
knows  not  only  the  needs  of  his  country  and  its  people  but  who  knows 
how  to  administer  to  those  needs.  A  man  who  has  firm  convictions  as 
to  right  and  wrong  and  who  has  the  courage  of  his  convictions  and  will 
right  a  wrong  that  is  done  to  the  humblest  of  our  citizens.  A  man  who 
acts  not  from  impulse,  but  who  bases  his  action  upon  reason,  and  who, 
when  he  makes  up  his  mind,  will  not  change  it  except  when  convinced 
that  he  is  in  error ;  and  who  when  so  convinced  is  broad  enough  and 
just  enough  to  acknowledge  his  error  and  correct  it.  A  man  who  believes 
in  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  Republican  party  and  that  they  are 
essential  to  good  government,  and  who  knows  how  to  apply  those  prin- 
ciples to  secure  the  best  results  for  all  our  people.  A  man  who  has  the 
confidence  of  the  business  world  and  who  has  gained  that  confidence  by 
reason  of  his  steadfast  adherence  to  business  integrity  in  the  administra- 
tion of  public  office.  A  man  who  has  an  abiding  faith  in  the  people,  and 
they  an  abiding  faith  in  him  because  he  has  been  tried  in  the  crucible  of 
experience  and  has  not  been  found  wanting. 

Indiana  presents  to  this  Convention  for  its  consideration  a  candi- 
date, who  possesses  all  of  these  qualifications,  in  the  person  of  Charles 
Warren  Fairbanks.  (Applause.) 

At  the  zenith  of  his  intellectual  powers,  possessing  a  ripe  experience 
in  practical  statesmanship  and  diplomacy,  he  is  peculiarly  fitted  at  this 
trying  time  for  the  exalted  position  of  President  of  the  United  States. 

Like  Lincoln,  he  is  of  the  people  and  for  the  people.  His  march 
from  the  Ohio  log  cabin,  in  which  he  was  born,  to  a  United  States 
Senatorship  from  Indiana  and  to  the  Vice-Presidency  of  the  United 
States,  was  no  mere  accident.  Slowly  but  steadily  he  made  his  way  from 
lowly  station  to  exalted  position  by  reason  of  his  own  intrinsic  worth 
and  perseverance.  (Applause.) 

The  confidence  of  the  people,  obtained  by  him  in  this  advance,  has 
grown  with  the  years.  As  farmer  boy,  newspaper  reporter,  lawyer  and 
statesman,  he  has  done  well  his  part,  and  never  has  he  taken  one  step 
in  advance  of  his  ability  to  perform  well  that  part.  By  being  sure  of  his 
course  before  he  starts  and  sure  of  the  goal  he  wishes  to  reach,  he  has 
established  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land  a  reputation 
for  wise  counsel  and  safe  leadership.  (Applause.) 

If  ever  there  was  a  time  in  this  country  when  the  leadership  of  such 
a  man  was  imperative,  it  is  now,  and  will  be  in  the  months  and  years 
that  are  immediately  to  come.  When  this  awful  European  war  is  over 


SIXTEENTH  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  139 

and  the  millions  who  are  now  engaged  in  the  spilling  of  blood  shall  be- 
come engaged  in  the  rebuilding  of  their  devastated  countries,  and  the  trade 
relations  of  the  nations  of  the  earth  will  have  to  be  reformed  and  re- 
organized, then  will  we  need,  as  never  before,  a  President  of  the  Fair- 
banks caliber.  A  President  who,  by  reason  of  his  experience  in  dealing 
with  the  great  affairs  of  the  nation,  will  know  what  to  do  and  how  to 
do  it  and  who  will  have  the  courage  to  do  it.  Fairbanks  is  most  admir- 
ably fitted  for  this  task;  fitted  for  it  by  practical  experience  obtained  in 
helping  to  administer  the  affairs  of  the  nation  in  a  former  crisis.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

In  1898,  when  the  war  cloud  broke  over  this  country  and  we  en- 
gaged in  war  with  Spain,  for  humanity's  sake  and  to  right  the  wrongs 
that  had  been  done  our  citizens,  who  was  it  that  stood  among  the  closest 
to  President  McKinley  of  sainted  memory?  During  the  trying  days 
preceding  the  declaration  of  that  war,  when  unjust  criticism  from  rank 
and  leader  of  all  political  parties  was  being  heaped  upon  the  President, 
by  strong  and  influential  Members  of  Congress,  by  a  great  mass  of  our 
private  citizens  and  by  a  large  number  of  the  great  newspapers  of  the 
country,  for  his  delay  in  declaring  war,  who  was  it  that  stood  like  a 
giant  in  resistance  to  the  clamor  of  the  multitude  and,  with  the  master 
voice  of  a  statesman,  forewarned  the  people  of  the  task  that  was  before 
us  and  of  our  unpreparedness  to  meet  the  emergency?  When  war  did 
come,  who  was  it  that  was  looked  upon  as  the  spokesman  of  the  admin- 
istration in  the  United  States  Senate?  And  will  anyone  today  say  that 
the  man  whom  McKinley  selected  as  his  spokesman  in  such  a  trying  time 
was  not  worthy  of  such  distinction?  When  this  war  was  over,  who  was 
it  that  stood  in  the  front  rank  with  those  who  successfully  beat  down  the 
unwarranted  attacks  of  the  so-called  "anti-imperialists,"  and  formulated 
the  policy  for  the  government  and  control  of  our  new  territorial  acquisi- 
tions ;  which  policy  has  not  only  proven  the  greatest  blessing  that  ever 
befell  the  people  of  these  territories,  but  has  won  for  our  nation  the 
just  plaudits  of  the  world?  There  is  but  one  answer  to  all  these  queries, 
and  the  world  knows  what  it  is.  It  is  Charles  W.  Fairbanks,  of  Indiana. 
(Applause.) 

This  is  not  all  the  experience  had  by  Mr.  Fairbanks  which  makes  him 
an  ideal  candidate  at  the  present  time.  In  1892,  when  the  miasma  of  free 
silver  was  just  beginning  to  spread  its  blight  over  this  country,  and  when 
Republicans  everywhere  were  becoming  innoculated  with  it,  Mr.  Fair- 
banks was  the  first  statesman  of  note  in  all  the  land  to  sound  a  note 
of  warning.  In  his  speech  as  chairman  of  the  Indiana  Republican  State 
convention  for  that  year  he  boldly  declared  that  "the  Republican  party 
stands  for  a  sound  and  honest  dollar  and  must  forever  stand  for  a 
stable  currency."  Four  years  later,  when  the  whole  country  was  in  a 
delirium  on  the  subject  of  free  silver,  the  Republican  convention  of  th 


140  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

State  of  Indiana  was  the  first  to  adopt  a  plank  in  its  platform  declaring 
in  favor  of  the  gold  standard.  That  plank  was  written  by  Charles  W. 
Fairbanks.  He  had  the  foresight  to  see  what  disaster  the  free  silver 
policy,  if  adopted  in  this  country,  would  entail,  and  had  the  courage  to 
place  himself,  in  spite  of  tremendous  opposition  in  his  own  party,  into 
the  breach ;  and  thus  he  became  the  earliest  champion  of  the  doctrine 
that  fifty  cents'  worth  of  silver  could  not  be  made  to  equal  in  value  a 
dollar's  worth  of  purchasing  power.  This  stand  taken  by  him  caused 
him  to  be  made  temporary  chairman  of  the  St.  Louis  Convention  in  1896, 
which  nominated  McKinley  for  President.  The  keynote  speech  made  by 
him  on  that  occasion,  in  behalf  of  sound  money  and  a  protective  tariff, 
proved  to  be  a  bulwark  of  defense  in  that  memorable  campaign,  and 
remains  today  one  of  the  choicest  pieces  of  political  literature  that  was 
ever  delivered  in  the  annals  of  our  country.  The  substance  of  that 
speech,  so  far  as  protective  tariff  and  sound  money  were  concerned, 
was  embodied  in  the  platform  adopted  at  that  convention,  and  upon  that 
platform  McKinley  was  elected  and  for  four  years  and  more  he  ad- 
ministered the  principles  of  that  platform  to  the  needs  of  his  country, 
and  through  the  magic  influence  of  its  administration,  mills  and  factories 
long  closed  were  opened,  and  soup  houses  and  poor  houses  long  open 
were  closed. .  The  idle  millions  found  employment  at  splendid  wage  and 
were  paid  in  honest  dollars  for  all  the  work  they  did.  Confidence,  the 
sheet  anchor  of  every  business  success,  resumed  command  and  the  most 
marvelous  era  of  prosperity  in  the  history  of  the  world  was  begun,  and 
destined  to  continue  as  long  as  the  principles  of  that  platform  were 
adhered  to,  and  ended  only  when  those  principles  were  abandoned.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

With  the  history  of  the  era  and  its  wonderful  achievements,  the  name 
of  Fairbanks  will  ever  remain  imperishably  associated.  Now,  in  this 
crisis  of  our  nation,  as  then,  a  master  mind  and  a  master  hand  are 
needed.  Through  the  years  that  have  elapsed  since  the  beginning  of 
the  McKinley  period,  the  candidate  we  bring  to  you  has  kept  pace  with 
the  time  and  grown  with  the  Nation's  growth,  and  by  reason  of  the 
experience  these  years  have  afforded  him  in  the  highest  councils  of  the 
Nation  and  in  private  life,  he  is  better  equipped  to  serve  the  people  as 
their  President  today  than  he  has  ever  been  before.  A  great  mass  of 
the  people  of  the  United  States  have  long  wanted  him  to  be  President. 
We  have  reason  to  believe  that  the  Fates,  whose  purposes  we  can  not 
divine,  have  reserved  him  until  now.  Now,  when  we  are  in  greater  need 
of  his  services  than  we  have  been  throughout  all  the  intervening  years. 
(Applause.) 

In  good  weather  and  in  foul,  in  success  and  defeat,  he  has  adhered 
unerringly  to  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  Republican  Party,  ever 
believing  that  the  success  of  his  party  and  its  principles  are  more  to  be 


SIXTEENTH  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  141 

desired  than  any  personal  aggrandizement.  Make  him  the  nominee  of 
this  Convention  and  there  will  be  no  wounds  to  heal  and  no  enemies  to 
placate.  He  has  given  no  one  cause  to  be  offended  in  public  speech  or 
in  private  conversation.  He  speaks  ill  of  no  one.  (Applause.) 

Four  years  ago  in  this  very  hall,  where  the  Republican  party  was 
then  split  in  twain  and  the  election  of  a  Democratic  President  was  made 
possible,  Air.  Fairbanks,  as  chairman  of  the  resolutions  committee,  pre- 
sented a  platform  that  met  with  the  approval  of  every  one  and  which 
was  proclaimed  by  the  country  to  be  the  most  progressive  platform  ever 
submitted  to  a  political  convention.  The  split  that  came  was  not  be- 
cause of  the  platform  but  for  other  reasons,  now  happily  cured  and  past. 
During  the  embittered  campaign  that  followed,  Mr.  Fairbanks  made 
speeches  whenever  and  wherever  called  upon,  always  expounding  Re- 
publican doctrine ;  but  he  at  no  time  and  at  no  place  aspersed  the  char- 
acter of,  or  imputed  evil  motive  to,  anyone  who  for  the  time  had  de- 
parted from  the  house  of  the  fathers.  For  he  then  believed,  as  we  all 
now  believe,  that  if  the  best  interests  of  this  country  are  to  be  sub- 
served, it  must  be  done  through  a  united  Republican  party,  and  that  such 
union  could  more  easily  be  effected  through  persuasive  argument,  based 
upon  truth,  than  it  could  be  through  acrimonious  accusation.  (Applause.) 

Mr.  Fairbanks  is  intensely  American  and  stands  for  the  best  interests 
of  American  institutions  and  American  citizenship.  He  believes  that 
every  citizen,  whether  native  or  foreign  born,  owes  his  entire  allegiance 
to  the  stars  and  stripes,  and  all  for  which  that  emblem  stands.  He  does 
not  believe,  however,  that  the  foreign  born  citizen  need  forget  the  land 
of  his  birth  or  fail  in  his  sympathies  for  the  kinsmen  that  he  has  left 
behind,  for  such  a  person  is  not  calculated  to  make  a  good  citizen  any- 
where. (Applause.) 

He  stands  for  preparedness  of  every  kind.  Preparedness  against 
war  and  preparedness  for  peace.  For  such  a  preparedness  against  war 
as  the  importance  of  our  nation  and  its  relation  to  the  other  nations  of 
the  earth  needs  to  command  the  respect  of  all  the  nations  of  the  earth; 
mighty  enough  to  resist  all  invasion,  and  to  enforce  the  rights  of  all  our 
citizens  on  land  or  on  sea.  But  he  is  not  more  in  love  with  the  arts 
of  war  than  he  is  in  love  with  the  pursuits  of  peace.  He  is  essentially 
a  man  of  peace  and  to  secure  the  great  and  lasting  blessings  of  peace  and 
to  enforce  the  rights  of  our  country  or  its  citizens  would  be  his  only 
reason  for  war.  (Applause.) 

There  is  another  commanding  reason  why  Fairbanks  should  be 
selected  by  this  Convention  to  carry  our  standard  in  the  coming  contest. 
Indiana  has  long  been  and  will  this  year  be  the  great  political  battle 
ground  of  the  country.  It  is  not  only  important  that  we  elect  a  Repub- 
lican President,  but  it  is  also  important  that  we  elect  enough  Republican 
Senators  that  we  may  have  a  majority  in  the  United  States  Senate.  It 


142  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

is  also  important  that  we  elect  a  majority  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives. That  we  will  elect  a  majority  to  the  House  of  Representatives 
now  seems  certain.  Whether  we  can  elect  a  majority  to  the  United 
States  Senate  is  a  different  proposition.  We  can  do  it,  and  we  will  do 
it,  if  we  are  wise  in  our  selection  of  a  candidate  for  President.  Indiana 
has  two  United  States  Senators  to  elect.  If  they  are  elected,  we  are 
reasonably  sure  of  electing  a  sufficient  number  in  other  States  to  give 
us  a  working  majority  in  the  Senate  after  March  4,  1917.  If  we  fail  to 
elect  the  two  Senators  in  Indiana,  the  United  States  Senate  will  remain 
Democratic  for  at  least  four  years  to  come.  The  Democratic  ticket  is 
already  named.  The  convention  in  St.  Louis  next  week  will  simply 
confirm  it.  It  will  be  Wilson  and  Marshall.  Wilson  will  be  renominated 
not  because  the  majority  of  the  Democrats  want  him,  but  because  not 
to  nominate  him  would  be  an  admission  of  the  failure  of  his  adminis- 
tration, and  an  acknowledgment  in  advance  of  defeat.  Marshall  will  be 
renominated  for  the  sole  purpose  of  aiding  the  Democrats  to  carry 
Indiana  and  elect  their  two  United  States  Senators.  '(Applause.) 

Is  it  not  plain,  therefore,  where  our  duty  lies?  Will  we  prove  our- 
selves wanting  in  the  exercise  of  good  judgment,  or  will  we  embrace 
the  opportunity  that  affords  itself  by  selecting  the  man  who  will  not  only 
make  one  of  the  greatest  Presidents  this  country  has  every  had,  but 
whose  election  will  assure  the  election  of  a  majority  to  both  Houses  of 
Congress?  (Applause.) 

Nominate  Fairbanks.  Give  us  this  giant  oak  from  Indiana  for  our 
nominee  and  you  will  have  discharged  your  full  duty  to  your  country 
and  to  the  Republican  party.  (Applause.) 

He  will  keep  the  trust  inviolate.  He  will  serve  the  people  faithfully 
and  well,  and  the  Republican  party  will  be  made  greater  by  reason  of 
his  stewardship.  (Great  demonstration,  during  which  the  Indiana  dele- 
gation, with  the  State  banner  and  a  large  United  States  flag  in  the  lead 
marched  around  the  hall,  each  delegate  bearing  a  banner  with  the  names 
Fairbanks  and  Indiana  on  same.  Upon  reaching  the  Kentucky  delega- 
tion the  majority  of  that  delegation  joined  Indiana,  and  then  a  part  of 
the  Maine  delegation  joined  Kentucky.  As  they  passed  the  Ohio  dele- 
gation a  great  chorus  arose  above  the  cheering,  sung  to  the  tune,  "Go 
tell  Aunt  Nancy,"  and  using  these  words :  "He  is  from  Ohio.  He  was 
born  in  Ohio.  He  is  from  Ohio,  the  greatest  State  of  them  all.") 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Convention  will  be  in  order  and 
the  Secretary  will  proceed  with  the  roll  call. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — Iowa. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  chair  has  pleasure  in  recognizing 
and  presenting  to  the  Convention  former  Congressman  N.  E.  Kendall, 
of  Iowa.  (Applause.) 


SIXTEENTH  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  143 

MR.  KENDALL  NOMINATING  MR.  CUMMINS 

MR.  N.  E.  KENDALL,  of  Iowa. — Mr.  Chairman,  and  Members  of  the 
Convention :  Of  all  that  is  good,  Iowa  affords  the  best.  (Applause,  and 
cries  of  "Hurrah  for  Cummins.")  As  her  representative  this  afternoon, 
I  come  to  offer  to  the  Republican  party  in  the  Nation  a  candidate  whose 
nomination  in  June  will  be  equivalent  to  election  in  November. 

There  are  Republicans  enough  in  the  United  States  for  one  dominant 
party,  but  there  are  not  enough  for  two.  (Applause  and  cries  of  "That's 
right.")  At  this  critical  juncture  when  the  great  Republic  is  demoralized 
at  home  and  discredited  abroad,  the  public  interest  is  paramount  to  any 
private  preferment,  and  the  aspirations  of  the  individual  are  subordinate 
to  the  welfare  of  the  Commonwealth.  (Applause.)  As  we  approach  our 
duty  today  we  encounter  the  embarassment  which  arises  from  a  wealth 
of  eminent  men,  each  abundantly  entitled  to  the  proudest,  honor  that  any 
convention  could  confer.  We  are  determined  to  rescue  a  distracted 
country  from  internal  distress  and  international  disgrace,  and  in  that 
tremendous  undertaking  we  are  peculiarly  fortunate  in  this :  That  any 
one  of  the  dozen  distinguished  Republicans  who  have  been  proposed  in 
that  connection  would  be  a  creditable  successor  to  Lincoln,  and  Grant, 
and  McKinley.  (Applause.) 

The  situation  in  which  we  are  assembled  demands  for  its  solution 
the  ripest  wisdom  accompanied  by  the  loftiest  patriotism  of  which  we  are 
capable.  At  this  moment  the  entire  community  from  ocean  to  ocean  is 
profoundly  weary  of  Democratic  ascendency,  and  it  awaits  with  im- 
patient eagerness  the  restoration  of  Republican  control.  (Applause.) 
Four  years  ago  we  demonstrated  conclusively  that  "A  house  divided 
against  itself  cannot  stand."  (A  voice:  "That  is  right"),  and  our 
domestic  quarrels  made  easy  the  temporary  triumph  of  our  traditional 
foes.  That  incalculable  disaster  can  now  be  royally  repaired  if  Repub- 
licans discontinue  hostilities  against  other  Republicans,  and  concentrate 
all  their  powerful  warfare  upon  their  ancient  adversaries.  At  this  aus- 
picious hour  we  here  highly  resolve  that  our  house  shall  stand, — that  it 
shall  cease  to  be  divided  against  itself.  We  will  let  the  dead  past  bury 
its  dead.  With  charity  for  all  and  with  malice  toward  none,  we  wel- 
come the  Progressive  at  the  Auditorium  to  unite  with  the  Republicans 
in  the  Coliseum  for  the  overthrow  of  the  common  enemy.  (Great  ap- 
plause.) 

After  our  attachment  to  country,  I  am  sure  that  above  every  other 
consideration  we  all  devotedly  love  the  old  Republican  party.  We  re- 
member that  its  great  and  initial  service  was  to  emancipate  the  enslaved, 
and  to  perpetuate  forever  an  indissoluble  union  of  indestructible  States. 
That  single  performance  sufficient  to  immortalize  it  in  the  annals  of 
humanity,  was  only  introductory  to  a  succession  of  accomplishments  so 


144  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

vast  in  their  extent,  so  varied  in  their  quality,  so  valuable  in  their  con- 
sequences that  the  civilized  world  paused  transfixed  with  reverent  awe. 
(Applause.)  Reconstruction  was  effected,  the  obligations  of  the  war  dis- 
charged, the  credit  of  the  country  rehabilitated,  and  protection  to  Ameri- 
can industry  instituted  as  the  inviolable  policy  of  the  nation.  In  the 
period  which  intervened  between  the  inauguration  of  Lincoln  and  the 
retirement  of  Taft,  under  the  beneficent  legislation  of  the  Republican 
party,  our  population  more  than  multiplied  by  three,  our  mining  by  four, 
our  agriculture  by  six,  our  commerce  by  eight,  our  transportation  by 
nine,  our  manufactures  by  twelve;  and  our  moral  primacy  in  the  chancel- 
leries of  the  world  was  unquestioned  on  every  hemisphere.  (Applause.) 
And  this  is  the  unrivaled  record  of  the  Republican  party.  We  are  too 
vigorous  to  be  destroyed  by  assault  from  without.  Are  we  not  too  sen- 
sible to  be  disrupted  by  discord  from  within?  (Cries  of  "Yes,  yes.") 

The  golden  years  which  preceded  the  fourth  day  of  March,  1913,  were 
particularly  resplendent  with  Republican  achievement  and  progress  and 
success ;  the  melancholy  months  which  have  since  elapsed  are  signally 
disfigured  by  Democratic  incompetency  and  retrogression  and  failure. 
When  we  last  relinquished  the  possession  of  the  Government,  the  material 
well-being  of  the  country  challenged  the  admiration  and  the  envy  of 
the  world.  Our  capital  was  safetly  invested  at  satisfactory  returns,  our 
labor  was  steadily  employed  at  remunerative  wages,  our  enterprise  was 
constantly  engaged  in  creative  development,  and  everywhere  beneath  the 
stars  and  stripes  we  were  experiencing  the  blessings  of  rational  govern- 
ment, faithfully  administered.  Abroad  we  were  overturing  European 
tyranny,  liberating  the  West  Indies,  civilizing  the  Orient,  constructing 
the  canal  and  illustrating  the  postulates  of  justice  and  equity  and  altru- 
ism before  all  the  parliaments  in  Christendom.  (Applause.)  At  home 
we  were  making  our  own  commodities,  consuming  our  own  products, 
occupying  our  own  markets,  enjoying  our  own  profits,  increasing  indi- 
vidual income  and  augmenting  national  wealth ;  everybody  busy,  con- 
tented, happy  and  proud.  (A  voice,  "You're  right.")  Behold  what  a 
metamorphosis  has  been  precipitated  almost  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye! 
We  cannot  glance  abroad  without  a  sense  of  shame.  We  cannot  look 
at  home  without  a  dread  of  panic.  What  has  occurred?  In  our  foreign 
relations  the  vital  opportunities  for  influence  and  usefulness  have  not 
disappeared,  but  they  have  not  been  embraced.  A  rhetorical  executive 
who  is  an  artist  in  empty  pronunciamento,  but  an  amateur  in  effective 
performance,  has  advertised  to  the  world  that  we  are  too  proud  to  fight 
even  in  a  just  cause.  (Laughter)  ;  and  has  thereby  incurred  for  us  the 
contempt  of  all  the  self-respecting  nations  on  the  globe.  A  subservient 
Congress  which  exists  merely  to  register  his  whimsical  will,  when  it  can 
be  ascertained,  has  refused  to  make  us  ready  to  resent  the  insults  which 
our  weakness  invites ;  and  has  thus  exposed  us  to  affronts  which  daily 
humiliate  the  American  people.  In  Mexico;  with  Japan;  as  regards  the 


SIXTEENTH  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  145 

cataclysm  across  the  sea, — everywhere  the  activities  of  the  Washington 
administration  have  been  characterized  by  folly  and  futility  and  fizzle. 
In  our  domestic  concerns  the  underlying  elements  of  our  former  sol- 
vency have  not  dissolved,  but  they  have  not  been  conserved.  We  have 
the  same  productive  soil,  responding  with  unusual  usufruct  to  the  genius 
of  our  superior  agriculture.  We  have  the  same  farms  and  the  same 
factories,  the  same  rivers  and  the  same  railroads,  the  same  mines  and 
the  same  machines.  We  have  the  same  men  and  the  same  women,  with 
the  same  energies  and  the  same  necessities, — the  same  brain  eager  and 
the  same  brawn  ready  to  feed  and  clothe  and  house  the  multitude  which 
constitutes  America.  What  has  happened  to  reduce  our  international 
preeminence?  What  has  transpired  to  disturb  our  local  tranquility? 
Nothing:  Nothing  but  the  incumbency  of  a  Democratic  administration  in 
whose  capacity  for  diplomatic  advantage  abroad  or  economic  manage- 
ment at  home  nobody,  here  or  elsewhere,  neither  butcher  nor  baker  nor 
candlestick  maker,  entertains  the  remotest  confidence.  (Applause.) 

What  is  the  imperative  duty  of  this  hour?  No  delegate  here  can 
be  indifferent  to  the  overwhelming  responsibility  which  solemnizes  his 
action  this  afternoon.  The  importance  of  this  convocation  to  country 
and  to  party  cannot  be  exaggerated  in  its  gravity.  Within  our  ranks 
there  are  conflicting  opinions,  conscientiously  cherished  and  honestly 
defended,  but  they  may  all  be  generously  tolerated  without  sacrificing 
any  of  the  essential  principles  of  the  party.  If  there  be  fears,  there  are 
also  hopes.  Let  us  search  for  grounds  of  cohesion,  rather  than  for 
causes  of  dissension.  (An  Ohio  delegate:  "Good  boy.")  We  are  all  in 
agreement  that  in  this  democracy  of  ours,  equality  of  opportunity  must 
be  sacredly  preserved.  We  are  all  in  agreement  that  the  people  of  the 
country, — white  and  black,  high  and  low,  great  and  small, — must  control 
it  absolutely.  We  are  all  in  agreement  that  in  the  adoption  or  abrogation 
of  constitutions,  in  the  enactment  or  repeal  of  statutes,  in  the  designation 
or  displacement  of  officials,  the  electors  themselves  must  be  the  ultimate 
authority.  We  are  all  in  agreement  that  in  this  era  of  expansion  and 
discrimination,  the  helplessness  of  the  weak  must  be  protected  against 
the  oppressions  of  the  strong.  We  are  all  in  agreement  that  the  United 
States  must  establish  and  maintain  a  leadership, — political,  industrial, 
commercial,  and  spiritual, — among  the  peoples  of  the  earth.  (Applause.) 
We  are  all  in  agreement  that  the  crowning  consummation  of  the  Twen- 
tieth Century  must  be  the  enforcement  of  amicable  peace  through  uni- 
versal arbitration,  with  America  as  the  pioneer  in  that  sublime  propa- 
ganda. (Applause.)  Harmonious  as  we  are  upon  these  the  funda- 
mentals of  our  political  faith,  because  of  trivial  differences  shall  our 
party  dismember?  Shall  it  disintegrate?  Shall  it  separate  into  belliger- 
ent fragments  and  forfeit  the  prestige  it  has  acquired  by  fifty  years  of 
predominance?  Never!  It  will  grandly  survive  the  reverses  of  the 


146  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

moment  and  gathering  renewed  virility  from  manifold  difficulties  glori- 
ously conquered,  it  will  embark  upon  a  new  and  illustrious  career  oi 
usefulness  and  honor.  (Applause.) 

The  Republican  party  is  now,  and  always  must  be,  the  progressive 
party  of  the  nation.  It  was  organized  primarily  not  to  make  men  rich, 
which  Abraham  Lincoln  lived  and  died  to  communicate  to  it.  With  a 
just  and  proper  pride  in  its  past,  it  must  go  forward  year  after  year, 
surmounting  one  obstacle  after  another  in  the  pathway  of  its  upward 
destiny,  the  most  efficient  agency  known  among  men  for  the  upliftment 
and  the  improvement  of  the  social  state.  (Applause.) 

Tomorrow  as  yesterday,  it  will  so  direct  the  course  of  the  Republic 
but  to  make  men  free,  and  it  can  never  surrender  the  exalted  impulse 
that  the  patriotic  intelligence  of  the  many  rather  than  the  selfish  cupidity 
of  the  few  shall  express  the  prevailing  note  in  the  national  strain.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

It  will  confirm  to  every  citizen  in  the  land,  irrespective  of  sex  or 
color,  an  untrammeled  ballot  for  the  nomination  and  election  of  party 
candidates,  so  that  the  unhampered  preference  •  of  all  may  be  reflected 
in  the  results. 

It  will  adhere  to  protection  as  the  cardinal  doctrine  of  its  unfailing 
creed,  and  it  will  so  adjust  the  schedules  of  the  tariff  that  prosperity  for 
the  producer  will  go  hand  in  hand  with  competition  to  the  consumer.  It 
will  overcome  the  dangers  of  combination  and  monopoly  by  restoring  to 
the  market  place  that  indispensable  independence  and  reasonable  rivalry 
which  are  always  incident  to  honorable  trade.  And  while  it  will  not 
interfere  with  whatever  is  good  in  "big  business,"  it  will  guarantee  that 
"big  business"  shall  be  the  servant  and  not  the  master  of  the  American 
people.  (Applause.) 

It  will  safeguard  the  life,  liberty  and  property  of  all  our  people 
everywhere,  on  the  ocean  and  on  the  land,  and  in  that  behalf  it  will 
immediately  provide  the  best  ships  and  the  best  guns  that  can  be  devised 
by  the  ingenuity  of  man;  not  as  a  preliminary  to  aggressive  and  un- 
warranted war,  but  as  a  security  for  continued  and  permanent  peace. 
While  "the  world  is  on  fire  and  the  sparks  are  flying  in  every  direction," 
it  will  not  be  guilty  of  the  criminal  delinquency  of  remaining  unprepared 
for  a  possible  conflagration  on  this  continent.  (Applause.) 

It  will  so  regalvanize  the  foreign  policy  of  the  country  that  the 
American  flag  will  once  more  inspire  genuine  affection  at  home,  and 
command  respectful  consideration  abroad.  And  it  will  so  stimulate  the 
allegiance  of  the  people  to  their  government  that  in  the  time  to  come 
no  dignity  will  be  so  exclusive  as  citizenship  in  the  American  Republic. 

This  is  the  program  to  which  our  candidate  is  committed.  Upon 
these  propositions  we  are,  I  assume,  all  in  substantial  accord.  The 
question  now  recurring  is,  who,  in  the  campaign  upon  which  we  are 


SIXTEENTH  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  14? 

entering,  can  most  certainly  enlist  the  earnest  co-operation  of  all  those 
who  deeply  believe  that  the  principles  to  which  I  have  adverted  should 
be  speedily  crystalized  into  the  law  and  practice  of  the  land?  Who  can 
most  acceptably  appeal  to  the  forces  of  progress  and  enlightenment  and 
righteousness  upon  which  Republican  supremacy  must  always  depend? 
We  offer  you  a  statesman  familiar  with  the  past,  acquainted  with  the 
present,  fore-armed  for  the  future.  Of  approved  ability,  of  seasoned  ex- 
perience, of  unblemished  character,  he  is  unexcelled  in  his  equipment 
for  the  presidential  office.  For  more  than  a  generation  he  has  stood  in 
the  fore-front  of  the  battle  for  popular  government;  for  the  direct 
election  of  senators,  for  a  tax  on  incomes,  for  the  regulation  of  rail- 
roads, for  the  restraint  of  corporations,  for  the  repression  of  trusts,  for 
the  enlargement  of  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  average  man :  and 
he  was  engrossed  in  the  advocacy  of  these  salutary  reforms  when  men 
less  fearless  were  reluctant  to  volunteer  in  the  unpromising  struggle. 
Throughout  his  extended  and  versatile  career,  he  has  never  hesitated  to 
espouse  the  right  no  matter  how  sorely  beleaguered,  nor  to  attack  the 
wrong  no  matter  how  strongly  entrenched.  (Applause.)  Without  sys- 
tematic organization,  without  publicity  bureaus,  without  electioneering 
contrivances,  his  candidacy  has  gradually  advanced  in  the  approbation  of 
the  country  because  he  is  acknowledged  to  be  fit  and  worthy  and  avail- 
able. Thrice  governor  of  the  imperial  Hawkeye  commonwealth,  and 
thrice  invested  with  her  commission  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States, 
his  testimonials  are  a  private  life  that  is  irreproachable,  and  a  public 
service  dedicated  unreservedly  to  his  fellow  men.  By  the  unanimous 
mandate  of  the  three  hundred  thousand  enthusiastic  and  militant  Repub- 
licans of  Iowa,  I  present  him  to  your  friendly  favor :  Born  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, educated  in  Illinois,  married  in  Michigan,  resident  in  Iowa,  citizen 
and  Senator  of  the  United  States, — Albert  B.  Cummins.  (Great  demon- 
stration, beginning  at  4.34  p.m.,  when  Mr.  Kendall  finished  his  nominating 
speech,  the  Iowa  delegates  taking  the  State  Standard,  holding  both  high  in 
the  air  and  marching  round  the  hall,  Minnesota  and  other  States  joining 
in.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  (Mr.  Harding  having  resumed  the  chair). 

—The  Secretary  will  continue  calling  the  roll. 
THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — Kansas. 
MR.  W.  S.  FITZPATRICK,  of  Kansas. — We  have  no  nomination  to  make 

and  desire  to  be  passed. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Convention  continued  calling  the  roll  and  each 

State  passed  until  New  Mexico  was  reached. 

THE   PERMANENT   CHAIRMAN. — The   Chair   recognizes — (and    as   the 

delegates  and   alternates  and  guests    saw   Senator   Fall   coming   forward 

on  the  stage  to  nominate  Mr.  Roosevelt  a  great  demonstration  drowned 

the  voice  of  the  Chairman).    The  Chair  recognizes  Senator  Albert  B.  Fall, 

who  speaks  for  Xew  Mexico. 


148  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

MR.   FALL  NOMINATING  MR.   ROOSEVELT 

MR.  ALBERT  B.  FALL,  of  New  Mexico. — Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and 
Gentlemen  of  the  Convention : 

This  convention  has  adopted  a  platform  which  every  loyal  American 
citizen  can  support  in  the  coming  election  and  upon  which  any  loyal 
American  citizen  can  become  a  candidate  for  the  votes  of  his  fellow 
citizens.  (Applause.)  You  have  declared  your  intentions  respecting 
the  internal  policies  of  this  country,  and  you  have  also  gone  upon  record 
in  most  unequivocal  language  respecting  the  foreign  policy  which  you 
propose  to  adopt. 

I  want  to  call  your  attention  for  a  moment  to  the  fact  that  an  internal 
policy  may  be  changed,  may  be  repealed,  may  be  amended  at  any  moment ; 
and  for  only  a  moment,  possibly,  or  for  a  short  span,  the  general  welfare 
of  the  country  affected.  But,  fellow  citizens,  in  your  foreign  affairs  one 
act  of  omission  or  of  commission  may  change  the  history  of  this  country 
forever  and  may  affect  the  destinies  of  one  hundred  millions  of  people. 

Upon  the  platform  which  you  have  made,  and  in  the  critical  period 
in  which  we  are  now  laboring,  and  with  which  we  will  be  confronted  for 
the  next  four  years  at  any  rate,  it  behooves  you  to  be  careful  as  to  whom 
you  select  for  your  leader,  because  upon  the  Executive  depends  the  ad- 
ministration of  Foreign  affairs. 

The  eyes  of  the  leaders  of  all  the  great  warring  nations,  engaged 
in  the  bloodiest  and  most  gigantic  conflict  ever  known,  are  upon  the 
proceedings  of  this  convention  today.  The  hopes  of  every  neutral 
nation  in  the  world  are  with  you  in  your  proceedings  that  you  may  secure 
for  them  and  for  yourselves  able  and  effective  leadership  in  the  protec- 
tion of  their  neutrality  and  your  neutral  rights. 

The  prayers  of  millions  of  your  fellow  citizens  are  being  offered 
to-day  for  your  success,  that  in  your  deliberations  you  may  unite  under 
one  banner  and  under  one  leader  those  voters  of  this  country  who  have 
at  heart  not  the  welfare  of  the  entire  country,  who  are  animated  by 
the  spirit  of  those  who  made  this  country  and  of  those  heroes  who  pre- 
served it. 

Fellow  citizens,  in  the  vision  of  every  leader  of  the  great  warring 
factions  there  appears  one  colossal  figure  of  American  manhood.  (Ap- 
plause.) On  the  crest  of  the  hope  of  every  neutral  nation  there  is  borne 
one  name  of  one  great  American.  In  the  prayer  of  every  American 
praying  for  your  success  here  to-day,  although  in  the  heart  of  that 
American  may  be  the  favored  name  of  some  favored  son,  there  is  yet 
whispered  the  name  of  one  great  American.  (Applause.) 

Mexico,  torn  by  civil  strife,  prostrate  and  bleeding,  has  made  her 
plea  to  you,  and  most  nobly  the  Republican  delegates  in  this  convention 
have  responded.  You  have  given  them  your  promise,  and  every  Ameri- 


GEORGE  R.  SHELDON,  of  New  York, 

Treasurer  of  the  Republican   National  Committee   1912 
and  Member  of  Committee  on  Arrangements 


SIXTEENTH  REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL  CONVENTION  149 

can  who  lives,  who  has  suffered  in  Mexico,  pleads  with  you  to  select 
as  your  leader  the  one  man  whom  they  all  know  will  effectively  carry 
out  your  promise.  (Applause.) 

Starving  mothers  in  Mexico  who  will  hear  the  promise  which  you 
have  made  will  put  their  hope  in  one  great  American  and  one  alone — 
and  that  one  is  Theodore  Roosevelt.  (Great  applause  and  confusion. 
Cries  of  "Teddy";  "Hughes";  "Burton.") 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Gentlemen  of  the  convention,  you  will 
please  be  in  order. 

A  VOICE. — Cut  him  off. 

A  few  hisses  were  heard. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Gentlemen  of  the  convention,  no  Re- 
publican in  any  Republican  convention  has  a  hiss  for  a  Republican 
delegate  in  the  convention.  (Applause.) 

A  VOICE. — Good.     That's  right. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  knows  that  the  delegate 
body  of  this  convention  will  listen  with  courtesy  and  respect,  and  if 
the  galleries  do  not,  they  may  listen  from  the  street  outside.  (Applause.) 

MR.  ALBERT  B.  FALL,  of  New  Mexico. — Of  course,  fellow  citizens, 
it  was  not  necessary  that  I  should  be  assured  that  a  Republican  would 
be  heard  in  a  Republican  Convention,  nor  was  it  necessary  to  give  me 
the  assurance  that  the  candidate  for  whom  I  am  speaking  will  be  heard 
by  the  people  of  the  entire  United  States.  (Applause.) 

You  have  heard  the  records  of  the  various  candidates  who  have  been 
offered  to  you.  This  man's  record,  as  to  his  private  life,  is  as  open  as 
the  day.  In  his  private  life  a  loyal  and  faithful  husband,  without  ques- 
tion. (Applause.)  His  words,  written  in  the  language  of  every  nation 
on  the  globe,  and  read  in  the  farthest  quarters  of  the  world;  his  acts 
engraved  upon  our  American  history.  And  to  refer  to  his  birth  place, 
to  his  early  life,  to  what  he  has  said  and  what  he  has  done  would  be 
absolutely  futile  because  he  is  known  to  every  one  of  you. 

I  name  for  your  consideration  and  for  your  votes  Theodore  Roose- 
velt of  New  York. 

At  the  conclusion  of  Senator  Fall's  speech  at  5.10  p.  m.  a  great  dem- 
onstration began  and  continued  until  5.46  p.m.,  being  participated  in, 
apparently,  by  some  delegates  and  many  of  the  guests  in  the  galleries.  At 
that  point  some  of  the  delegates  began  to  insist  that  the  guests  desist 
from  their  cheering  and  the  Convention  proceed  with  its  business.  At 
5.49  p.m.,  responding  to  the  demand  of  the  delegates,  the  permanent  chair- 
man rapped  for  order  and  announced : 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Ladies  and  Gentlemen  and  Guests  of 
the  Convention :  The  Chairman  of  the  Convention  has  no  desire  to  in 
any  way  curb  the  enthusiasm  of  any  of  its  delegates  over  any  name 


150  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

presented  to  this  Convention,  nor  of  any  of  the  guests  of  this  convention, 
but  this  Convention  has  business  to  perform  and  we  should  like  our 
guests  on  this  occasion,  after  you  have  given  such  a  demonstration  as 
you  have,  to  be  courteous  enough  to  allow  us  to  proceed  with  the  neces- 
sary program.  (Applause,  and  cries  of  "That's  right"  by  the  delegates.) 
The  Secretary  will  resume  the  calling  of  the  roll. 

THE  SECRETARY. — New  York.  (A  pause  without  response.)  North 
Carolina. 

A  DELEGATE  FROM  NORTH  CAROLINA. — No  nomination. 

THE  SECRETARY — North  Dakota. 

A  DELEGATE  FROM  NORTH  DAKOTA. — North  Dakota  yields  to  Wis- 
consin. 

MR.  OLBRICH  NOMINATING  MR.  LA  FOLLETTE 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Ladies  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Conven- 
tion: I  present  to  you  Mr.  M.  B.  Olbrich,  who  speaks  for  the  State  of 
Wisconsin.  (Applause.) 

MR.  M.  B.  OLBRICH,  of  Wisconsin. — Mr.  Chairman,  Delegates  of  the 
Convention :  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  : 

"The  tumult  and  the  shouting  dies : 
The  captains  and  the  kings  depart : 
Still  stands  thine  ancient  sacrifice." 

For  the  third  successive  time  Wisconsin  presents  to  the  Republicans 
of  the  nation  opportunity  for  party  salvation.  Twice  before,  through 
the  rejection  of  her  message,  disaster  came.  Today  she  points  once  more 
the  way  to  victory  and  honor.  She  presents  again  the  candidate  whose 
speech  and  action  best  interpret  and  express  the  hour's  spirit  and  its 
needs. 

In  the  platform  you  adopted  yesterday  there  was  one  outstanding 
transcendent  plank  redeeming  all  the  rest — a  plank  fundamentally  re- 
publican, fundamentally  American,  fundamental  to  the  permanence  of 
civilization  itself.  By  that  platform  you  declared,  I  read :  "We  believe 
in  the  pacific  settlement  of  international  disputes  and  favor  the  estab- 
ishment  of  a  world  court  for  that  purpose."  For  seven  delightful  hours 
now  we  have  listened  entranced  by  the  spell  of  the  matchless  eloquence 
of  master  men,  and  yet  of  the  long  list  of  splendid  spokesmen  but  one 
has  paid  to  that  plank  of  paramount  importance  the  tribute  of  a  passing 
reference. 

War  is  the  world's  most  obvious  reality  today.  Across  the  eastern 
ocean  the  genius  of  militarism,  in  the  ghastly  humor  of  the  mad  keeper 
of  a  mad-house,  has  locked  the  nations  of  Europe  hand  in  hand  and  set 
them  dancing  the  Masque  of  the  Red  Death  round  the  funeral  pyre  of 
civilization.  The  nation's  daily  thought  is  colored  by  reflection  from  the 
fiery  glow  that  inflames  the  eastern  horizon. 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN*    NATIONAL    CONVENTION  151 

To  some,  old  values,  viewed  in  that  perspective  of  blood  and  flame, 
have  lost  proportion.  Re-examining  the  title  deeds  of  the  national  in- 
heritance in  its  crimson  glare,  they  find  in  one  hundred  and  forty  years 
of  national  existence  one  long  record  of  hazardous  folly.  Stridently  they 
assert  that  the  red  alchemy  of  war  alone  can  transmute  the  common 
dress  of  our  humanity  and  mint  it  into  the  bright  and  shining  gold  of 
heroism;  that  only  by  the  route  of  the  bludgeon  can  America  attain  or 
preserve  the  attributes  of  a  national  soul.  Boldly  and  baldly  they 
sanctify  slaughter  for  the  sake  of  commerce  and  bid  us  kill  to  keep  the 
trade  routes  open.  And  their  mind's  unspoken  thought  pronounces 
Democracy's  divine  experiment  a  failure  and  despotism  civilization's  last 
resource. 

Masking  an  attempted  perversion  of  national  destiny  by  assuming 
the  outward  attributes  of  a  moral  crusade,  others  make  more  insidious 
appeal  to  the  patriotic  national  heart.  They  upbraid  us  as  unready,  taunt 
us  with  potential  treason  to  a  trusteeship  of  priceless  consecration.  \Yith 
superb  and  superlative  disregard  of  fact,  they  picture  a  naked  American 
with  a  sceptre  of  straw  confronting  a  world  in  arms.  Interest  lends  a 
willing  color  to  belief,  and  the  lavish  billions  already  poured  out  for  the 
national  defence  becomes  but  a  drop  in  the  ocean  of  their  demand.  To 
them  the  fact  that  in  fifteen  years  we  have  only  spent  as  much  for 
naval  maintenance  as  Japan  and  Germany  combined  is  but  final  proof  of 
niggardly  evasion.  No  nation,  they  assert,  may  will  its  own  life  or 
destiny.  The  intervening  seas  no  longer  mark  a  barrier,  but  afford  a 
sure  and  fleet  facility  of  access.  Slaves  to  a  reasoning  that  bastardizes 
logic  and  gives  the  lie  to  the  experience  of  the  centuries,  they  assert  that 
preparation  to  kill  is  killing's  sure  and  sole  preventative ;  that  potentially 
the  only  fixed  and  final  arbiter  of  international  conduct  is  ever  aggregate 
assassination — merely  murder  multiplied.  No  avenue  of  assault  upon 
the  public  judgment  but  speeds  its  hurried  couriers  of  panic.  But  though 
frenzy,  blood-lust  and  greed,  astride  the  whirlwind  of  unreason,  shrill 
their  selfish  message  in  the  nation's  ear,  American  common  sense,  like  a 
very  pyramid  in  the  swirling  sandstorm,  is  still  unshaken.  (Applause.) 

Much  talk  of  guns  and  drums  may  disturb ;  it  may  confuse,  it  may 
control  the  judgment  of  this  hour,  but  it  will  not  control,  it  will  not 
stampede  the  judgment  of  the  American  people.  (Applause.)  "The 
ninety-nine  per  cent"  whose  bodies  must  receive  the  bullets  and  who  with 
their  children  and  their  children's  children  must  pay  and  die.  For  them 
the  inarticulate  millions  who  sell  no  munitions  of  war,  who  float  no 
war  loans,  who  strive  for  no  official  place,  who  have  had  no  part  in  all 
this  wild  alarm,  Wisconsin  speaks.  She  presents  their  candidate  today. 

They  will  not  fall  a-trembling  t»efore  the  spectre  of  a  dragon  con- 
jured like  the  fabled  Phoenix  from  the  ashes  of  exhausted,  annihilated 
Europe ;  nor  will  they  lash  themselves  into  a  lather  of  panic  before  the 


152  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

Brown  Man  of  the  Pacific  without  some  evidence  of  ill  intent.  Not  in 
a  spirit  of  cowardice;  not  in  a  spirit  of  fear;  not  in  a  spirit  of  blind 
indifference  to  the  lesson  of  the  conflict;  but  with  clear-visioned  com- 
prehension of  the  consequences  their  choice  is  made. 

Out  of  earth's  dawn,  they  see  the  nations  in  long  procession  come, 
each  in  turn  to  find  the  hemlock  of  extinction  in  the  lethal  draught  now 
pressed  upon  America  with  frenzied  zeal.  With  the  spectacle  of  a  con- 
tinent a  suicide  before  their  eyes,  they  cannot  be  convinced  that  salva- 
tion lies  in  stupid  imitation  of  the  concerted  folly  that  has  laid  "the  one 
half  world"  in  ashes  at  their  feet.  They  read  the  European  "Scroll  of 
Torment"  to  no  such  lame  and  impotent  conclusion.  (Applause.) 

With  soul  and  heart  attuned  to  the  exquisite  rhythm  of  humanity, 
there  comes  to  them  the  pathos  of  Europe's  penitential  cry  that  not  all  the 
tumult  of  brutal  shout  and  brawl  and  medieval  bluster,  nor  the  thunder 
of  invective's  cheap  artillery  can  silence,  stifle,  or  suppress.  For  there  is 
not  a  war-made  grave  that  scars  a  European  hillside,  but  makes  its  mute 
appeal.  The  dry-eyed  agony  of  womanhood  that  ever  pays  the  last  sore 
tribute  of  privation  pleads  in  piteous  beseeching  prayer.  The  moaning 
shriek  that  tells  of  the  collapse  of  reason's  tottering  throne  breathes  forth 
in  undertone  a  sad  solemnity  of  adminition.  Aye !  in  the  composite 
cry  from  that  Gethsemane  that  signalizes  anguish's  infinitude,  warning 
dominates  despair,  and  adjures  America  to  adhere  to  her  Americanism. 
(Applause,  and  voices,  "Name  your  man"  and  "Louder.") 

THE  PRESIDING  OFFICER  (Mr.  George  Sutherland,  of  Utah). — The 
Convention  will  be  in  order. 

MR.  OLBRICH. — Just  accord  me  a  courteous  hearing,  please. 

AN  OHIO  DELEGATE. — Go  ahead,  you're  all  right. 

MR.  OLBRICH. — The  issue  is  indeed  Americanism — and  our  candidate 
the  embodiment  of  Americanism — that  distinctive  Americanism  that  solved 
the  problem  of  armament  a  century  ago.  There  to  the  north  lies  a  thou- 
sand miles  of  shore  with  not  a  single  battleship,  and  three  thousand 
miles  of  frontier  without  a  fort;  a  line  of  national  boundary  that  cleaves 
a  continent,  and  yet  with  all  the  vexing,  varied  problems  of  divided  sov- 
ereignty, never  the  shock  of  conflict ;  never  a  hand  to  sword  hilt ;  and 
far  toward  the  Southern  Cross  the  sure-footed  statesmanship  of  Chile 
and  the  Argentines  has  borne  aloft  the  figure  of  the  eternal  and  ineffable 
Christ,  and  placed  it  in  everlasting  effigy  amid  the  summits  of  the  Andes 
in  token  of  perpetual  peace ;  these  are  the  concreted  ideals  distinctly 
American,  which  the  Western  Hemisphere  offers  as  its  contribution  to 
allay  the  agony  that  grips  the  parent  continent.  These  two  single  and 
significant  facts  portend  more  for  the  welfare  of  the  world  than  all 
the  din  of  battles,  lost  or  won.  Armed  with  this  decisive  demonstration 
of  the  possibility  of  peace  without  armament — having  brought  solution 
to  the  "blood-rusted"  riddle  of  the  ages,  America  spurns  the  counsel 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  153 

that  bids  her  fling  away  achievement  and  seek  like  some  vainglorious 
Hercules  to  rear  a  fondling  from  the  spawn  of  that  same  monster  whose 
icy  and  compulsive  coil  even  now  breaks  the  back  and  crushes  out  the 
heart  and  hope  of  all  our  kin  across  the  sea.  (Applause.) 

She  calls  Wisconsin's  pilot  who  will  not  bid  farewell  to  all  her 
ancient  landmarks,  set  her  prow  upon  a  chartless  course  without  a 
compass  and  place  the  tiller  forever  in  suspicion's  hands ;  who  will 
not  join  in  the  competitive  debasement  of  the  currency  of  international 
confidence;  who  rejects  the  theorem  that  burglary  is  the  final  standard 
and  exemplar  of  international  morals ;  who  will  not  seek  to  set  the 
weary  feet  of  labor  on  the  rungs  of  that  unending  treadmill  that  grinds 
for  her  not  bread,  nor  glory,  but  only  a  dreary  grist  of  nameless 
graves,  twisted  and  tortured  lives,  blighted  and  broken  hearts,  and  in 
the  end  the  dull  and  futile  dust  of  race  degeneracy.  (Applause.) 

But  the  candidate  whom  we  present  for  leadership  in  this  most  preg- 
nant and  potential  period  of  world  psychology"  is  no  mere  apostle  of 
negation.  From  the  apex  of  authority  he  would  aggressively  personify 
America — the  real  America.  In  all  the  galaxy  of  gallant  captains  press- 
ing forward  to  command,  Wisconsin's  champion  alone  meets  in  full  the 
exacting  measure  of  this  hour  of  earth's  greatest  extremity  when 
America  must  not,  dare  not  fail.  He  sees  in  war  the  antithesis  of 
progress — the  very  inmost  sanctuary  and  citadel  of  privilege,  the  throne 
of  the  monstrous  incarnation  of  man's  inhumanity  to  man,  the  shatter- 
ing of  whose  columns  would  mark  the  first  great  stride  toward  the 
building  of  the  progressive  empire  of  the  world.  Others  have  sensed 
this  thought  in  part;  others  have  spoken  little  sections  of  the  truth;  but 
to  him  there  stands  revealed  a  fixed,  unchanging  moral  law  whose  appli- 
cation is  the  same  from  parish  to  principality  and  world  domain.  The 
current  of  his  progressivism  has  never  known  retiring  ebb,  but  with 
expanded  opportunity  has  to  "increasing  purpose"  grown  up  through 
county,  state  and  nation  in  a  "diapason  breaking  full"  in  world  morality. 
Compact  of  poise,  and  power  and  purpose,  he  would  mobilize  the 
moral  energy  of  the  world,  summoning  the  neutral  nations  in  solid 
phalanx,  and  as  the  spokesman  of  a  billion  protesting,  sympathizing 
souls,  he  would  as  "with  a  monarch's  voice"  recall  "the  bloody  dogs  of 
war"  and  bid  this  senseless  conflict  cease;  he  would  subject  the  con- 
tending nationalities  to  the  steady  pressure  of  a  world  opinion  "insistent 
and  persistent"  as  "the  voice  of  an  offended  God"  until  there  came 
the  peace  of  Lincoln's  fond  hope  and  fervent  prayer  that  endures  not 
for  a  day,  nor  a  century,  but  for  all  time,  "when  nation  shall  not  lift 
sword  against  nation,  neither  shall  they  learn  war  any  more." 

Gentlemen,  Wisconsin  gives  you  the  name  of  her  loved  and  trusted 
leader — brave,  true-hearted,  courteous,  simple,  gentleman ;  regenerator 
of  a  proud  and  prosperous  commonwealth,  first  architect  of  the  superb 


154  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

and  splendid  structure  that  goes  ever  forward  to  completion,  a 
redeemed  America,  and  to-day  her  truest  prophet  of  international  moral- 
ity—Robert M.  LaFollette.  (Applause.) 

THE  PRESIDING  OFFICER  (Mr.  George  Sutherland,  of  Utah). — The 
Secretary  will  continue  the  calling  of  the  roll. 

Each  State  passed  as  its  name  was  called  until  Pennsylvania  was 
reached. 

THE  PRESIDING  OFFICER  (Mr.  George  Sutherland,  of  Utah). — The 
Chair  recognizes  Mr.  Emerson  Collins,  of  Pennsylvania.  (Applause.) 

MR.  COLLINS  NOMINATING  GOVERNOR  BRUMBAUGH 

MR.  EMERSON  COLLINS,  of  Pennsylvania. — Mr.  Chairman,  and  Ladies 
and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  In  the  classic  convention  of  1880, 
the  mighty  Conkling  in  pleading  the  nomination  of  the  Man  of  Appo- 
mattox  said :  "We  have  only  to  listen  above  the  din  and  look  beyond 
the  dust  of  an  hour  to  behold  the  Republican  Party,  with  ensigns 
resplendent  with  illustrous  achievements,  marching  to  certain  and  lasting 
victory."  The  prophecy  of  that  stirring,  fateful  hour  may  be  uttered 
of  this  in  the  firm  hope  of  its  fulfillment.  The  Republican  party  is  now 
on  the  march  to  the  field  of  transcendent  triumph.  Whoever  may 
carry  the  standard  of  leadership  of  the  reunited  party  will  receive  the 
electoral  vote  of  Pennsylvania  by  a  popular  majority  matching  in 
magnitude  and  majesty  the  proudest  in  her  history.  The  Republicanism 
of  the  Old  Keystone  State  need  not  be  put  under  bond  for  its  good 
behavior.  No  need  to  exact  hostages  from  her  to  keep  the  faith.  She 
will  continue  the  loth  Legion  of  the  grand  army  of  Republicanism 
whether  the  nominee  of  this  Convention  be  choice  of  hers  or  favored 
son  of  other. 

The  very  steadfastness  of  Pennsylvania's  faithfulness  has  been 
penalized.  She  has  cast  more  electoral  votes  for  the  candidates  of  the 
party  than  any  other  State,  but  has  never  been  honored  with  place  on 
the  national  ticket.  Her  loyalty  has  been  rewarded  with  neglect.  She 
has  not  been  wanting  in  sons  supremely  fitted  for  the  Presidency.  She 
is  not  wanting  in  them  now. 

Obedient  to  the  free  expression  and  the  solemn  mandate  of  an 
open  preferential  primary,  in  which  he  received  a  quarter  of  a  million 
votes,  Pennsylvania  presents  to  this  Convention  for  nomination  the 
name  of  her  distinguished  Governor,  Martin  Grove  Brumbaugh. 
(Applause.)  In  memory  of  her  fealty  in  the  days  that  are  done,  in 
the  assured  promise  of  its  unbroken  continuance  in  the  days  to  come, 
in  the  pride  of  his  fitness  and  worth,  and  in  the  confidence  of  his 
unsurpassed  availability,  I  would  now  plead  her  cause  and  urge  his 
nomination. 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL   CONVENTION  155 

Born  on  Pennsylvania  soil,  a  scion  of  a  stock  that  for  two  centuries 
has  so  richly  wrought  for  her  upbuilding,  reared  in  her  truest  and 
tenderest  traditions,  Brumbaugh  typifies  the  best  in  her  citizenship. 
(Applause.) 

Two  years  ago  -he  reformed  and  reorganized  the  broken  ranks 
of  the  party  in  the  State  and  against  a  united  and  powerful  opposition 
won  the  governorship  by  an  impressive  majority. 

His  administration  of  that  office  has  been  signalized  by  a  luminous 
body  of  constructive,  forward-looking  measures.  Against  the  reactionary 
interests,  he  forced  the  passage  of  a  workmen's  compensation  law, 
which  now  commands  the  approval  of  both  empolyer  and  employed. 
Social  and  economic  justice  has  had  a  new  birth.  His  rule  is  ever- 
lastingly glorified  in  a  Child  Labor  Law,  which  under  his  benign  and 
compelling  hand  was  written  upon  the  statute  books.  It  is  universally 
hailed  as  the  most  advanced  and  scientific  law  touching  this  momentous 
subject  in  the  land,  and  with  its  epoch-making  provision  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  continuation  schools,  linking  the  school  and  the  factory,  is 
destined  to  become  the  model  for  the  entire  Republic.  Throughout  the 
succeeding  generations,  a  conserved  manhood  and  womanhood,  in  com- 
monwealth and  country,  will  have  unnumbered  voices  proclaiming 
blessed  the  name  of  the  man  who  was  brave  enough,  wise  enough 
and  had  heart  enough  to  safeguard  childhood  against  the  greed  of 
the  few  and  the  thoughtlessness  of  the  many. 

As  statesman-educator  he  enjoys  national  reputation.  At  the  close 
of  the  Spanish  War,  the  revered  McKinley,  whose  judgment  of  men 
was  so  unerring,  whose  selection  of  lieutenants  reached  the  plane  of 
genius,  summoned  Brumbaugh  and  sent  him  to  organize  and  super- 
vise the  educational  forces  of  Porto  Rico.  He  bore  the  American 
conscience  and  common  school  to  our  new  and  untutored  wards  in  that 
island  in  whose  affections,  both  for  what  he  did  and  what  he  is,  he  will 
remain  forever  enshrined.  (Applause.) 

In  character  and  capacity,  ;n  reach  and  range  of  powers,  in  sym- 
pathetic insight  into  the  thoughts  of  the  masses,  in  gift  and  grace  of 
speech,  he  would  shed  luster  on  the  banner  of  national  leadership.  His 
candidacy  would  stand  the  searching  test  and  steadily  strengthen  under 
the  stormy  stress  of  the  campaign.  A  man  of  vision  but  not  a  visionary 
man,  untouched  of  a  reckless  radicalism  leading  into  strange  fields,  free 
of  a  solid  conservatism  leading  nowhere,  the  Nation,  under  his  guidance, 
would  follow  a  pathway  of  progress  without  the  loss  of  a  single  ideal 
or  the  overthrow  of  a  single  principle  that  has  heretofore  so  bountifully 
bleessd  us. 

He  never  loses  step  or  contact  with  the  plain  people  whose  child 
he  is  and  whose  faithful  servant  he  will  continue  amid  whatever  honors 
may  crown  him.  By  the  sweet  and  godly  firesides  of  the  great  com- 


156  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

\ 

monalty  of  the  imperial  Commonwealth  he  loves  so  much  and  serves 
so  well,  there  dwells  an  abiding  trust  in  the  purposes  and  policies  of 
Martin  G.  Brumbaugh. 

His  Americanism  yields  to  none.  From  countless  platforms  these 
many  years  he  has  preached  the  priceless  heritage  that  came  from  the 
inspired  workmanship  of  the  Forefathers,  interpreted  the  meaning  and 
the  mission  of  our  institutions,  exalted  the  spirit  that  made  and  keeps  us 
free  and  taught  love  and  reverence  for  the  flag.  A  commoner  by  b^rth, 
a  scholar  by  training,  a  leader  by  divine  endowment,  a  statesman  in 
grasp  and  outlook,  Martin  Grove  Brumbaugh  possesses  a  brilliant  pleni- 
tude of  equipment  to  lead  the  hosts  of  Republicanism  to  victory  and  to 
serve  the  country  with  stainless  renown  in  its  loftiest  place.  (Applause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN  (Mr.  Harding  of  Ohio). — The  Secretary 
of  the  Convention  will  proceed  with  the  calling  of  the  roll. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Convention  resumed  and  concluded  the  calling 
of  the  roll,  each  State  and  territorial  possession  passing  as  its  name  was 
called. 

SPECIAL  RULE  LIMITING  SECONDING  SPEECHES 
MR.  JAMES  W.  WADSWORTH,  JR.,  of  New  York. — Mr.  Chairman. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — For  what  purpose  does  the  gentle- 
man rise? 

MR.  WADSWORTH,  of  New  York. — For  the  purpose  of  offering  a 
resolution  in  reference  to  limiting  nominating  speeches. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  recognizes  the  Senator  from 
New  York. 

MR.  WADSWORTH,  of  New  York. — I  wish  to  offer  the  resolution 
which  I  send  to  the  Secretary's  desk;  which  I  wish  him  to  read,  and 
then  I  will  move  its  adoption. 

The  Secretary  read  as  follows : 

Resolved,  That  the  rules  be  suspended  and  a  new  rule 
for  this  Convention  be  adopted  as  follows : 

"Two  seconding  speeches  of  five  minutes  duration  each, 
shall  be  allowed  in  support  of  any  candidate  whose  name  has 
been  presented  to  the  Convention,  and  if  more  than  two 
delegates  desire  to  be  heard  to  second  the  nomination  of  any 
candidate  whose  name  has  been  presented,  but  two  minutes 
shall  be  allowed  each  of  such  delegates  in  which  to  address 
the  Convention." 

MR.  BENJAMIN  S.  HANCHETT,  of  Michigan. — The  Michigan  delegation 
seconds  the  resolution  presented  by  the  Senator  from  New  York. 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  15? 

MR.  WILLIAM  SPRY,  of  Utah. — Utah  also  seconds  the  resolution. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  motion  made  by  the  gentleman 
from  New  York  (Mr.  Wadsworth)  having  been  seconded  by  two  States, 
is  in  order.  The  question  is  on  the  adoption  of  the  resolution  so  offered. 
What  is  the  pleasure  of  the  Convention? 

The  question  was  called  for  and  the  Chair  declared  the  resolution 
unanimously  agreed  to. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Seconding  speeches  in  behalf  of  can- 
didates to  be  nominated  for  President  are  now  in  order.  And  in  that 
connection,  and  in  order  to  gain  time,  the  Chair  has  arbitrarily  ruled 
that  he  will  recognize  delegates  to  make  seconding  speeches  as  their 
names  are  presented.  He  now  grants  recognition  to  Delegate  Leo 
Weinburg,  of  Maryland.  And  while  Mr.  Weinburg  is  coming  to  the 
platform  the  Chair  makes  the  suggestion,  in  the  interest  of  economy  of 
time,  that  the  gentlemen  who  are  to  make  seconding  speeches  will  come 
to  the  platform  so  that  the  Chair  may  present  them  promptly. 

MR.  C.  W.  FULTON,  of  Oregon. — Mr.  Chairman. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — For  what  purpose  does  the  gentle- 
man rise? 

MR.  C.  W.  FULTON,  of  Oregon. — For  information. 

THE   PERMANENT   CHAIRMAN. — State  your   request   for   information. 

MR.  C.  W.  FULTON,  of  Oregon. — Wasn't  it  understood  that  Oregon 
should  have  the  first  privilege  of  seconding  the  nomination  of  Mr. 
Justice  Hughes? 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — It  was  not  so  reported  to  the  Chair 
and  I  will  not  recognize  you  if  your  name  is  not  sent  up  to  the  Chair 
and  you  do  not  come  forward.  Mr.  Weinburg  has  now  reached  the 
stage  and  it  gives  me  pleasure  to  introduce  to  the  Convention  Delegate 
Leo  Weinburg,  of  Maryland. 

MR.  WEINBURG  SECONDING  MR.  HUGHES'  NOMINATION 

MR.  WEINBURG,  of  Maryland. — Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen 
of  the  Convention :  Maryland,  my  Maryland,  joins  with  the  great 
Empire  State  to  honor  that  distinguished  statesman,  that  matchless 
jurist,  that  man  of  incorruptible  integrity,  Charles  Evans  Hughes. 
(Applause.) 

As  a  representative  of  the  Maryland  delegation,  living  in  the  birth- 
place of  the  celebrated  author  of  our  national  anthem,  it  is  altogether 
fitting  and  proper  that  I  should  give  my  feeble  tribute  to  and  voluntary 
indorsement  of  the  nomination  of  Judge  Hughes  whose  life  and  char- 
acter are  an  outpouring  of  that  love  of  country  and  devotion  to  duty 


158  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

which  inspired  Francis  Scott  Key  to  reach  the  summit  of  American 
patriotism,  leaving  a  name  and  a  fame  that  gild,  with  the  gorgeous  rays 
of  glory's  light,  his  deathless  tomb,  from  which  radiates  that  fervency  of 
zeal  and  constancy  of  purpose  which  made  American  citizenship  the 
standard  of  protection,  the  sheltering  rock  in  a  Nation's  crisis.  Uplifted 
by  the  sublime  patriotism  and  perfect  loyalty  that  animated  my  fellow- 
townsman  when  he  gave  to  the  world  the  sentiments  of  love  and  justice, 
fidelity  and  right,  embodied  within  this  heart-touching  and  emotion- 
stirring  song,  it  is  indeed  a  proud  privilege  to  second  the  nomination  of 
a  man  whose  mind  is  embellished  with  and  enriched  by  lofty  thoughts 
and  ideals  and  whose  heart  overflows  with  that  pure  Americanism  which 
is  typified  by  the  Star  Spangled  Banner.  (Applause.) 

Upon  the  sacred  soil  of  this  unique  Republic  civilization  must  be 
born  anew,  and  the  progress  of  the  human  race  re-established  through 
the  sovereign  rights  of  men  rather  than  the  divine  right  of  kings.  With 
his  private  life  dedicated  to  rectitude  of  conduct  and  purity  of  action, 
his  public  career  crowned  with  civic  righteousness  and  progressive  accom- 
plishment, Charles  Evans  Hughes,  reconsecrating  the  Nation  to  the 
exalted  traditions  and  ennobling  purposes  of  the  fathers,  will  so  guide 
the  destiny  of  the  United  States  that  it  shall  become  the  HOME  of  a 
reconstructed  civilization  founded  upon  morality,  equality  ^  and  justice, 
with  the  star  of  liberty  shining  on  the  horizon  of  national  excellence 
until  it  becomes  brilliant  and  magnificent  in  the  blessed  zenith  of  human- 
ity; the  RESIDENCE  of  a  democracy  where,  in  perfect  splendor  and  com- 
plete harmony,  the  matchless  red  of  the  Southern  rose  and  the  spotless 
white  of  the  Northern  snows  blend  in  a  mingled  flood  of  unbroken  light 
— revealing  a  people,  united  and  devoted,  peaceful  and  happy,  who 
obey  only  that  law  which  guarantees  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness,  and  who  follow  only  that  flag — the  ensign  of  union — that,  in 
triumph  unfurled,  will,  ultimately,  hush  the  tumult  of  war  and  give 
peace  to  the  world.  (Applause.) 

Rising  to  these  grand  heights  of  patriotic  fervor,  with  supreme  con- 
fidence in  the  unblemished  character  and  unquestioned  ability,  uncom- 
promising courage  and  undivided  allegiance  of  the  man,  as  a  citizen  of 
Maryland  I  second  the  nomination  of  Charles  Evans  Hughes — a  states- 
man as  pure  in  heart  as  a  Lincoln,  a  judge  as  wise  and  just  as  a  Mar- 
shall, a  patriot  as  faithful  and  brave  as  a  Washington,  a  man,  who, 
remembering  our  sublime  mission  and  sacred  trust  will  not,  shall  not, 
cower  in  the  dust  when  the  despot's  heel  is  on  the  shore  and  his  torch 
is  at  the  temple  door.  (Applause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Ladies  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Con- 
vention, the  Chair  presents  to  you  as  the  next  speaker  to  second  the 
nomination  of  one  of  the  candidates  for  President,  Mr.  Charles  W. 
Fulton,  of  Oregon. 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  159 

MR.  FULTON  SECONDING  MR.  HUGHES'  NOMINATION. 

MR.  CHARLES  W.  FULTON,  of  Oregon. — Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and 
Gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  When  I  look  over  this  great  audience,  I 
realize  what  a  tremendous  temptation  it  is  to  a  public  speaker.  It 
is  so  good  looking,  and  so  entirely  helpless  (laughter)  and  I  might  say, 
so  harmless,  and  possibly  some  so  thirsty.  (Laughter  and  applause.) 

But  I  am  not  going  to  take  advantage  of  the  temptation.  I  had 
prepared  a  very  eloquent  speech,  I  assure  you,  but  now  that  I  come  to 
look  it  over  I  find  it  will  do  just  as  well  for  the  Fourth  of  July  as  here. 
(Laughter  and  applause.)  Hence,  I  am  going  to  content  myself  with 
saying,  that  we  want  to  nominate  a  man  who  will  unite  the  Republican 
party  and  lead  it  to  victory,  and  the  people  of  Oregon  have  selected 
one  and  they  have  sent  us  here  to  present  his  name  to  you.  They  gave 
him  30,000  plurality  at  the  primary  in  May;  and  they  tell  us  we  may 
assure  you  that  if  he  be  nominated  they  will  make  the  30,000  plurality  of 
•May  a  50,000  majority  in  November.  (Applause.)  Therefore,  in  the 
name  of  the  State  of  Oregon  and  of  the  united  delegation  of  that  State, 
I  second  the  nomination  of  Charles  Evans  Hughes,  of  New  York. 
(Applause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Ladies  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Con- 
vention, I  present  to  you  Judge  William  P.  Bynum,  of  North  Carolina. 
(Applause.) 

MR.  BYNUM  SECONDING  MR.  ROOT'S  NOMINATION. 

MR.  WILLIAM  P.  BYNUM,  of  North  Carolina. — Mr.  Chairman  and 
Ladies  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  The  opportunity  of  the  Repub- 
lican party  is  here.  The  signs  of  the  time  point  unerringly  to  a  crisis 
approaching  in  the  affairs  of  this  Nation.  The  persistent  aggressions  of 
Mexico  on  our  border,  her  growing  inability  to  protect  the  lives  and 
property  of  foreign  citizens  in  her  territory,  the  great  war  beyond  the 
waters,  the  end  of  which  we  all  devoutly  hope  is  near,  the  unprepared 
and  defenseless  condition  of  our  own  land,  all  are  forcing  upon  the 
people  of  the  United  States  national  and  international  problems  demand- 
ing for  their  solution  the  wisest  statesmanship  and  the  loftiest  patriotism 
this  country  can  afford.  In  this  perilous  situation,  all  agree  that  our 
greatest  need  is  enlightened  and  courageous  leadership — statesmen  of  fore- 
sight and  experience  who  can  and  will  guide  the  Republic  triumphantly 
through  all  the  dangers  that  portend.  Fortunately,  the  Republican  party 
is  rich  in  such  material.  We  have  numbers  from  whom  we  may  select 
our  standard-bearer  without  fear  of  mistake.  But  the  American  people 
are  looking  to  this  Convention  to  select  the  safest,  the  surest  and  the 
best — to  choose  as  its  nominee  a  candidate  whose  election  shall  not  only 
be  assured  but  who  will  most  certainly  insure  the  preservation  of  the 


160  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

honor  and  safety,  as  well  as  the  prosperity  and  glory  of  this  Nation. 
The  matchless  record  of  our  party  in  the  past,  justifies  the  demand  that 
we  fail  not  in  our  duty  now.  (Applause.) 

From  the  ashes  of  the  great  war  between  the  States,  the  Republican 
party  lifted  this  Nation  into  the  serene  and  imperturbable  position  of 
"an  indestructible  Union  composed  of  indestructible  States."  The  con- 
tinued enforcement  of  Republican  principles  and  policies  has  made  and 
kept  it  the  choicest  spot  on  earth  for  all  classes  and  conditions  of  men. 
To  preserve  and  keep  it  so  at  all  hazards  is  the  high  and  manifest 
duty  of  every  American  citizen — to  perpetuate  not  only  its  indestructi- 
bility as  a  union  of  States,  but  to  unify  and  intensify  the  national  spirit 
and  patriotism  of  every  element  of  our  population,  in  every  part  of  the 
Union,  so  that  when  we  come  to  consider  questions  affecting  the  inter- 
ests of  America,  whatever  our  race,  nationality  or  creed,  in  our  loj^alty 
and  devotion  to  her,  we  shall  be  one. 

The  course  and  quality  of  this  Nation's  life  for  the  next  four 
years,  the  selection  of  the  man  best  fitted  to  interpret  that  life  and  to 
lead  on  that  course,  are  to  be  determined  by  this  Convention.  Among 
the  number  superbly  fit,  and  whose  election,  if  nominated,  will  be  sure, 
stands  one  whose  majestic  ability  raises  him  pre-eminently  above  the 
rest — whose  qualifications  for  the  chief  magistracy  of  this  Nation  in 
this  momentous  hour  fit  him  pre-eminently  above  them  all.  A  statesman 
and  diplomat,  tried  and  proved  in  the  school  of  experience,  known  the 
world  over,  acknowledged  without  a  superior,  his  ability  to  guide  the 
Nation  safely  through  the  trying  times  ahead  is  conceded  by  all.  Not 
only  so,  but  his  nomination  and  election  will  give  assurance  to  every 
one,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  that  in  the  administration  of  our 
national  affairs,  foreign  and  domestic,  every  right  of  every  American 
citizen  everywhere,  will  be  protected,  and  equal  and  exact  justice  guar- 
anteed to  all.  (Applause.) 

Nominate  him  and  from  that  moment  national  safety  and  prepared- 
ness will  be  assured,  national  courage  and  confidence  will  be  inspired 
and  national  prosperity  in  all  the  avenues  of  trades  and  business  will  be 
restored.  Nominate  him  and  after  the  fourth  day  of  next  March,  we 
shall  have  at  the  head  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  a 
statesman  wiser  and  greater  and  safer  than  presides  over  the  destinies 
of  any  other  nation  on  earth. 

His  name,  his  transcendant  abilities,  his  long  and  faithful  service 
to  his  country  and  his  party  have  already  been  told  to  you,  and  as  a 
delegate  from  the  State  of  North  Carolina,  I  have  the  honor  to  second 
the  nomination  of  Elihu  Root,  of  New  York.  (Applause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  has  pleasure  in  present'ng 
to  the  Convention  Judge  Eugene  W.  Britt,  of  California. 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  161 

MR.  BRITT  SECONDING  MR.  ROOT'S  NOMINATION. 

MR.  EUGENE  W.  BRITT,  of  California. — Mr.  Chairman  and  Delegates 
of  the  Convention :  It  is  a  great  privilege  to  be  permitted  in  this  Con- 
vention to  second  the  nomination  of  Elihu  Root.  (Applause.)  It  was 
remarked  from  this  platform  to-day  that  this  is  a  government  of  laws 
and  not  of  men.  So  it  is;  but  the  difference  in  the  effect  of  the  laws 
depends  on  what  men  administer  them.  If  that  were  not  so,  the  necessity 
for  succeeding  the  present  administration  with  men  to  be  nominated  by 
this  Convention  would  be  less  exigent.  We  demand  a  change  of 
parties,  that  we  may  have  a  change  of  measures  and  of  men.  Almost 
every  speaker  who  has  addressed  this  Convention  has  dwelt  upon  the 
seriousness  of  the  crisis  which  now  confronts  the  country.  It  is  serious, 
and  it  begets  the  great  need  of  the  time — great  men  at  the  nation's  head 
— efficient  men.  A  time  like  this  demands  "tall  men,  sun-crowned,  who 
live  above  the  fog  in  public  duty  and  private  thinking."  For  that  reason 
I  second  the  nomination  of  Elihu  Root  for  the  great  office  of  President 
(Applause.) 

Three  days  ago  there  appeared  in  one  of  the  local  newspapers  of  Chi- 
cago a  signed  article  by  one  of  the  leading  so-called  "Progressives"  of  the 
country — one  who  was  in  the  front  ranks  of  the  secession  of  1912. — in 
which  it  was  declared  in  so  many  words  that  the  Republicans  here 
assembled  in  Convention  "want  to  nominate  Root,  and  they  would 
nominate  him  if  they  were  not  afraid."  Let  us  take,  counsel  of  our 
courage,  and  not  of  our  fears.  We  want  to  nominate  him  fpr  he  is 
the  wisest  man  within  our  sight.  Why  should  Republicans  fail  of  the 
courage  of  their  convictions?  Of  whom  may  they  stand  in  fear?  Of 
the  Progressives?  Why,  Colonel  Roosevelt,  without  whom  the  Pro- 
gressive Party  is  a  negligible  quantity,  exhausted  the  vocabulary  of 
panegyric,  during  the  term  of  his  presidency,  in  extolling  the  many- 
sided  pre-eminence  of  Mr.  Root;  whose  shining  qualities,  he  declared, 
equipped  him  for  greatness  in  any  department  of  the  Government — of 
State,  of  War,  of  the  Interior,  all  of  them.  The  Republican  Party 
has  furnished  this  country  with  a  succession  of  great  Secretaries  in  the 
State  Department.  There  were  William  H.  Seward,  James  G.  Blaine, 
Elihu  Root,  and  others;  but,  like  the  prominence  of  charity  in  St.  Paul's 
trinity  of  Christian  graces,  the  greatest  of  them  was  Root. 

I  second  the  nomination  of  Elihu  Root,  for  that  he  is  the  capable 
and  fit  man  now  demanded  for  the  American  Presidency  by  the  imperious 
needs  of  the  country.  Transposing  to  the  present  tense  the  words  which 
Hamlet  spoke  in  the  past  tense,  we  say  of  Mr.  Root : 

"He  is  a  man,  take  him   for  all  in  all, 
I  shall  not  look  upon  his  like  again" 
in  the  present  generation.     (Great  applause.) 


162  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  presents  to  the  Convention 
Colonel  Isaac  M.  Meekins,  of  North  Carolina. 

MR.  MEEKINS  SECONDING  MR.  BURTON'S  NOMINATION 

MR.  ISAAC  M.  MEEKINS,  of  North  Carolina. — Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies 
and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  The  story  goes  that  a  husband  and 
wife,  long  estranged,  met  at  the  grave  of  their  first  born — the  child  of 
their  youthful  strength.  Their  strife  had  been  bitter;  their  love  had 
turned  to  hate.  They  looked  coldly  upon  each  other,  and  then  they 
looked  down  upon  the  little  mound  that  held  the  broken  link  with  which 
God  had  bound  their  two  hearts.  They  knelt  and  bowed  their  faces  upon 
the  cold  sod  that  covered  the  dust  of  their  dead.  They  stretched  their 
hands  each  to  the  other  across  the  little  grave,  and  the  Angel  of  God, 
with  a  rain  of  penitential  tears,  washed  all  the  bitterness  of  the  years 
from  their  hearts  and  sent  them  down  life's  pathway  hand  in  hand,  as  in 
the  old  days,  when  love  was  lord  of  their  two  lives,  and  the  lost  babe 
lay  cradled  on  the  mother's  breast. 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  in  this  crisis  of  our  Nation 
let  us  catch  an  inspiration  from  the  parallel  in  the  story.  Let  Taft  and 
Roosevelt  Republicans,  let  Old  Line  Republican  and  Progressive  Repub- 
lican, kneel  to-day  at  the  grave  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  their  best  beloved. 
Let  the  estrangement  be  forgotten;  let  all  bitterness  pass  like  an  uneasy 
dream.  Let  us  stretch  our  hands  each  to  the  other  across  Lincoln's 
grave  and  ask  the  benediction  of  the  Almighty  upon  a  reunited  party — 
militant  and  triumphant!  Let  us  here  and  now  reincarnate  the  party  of 
Lincoln,  of  Garfield,  of  McKinley,  martyrs  all  upon  the  republic's  sacri- 
ficial altar.  Let  us,  here  and  now,  rededicate  that  party  to  the  high 
purposes  for  which  they  intended  it — the  right  of  man  to  liberty,  the 
sovereignty  of  reason,  the  holiness  of  labor,  the  benificence  of  peace 
(but  peace  with  honor),  remembering  always  that  "A  house  divided 
against  itself  cannot  stand."  (Applause.) 

The  man  I  have  in  mind,  whom  we  should  consecrate  to  this  glorious 
task,  is  old  through  experience,  gentle  through  love,  in  brain  a  man, 
through  hope  a  giant — and  North  Carolina  seconds  the  nomination  of 
that  man,  Theodore  E.  Burton.  (Great  applause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — I  present  to  the  Convention  Colonel 
Frank  R.  Stewart,  of  Arizona. 

-MR.  STEWART  SECONDING  MR.  BURTON'S  NOMINATION. 

MR.  FRANK  R.  STEWART,  of  Arizona. — Mr.  Chairman  and  Ladies  and 
Gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  Alexander  Hamilton  laid  the  enduring 
.foundation  of  this  Government.  Abraham  Lincoln  made  it  first  among  the 
nations  of  the  earth.  In  this  great  crisis  in  our  natinaol  existence,  it 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION'  163 

becomes  our  duty,  as  the  representatives  of  the  American  people,  to 
name  a  man  for  President  of  the  United  States  who,  when  inaugurated, 
will  give  to  the  people  of  this  country  that  which  Abraham  Lincoln  con- 
secrated his  life  to  attain — a  constructive  purpose.  We  men  of  the 
West,  of  the  mesas  and  deserts  and  golden  cities  of  our  Sunland,  believe 
Theodore  E.  Burton  to  be  the  hope  of  the  Nation,  the  safest  and  sanest 
choice  of  the  Republican  Party  for  President  in  1916,  and  Arizona 
seconds  his  nomination  in  faith  and  with  gladness.  (Applause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — I  present  to  the  Convention  Ex-Con- 
gressman Thomas  Settle,  of  North  Carolina. 

MR.  SETTLE  SECONDING  MR.  WEEKS'  NOMINATION 

MR.  THOMAS  SETTLE,  of  North  Carolina. — Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies 
and  Gentlemen,  Fellow  Delegates :  The  gentleman  whose  nomination  I 
rise  to  second  yields  to  no  one  in  his  Americanism.  It  is  bone  of  his 
bone  and  flesh  of  his  flesh.  It  is  the  breath  of  his  nostrils  and  the  pul- 
sation of  his  heart.  He  yields  to  no  one  in  his  knowledge  of  the  needs 
of  our  country  on  the  question  of  preparedness.  He  is  familiar  with 
that  question  in  its  theoretical  aspect;  he  is  familiar  with  it  in  its 
practical  aspect  by  virtue  of  his  training,  his  education,  and  his  experi- 
ence. He  yields  to  no  one  in  fitness  and  qualifications  for  the  exalted 
office  of  President  of  this  country,  in  knowledge  of  our  country's 
resources,  and  knowledge  of  our  country's  needs  in  the  way  of  legis- 
lation to  develop  her  resources.  A  graduate  of  the  Naval  Academy 
at  Annapolis,  he  has  served  in  one  of  the  great  arms  of  national 
defense,  and  a  part  of  his  education  necessarily  familiarized  him  with 
the  other  arm  of  national  defence,  the  army  of  our  country.  (Applause.) 
His  service  in  the  legislative  department  of  our  government  only 
enhanced  the  value  of  his  knowledge  acquired  in  other  lines  of  activity. 
If  to  these  virtues  another  might  be  added  I  should  say  it  was  his 
Republicanism.  (Applause.)  But  Republicanism  is  but  the  voice  and 
expression,  is  but  the  soul  of  Americanism,  of  preparedness,  of  pro- 
tection, and  prosperity.  (Applause.)  He  knows  that  when  the 
Almighty's  attention  is  turned  away  from  us  in  chastisement,  and 
Democracy  comes  into  power  that  we  are  all  unlucky.  He  knows  that 
the  Democratic  Party  was  born  and  christened  unlucky,  and  when  in 
power  we  are  all  unlucky.  (Applause,  and  a  voice:  "That's  right.") 
He  knows  that  the  very  name  Democratic  Party  begins  with  the  unluckiest 
letter  in  the  alphabet;  the  letter  "D"  is  called  upon  to  do  more  dirty 
work  than  all  the  balance  of  the  alphabet  put  together  -Democracy, 
disease,  deceit,  dissimulation,  deficit,  disaster,  degeneracy,  destruction, 
death  and  damnation.  (Applause.)  On  the  other  hand,  the  letter  "R" 
stands  for  Republicanism,  Reverence  for  the  Constitution,  Respect  for 
the  Flag,  Resumption  of  specie  payment,  Roosevelt,  Root,  Religion  and 


16-i  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

Resurrection,  and  many  other  good  things  and  names.  And  now,  Ladies 
and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  on  behalf  of  the  State  of  North  Caro- 
lina, I  second  the  nomination  of  John  Wingate  Weeks,  of  Massachusetts. 
(Applause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — I  present  former  Congressman  Bird 
McGuire,  of  Oklahoma. 

MR.  McGUIRE  SECONDING  NOMINATION  OF  MR.  -WEEKS 

MR.  BIRD  McGuiRE,  of  Oklahoma. — Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gen- 
tlemen of  the  Convention :  I  come  from  one  of  the  newest  but  one  of 
the  most  important  States  of  the  Union.  At  the  approaching  election  we 
will  cast  three  hundred  thousand  votes,  and  the  nominee  of  this  Con- 
vention, whoever  he  may  be,  will  have  a  plurality  of  that  three  hundred 
thousand.  (Applause.)  The  Democratic  Party,  through  Mexican  methods 
at  the  ballot  box  temporarily  wrested  our  State  from  the  Republicans, 
but  at  the  coming  election  we  are  coming  home,  and  coming  home  to 
stay.  (Applause.) 

The  person  is  short-sighted  indeed  who  does  not  understand  clearly 
that  which  is  in  the  hearts  and  minds,  not  only  of  the  Delegates  of  this 
Convention,  but  of  every  patriotic  Republican  in  all  the  land 

You  want  a  man  who  will  win ;  but  that  is  not  all ;  you  want  a 
man  who  will  preserve  the  Republican  Party  and  perpetuate  the  princi- 
ples of  that  great  party  after  he  has  won.  "Oh,"  you  say,  "you  would 
like  to  have  a  William  McKinley ;  that  you  won  with  him ;" — and  in 
that  position  you  are  right.  The  Republican  Party  at  the  time  of  his 
nomination  took  what  was  a  temporarily  unpopular  position,  but  the  party 
was  right  and  the  opposition  was  wrong.  We  vigorously  pushed  a  cam- 
paign ot  education,  which  educated  the  American  people  until  they  were 
right  upon  the  currency  question,  and  by  taking  that  position  and  stand- 
ing boldly  and  vigorously  for  the  right,  even  against  overwhelming 
numbers  to  start  with,  we  won. 

McKinley  was  a  great  leader;  a  great  statesman,  a  conscientious 
man,  and  under  his  guidance  the  Republican  Party  grew  stronger  and 
stronger,  and  when  he  fell  at  the  hands  of  an  assassin  that  great  party 
was  mightier  than  it  had  been  in  all  its  history.  No  wonder  you  want 
another  McKinley. 

I  have  in  mind  a  gentleman  who  possesses  the  combined  strength  of 
both  William  McKinley  and  Mark  Hanna,  and  if  you  make  him  the 
nominee  of  this  Convention,  his  administration  will  grow  more  popular 
from  day  to  day,  and  the  Republican  Party  will  be  augmented  in  num- 
bers and  strengthened  in  principle.  He  will  grow  more  and  more  popular 
and  he  will  be  elected  for  a  second  term  by  increased  and  overwhelming 
majorities,  and  when  he  returns  the  Republican  banner  to  the  National 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL    CONVENTION  165 

Convention  eight  years  from  now,  and  resigns  his  position  as  President 
to  his  successor,  he  will  leave  the  greatest  party  in  the  history  of  the 
Nation.  (Applause.) 

I  second  the  nomination  of  that  splendid  embodiment  of  physical, 
intellectual  and  moral  manhood — John  W.  Weeks,  of  Massachusetts. 
(Applause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  presents  Mr.  W.  O.  Emory, 
of  Georgia. 


MR.  EMORY  SECONDING  AIR.  WEEKS'  NOMINATION. 

MR.  \\'.  O.  EMORY,  of  Georgia. — Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and  Gentle- 
men of  the  Convention :  It  is  a  pleasure  to  be  permitted  to  stand  here 
and  speak,  only  if  it  be  one  word,  for  the  man  that  we  think  ought  to 
be  and  we  think  will  be,  elected  President  of  the  United  States  next 
November.  I  was  just  thinking  a  moment  ago  of  what  was  said  to  and 
by  General  Grant  at  the  dedication  of  .a  certain  memorial  in  the  City  of 
New  York.  The  remark  was  made  by  the  chairman  in  presenting  him 
that  he  was  introducing  to  the  audience  the  greatest  chieftain  that  had 
ever  drawn  the  sword.  When  General  Grant  rose  to  speak  to  that  great 
audience  he  said,  in  effect  ,"It  may  be  as  the  gentleman  has  said  that  I 
am  the  greatest  chieftain  that  ever  drew  the  sword,  but  if  I  am  I  want  to 
say  that  I  had  the  greatest  army  behind  me  that  ever  carried  the  sword/' 
(Applause.) 

Ladies  and  gentlemen,  I  want  to  say  to  you  here  that  I  do  not  in 
any  degree  sympathize  with  the  thought  that  we  are  scarce  of  Presi- 
dential timber  in  the  Republican  Party.  There  are  several  States  here 
that  could  give  us  such  characters  as  we  have  already  had  and  that  have 
gone  on  to  their  fathers.  But  however  that  is,  with  these  excellent 
gentlemen,  any  or  all  of  them  would  give  us  a  splendid  administration 
and  the  most  of  them  would  have  a  united  party  at  the  end  of  the  term. 
And,  Mr.  Chairman  and  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  I 
am  certain  that  if  this  Convention  will  see  fit  to  nominate  the  gentleman 
in  whose  behalf  I  rise  to  speak,  that  he  will  give  us  at  the  end  of  his 
first  administration  a  united  and  strong  party,  and  at  the  end  of  his 
second  administration  an  even  stronger  and  more  united  party. 
(Applause.)  Inasmuch  as  my  time  is  up,  I  will  now  second  the  nomina- 
tion of  John  W.  Weeks,  a  second  McKinley,  and  in  some  respects  better 
than  McKinley,  to  lead  our  great  party  to  victory  in  November.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Ladies  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Conven- 
tion, I  present  to  you  Mr.  Edwin  P.  Morrow,  of  Kentucky. 


166  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

MR.   MORROW   SECONDING  MR.   FAIRBANKS'    NOMINATION. 

MR  EDWIN  P.  MORROW,  of  Kentucky. — Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and 
Gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  When  the  shouting  has  died  into  silence, 
when  the  tumult  is  stilled,  when  the  echoes  of  fife  and  drum  have  died 
into  echo,  when  the  wild  enthusiasm  of  this  hour  has  met  the  seriousness 
of  the  actual  conflict,  out  yonder  will  be  waiting,  ready  and  entrenched, 
the  serried  hosts  of  Democracy.  Far-flung  will  be  our  battle  line  and 
success  in  the  coming  conflict  means  the  honor  of  the  American  flag  and 
the  welfare  of  every  man,  woman  and  child  beneath  its  fluttering  folds. 
To  lead  the  invincible  army  of  Republicanism  into  that  battle,  to  make 
the  charge,  to  hold  the  fort,  to  keep  the  faith,  the  united,  victorious 
Republicans  of  old  Kentucky  second  the  nomination  of  a  Republican 
worthy  of  all  its  great  history  and  traditions,  and  great  enough  in  com- 
bination of  heart  and  mind,  conscience  and  vision,  to  be  chief  executive 
of  the  greatest  Republic  beneath  the  sun.  We  stand  for  no  untried  and 
no  untested  leader,  but  for  one  proven  in  the  great  arena  of  deeds,  for 
one  tried  in  the  crucible  of  great  experience,  and  upon  whose  public  life 
has  beat  the  great  white  light  of  public  opinion ;  not  for  an  untried 
warrior  but  for  one  who  has  in  open  battle  given  and  received  mighty 
blows.  (Applause,  and  a  voice:  "Amen.")  We  have  heard  so  much 
about  the  heart  of  America;  we  stand  for  a  man  born  where  the  heart 
of  the  Nation  throbs ;  (Applause,  and  a  voice  from  the  Ohio  delegation : 
"Yes,  in  the  great  State  of  Ohio.")  ;  one  reared  in  the  squalor  of  a  log 
cabin  and  by  the  side  of  a  hearth-stone  where  the  fires  of  patriotism 
spring  and  burn  forever.  (Applause.)  If  we  want  to  find  the  heart 
of  America,  let  us  go  where  the  heart  of  America  beats.  Name  a  man 
who  came  from  the  fields  of  grain,  where  the  corn  stands  like  sentinels 
of  prosperity  in  the  furrow,  but  living  now  where  the  wind-swept 
prairies  are  covered  with  streets  of  brick  and  marts  of  trade  and  com- 
merce; the  heart  of  the  great  industrial  center  of  America — there  stands 
he  who  holds  alike  the  love  of  him  who  labors  in  the  open  field  and  him 
who  labors  in  the  factory,  him  who  lives  in  the  country  and  him  who 
lives  in  the  city. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  time  of  the  speaker  has  expired. 
Name  your  candidate. 

MR.  MORROW,  of  Kentucky. — Just  a  moment,  please.  There  stands 
the  real  type  of  this  land,  the  man  of  the  type  of  free  chance  and  open 
opportunity,  Charles  Warren  Fairbanks,  of  Indiana,  whose  nomination  I 
wish  to  second  on  behalf  of  the  State  of  Kentucky.  (Applause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman's  time  is  up. 

MR.  MORROW,  of  Kentucky. — I  have  ten  minutes  because  there  is  only 
one  seconding  speech  to  be  made  from  my  State. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — I  am  sorry,  but  under  the  rules  we 
cannot  grant  you  that  privilege. 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  167 

MR.  MORROW,  of  Kentucky. — I  had  wished  to  say  more,  but  I  must 
retire  under  the  rules.  (Applause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Ladies  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Con- 
vention :  The  Chair  now  has  pleasure  in  presenting  Mr.  Ernest  Lun- 
deen,  of  Minnesota. 

MR.  LUNDEEN  SECONDING  MR.  CUMMINS'  NOMINATION. 

MR.  ERNEST  LUNDEEN,  of  Minnesota. — Mr.  Chairman  and  Ladies  and 
Gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  Minnesota,  our  North  Star  State  of  the 
Union,  seconds  the  nomination  of  the  great  Republican  leader  from  our 
neighbor  State  of  Iowa. 

We  take  unbounded  pride  in  his  loyalty,  his  courage,  and  his  inde- 
pendence. Like  Lincoln,  he  understands  the  common  people;  like  Lin- 
coln he  fights  for  the  average  man.  Just  in  counsel,  fair  in  battle,  the 
passing  years  have  emphasized  the  wisdom  of  his  policies. 

We  believe  in  Democracy — but  Heaven  forbid !  We  don't  believe 
in  the  Democratic  party — we  believe  in  bringing  the  Government  closer 
to  the  people,  we  believe  that  it  is  better  to  advance  all  of  the  people  a 
little  of  the  way  than  to  advance  a  few  people  a  long  way.  (Applause.) 

The  text  of  the  life  of  the  senior  Senator  from  Iowa  reads  in 
hearty  accord  with  these  views  of  our  people.  The  tides  of  public 
opinion  are  running  strong  to-day.  The  people  at  large  are  demanding 
an  ever  increasing  share  in  their  Government. 

A  young  man  came  out  of  the  West  to  plead  for  them,  and,  when 
necessary,  to  fight  for  them ;  and  now  grown  gray  in  their  service,  he  is 
still  their  idolized  advocate.  He  has  breasted  every  adversity  and  solved 
every  situation  that  has  confronted  him.  A  man  who  while  rising  did  not 
forget  the  unfortunate,  a  man  who  gives  the  helping  hand  to  those 
about  him.  The  Carpenter  of  Iowa  now  marches  at  the  head  of  five 
great  States.  Vision  is  his  advance  guard,  and  wisdom  his  companion. 
Strike  from  the  books  of  Iowa  the  statutes  of  his  statesmanship  and 
our  country  moves  backward. 

Like  the  oak  of  the  forest,  like  the  tall  pine  of  Minnesota,  he 
stands  out  against  the  stormy  sky.  All  his  views  are  rooted  deep  in 
democracy,  and  the  winds  of  an  arrogant  opposition  cannot  prevail 
against  him.  Everywhere  that  humanity  needs  protection,  everywhere  that 
misery  and  hopelessness  prevail,  there  is  found  our  big  brother  from 
Iowa,  for  his  heart  beats  in  sympathy  with  all  mankind. 

The  clouds  of  dissension  are  lifting  and  the  rainbow  of  hope  gives 
promise  of  a  reunited  party,  a  greater  and  grander  Nation. 

The  spirit  of  immortal  Lincoln  seems  again  to  speak  of  our  party 
as  it  once  spoke  to  the  Nation.  "We  are  not  enemies,  but  friends.  We 
must  not  be  enemies.  Though  passion  may  have  strained,  it  must  not 
break  our  bonds  of  affection,  the  mystic  cords  of  memory  stretching 


168  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

from  every  battlefield  and  patriot  grave  to  every  living  heart  and 
hearthstone  all  over  this  broad  land  will  yet  swell  the  chorus  of  the 
Union  when  again  touched  as  surely  they  will  by  the  better  angles 
of  our  nature." 

Times  like  these  call  for  candor  and  plain  speech.  This  is  the  most 
momentous  convention  since  the  days  of  Lincoln.  Nominate  Senator 
Cummins  and  he  will  smite  the  waters  of  Democratic  despond  and  lead 
us  from  the  plagues  and  deserts  of  Democratic  despair  to  the  promised 
land  of  Republican  common-sense. 

Providence  gave  us  Washington  for  the  revolution,  Lincoln  for  the 
rebellion,  Garfield  and  McKinley  to  lead  us  through  darkness  toward 
the  light.  ^  In  every  age,  in  every  crisis,  God-given  leaders  tower  above 
the  masses.  Such  a  leader  we  have  in  Senator  Cummins,  of  Iowa,  the 
tall  pine  of  the  West. 

He  fights  the  fight  of  a  good  man.  His  shield  catches  the  sunlight 
of  a  new  time  and  a  new  era. 

In  this  time  of  trial,  in  this  hour  of  destiny,  ladies  and  gentlemen  of 
this  Convention,  give  us  again  a  man  from  the  people  and  for  the 
people. 

The  voters  of  Minnesota  have  commissioned  us  to  vote  for  him 
and  in  accordance  with  their  mandate  we  now  add  to  the  standard  of 
Iowa,  the  standard  of  Minnesota.  To  these  will  be  added  the  standards 
of  the  great  States  of  South  Dakota,  Nebraska  and  Montana,  and  upon 
our  banners  we  inscribe  the  name  of  this  statesman,  this  great  man,  this 
peerless  pioneer  of  Progressive  Legislation,  the  name  of  Albert  Baird 
Cummins.  (Applause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  has  pleasure  in  presenting 
Mr.  S.  E.  Wilson,  of  South  Dakota. 

MR.  WILSON  SECONDING  MR.  CUMMINS'  NOMINATION. 

MR.  S.  E.  WILSON,  of  South  Dakota. — Mr.  Chairman  and  Delegates 
of  this  Convention :  I  have  been  commissioned  by  the  delegation  from  the 
Sunshine  State  of  South  Dakota  to  second  the  nomination  of  our  near 
neighbor,  from  the  State  of  Iowa,  Albert  B.  Cummins.  In  doing  so  I  wish 
to  remind  you  that  the  Republican  party  was  born  in  the  West,  and  that  the 
first  nominee  for  president  was  selected  from  a  State  that  borders  the  Pa- 
cific Ocean.  There  was  no  thought  of  his  election.  There  was  not  much 
thought  of  it  in  1860  when  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  was  nominated. 
But  in  1864  he  was  the  leader  of  the  then  great  party  His  leadership  un- 
challenged, the  East  had  no  man  to  match  the  peerless  Commoner  from  the 
West.  In  1868  similar  conditions  existed,  when  another  Westerner, 
General  U.  S.  Grant  was  nominated  and  elected,  and  re-elected  in  1872. 
Forty-four  years  have  elapsed  since  then  and  not  a  candidate  for  the 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION.  169 

Presidency  has  been  named  from  the  West  by  this  great  party.  At  this 
time  we  present  to  you  a  candidate  from  the  great  West.  In  the  Mississ- 
ippi and  Missouri  valleys  and  west  to  the  Pacific  is  a  great  stretch  of 
country  where  our  people  furnish  the  food  for  the  East,  where  they 
have  from  year  to  year  fought  a  good  fight  and  kept  the  faith  for 
Republican  doctrines,  delivering  nearly  a  solid  vote  for  the  candidates  of 
the  Republican  party  in  the  electoral  college  in  every  Presidential  cam- 
paign. It  ought  not  to  be  necessary  to  always  select  a  candidate  from 
one  of  the  three  pivotal  States  of  the  East  in  order  to  assure  us  of  the 
electoral  vote  of  that  particular  State. 

If  Albert  B.  Cummins  is  nominated  by  this  Convention,  there  can 
be  no  doubt  of  the  hearty  indorsement  of  his  candidacy  by.  our  friends  in 
session  at  the  Auditorium.  He  is  a  leader  of  the  advanced  thought  of 
the  Nation,  a  great  statesman  whose  name  adorns  the  pages  of  recent 
history  along  with  those  of  Iowa's  greatest  sons.  He  is  a  worthy  suc- 
cessor of  Grimes  and  Harlan  and  Kirkwood  and  Allison  and  Dolliver. 
Nominate  him  and  the  East  as  well  as  the  West  will  rally  to  his  standard 
and  the  Republican  banner  will  be  carried  to  certain  victory  under  his 
gallant  leadership.  (Applause.) 

MR.  A.  E.  CASSELL,  of  California. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  rise  to  ask  for 
information. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  will  state  what  it  is 
about  which  he  desires  to  inquire. 

MR.  A.  E.  CASSELL,  of  California. — We  have  just  passed  lunch, 
and  we  have  also  passed  dinner,  and  I  would  like  to  ask,  on  behalf  of 
myself  and  many  others  in  this  hall,  is  it  the  intention  of  the  Chairman 
to  give  us  a  recess  for  supper?  (A  chorus  of  "No,  No,  No.") 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  seems  to  have  had  his 
answer.  The  Chair  now  presents  to  the  Convention  Mr.  A.  M.  Stevenson, 
of  Colorado. 

MR.    STEVENSON    SECONDING   MR.    ROOSEVELT'S   NOMINA- 
TION 

MR.  A.  M.  STEVENSON,  of  Colorado. — Mr.  Chairman,  Ladies  and 
Gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  The  candidate  for  President  of  the  United 
States  whose  nomination  I  rise  to  second,  is  today  the  foremost  citizen 
of  this  Republic;  he  is  the  embodiment  of  the  American  ideal  of  citizen- 
ship, of  patriotism  and  of  statesmanship.  With  him  as  President,  every 
citizen,  no  matter  how  high  or  how  humble,  pursuing  his  lawful  avocation 
on  land  or  sea,  may  with  safety  wrap  our  flag  about  him  and  defy  his 
foes.  (Applause.) 

His  nomination  by  this  convention  is  equivalent  to  his  election,  and 
not  only  his  own  election,  but  the  election  of  local  Republican  candidates, 
members  of  congress,  governors  and  other  officers  in  every  doubtful 


170  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

State  of  the  Union.  I  believe  that  more  than  half  the  people  of  this 
country  are  anxiously  watching  the  proceedings  of  this  convention,  hoping 
that  he  will  be  your  nominee.  There  is  no  doubt  his  nomination  is  de- 
manded by  millions  of  American  voters.  They  know  that  with  him 
as  standard  bearer  of  the  Republican  Party  defeat  is  impossible;  they 
know  that  with  Theodore  Roosevelt  as  our  candidate,  victory  in  No- 
vember is  absolutely  certain.  It  does  not  so  much  matter  what  we  in 
Chicago  today  want,  we  must  satisfy  the  voters  of  the  country  and  give 
them  a  candidate  in  whom  they  have  confidence ;  one  who  represents  the 
best  traditions  of  the  Party,  and  one  who  will  best  protect  and  care  for 
the  interests  of  the  people.  (Applause.) 

Believing  as  I  do  then,  Air.  Chairman,  ladies  and  gentlemen  of 
the  Convention,  that  he  more  surely  than  any  other  man  can  be  elected 
President  of  the  United  States,  I  take  great  pleasure  in  seconding  the 
nomination  of  Colonel  Roosevelt. 

(Applause;  and  after  the  delegates  ceased  applauding  and  seemed 
anxious  to  go  on  with  the  business  of  the  Convention,  there  appeared 
sporadic  attempts  in  the  galleries  to  produce  a  demonstration,  whereupon 
the  Permanent  Chairman  said)  :  • 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Ladies  and  Gentlemen  in  the  Galleries : 
The  Chair  means  to  be  courteous  enough  to  grant  recognition  to  ten  dele- 
gates of  this  Convention  to  second  the  nomination  of  Colonel  Roosevelt, 
and  as  it  seems  to  be  the  evident  wish  of  the  delegates  to  proceed  with 
the  business  of  the  convention,  the  Chair  must  ask  our  guests  that  they 
will  exhibit  that  courtesy  which  will  permit  us  to  speedily  carry  on  the 
work  of  the  Convention.  (Applause  among  the  delegates,  and  a  voice, 
"That  is  right;  let  us  go  on  with  our  business.")  I  now  have  pleasure 
in  presenting  to  you,  ladies  and  gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  former 
Senator  Marion  Butler,  of  North  Carolina. 

MR.    BUTLER   SECONDING   MR.   ROOSEVELT'S   NOMINATION 

MR.  MARION  BUTLER,  of  North  Carolina. — Mr.  Chairman  and  Fellow 
Delegates :  You  have  heard  already  too  much  speech-making  for  one 
day.  (Applause  and  cries  of  "Good"  and  of  "Louder,  please.")  If  that 
were  not  true,  still  I  want  to  say  that  this  is  not  an  occasion  on  which  I 
desire  to  make  what  might  be  known  as  a  speech.  (Applause  and  cries  ot 
"Good,"  and  of  "That's  right.")  Fellow  Delegates,  the  situation  which  con- 
fronts us  is  too  serious  for  our  party  and  for  our  country,  for  us  to 
indulge  in  partisan  eulogies  of  our  friends  or  rhetorical  flights  merely  to 
delight  the  mind ;  rather  this  is  an  occasion  for  serious  consideration,  of 
putting  heart  to  heart  and  head  to  head.  The  Republican  party  has  never 
faced  a  more  serious  situation  than  this,  and  our  country  has  never  faced 
a  more  serious  situation.  (Applause,  and  cries  of  "Hear,  hear.")  Our 
country  needs  a  great,  strong  party  today  to  relieve  it  from  the  misrule 


GEORGE    L.   HART,   of  Virginia, 
Official   Reporter  of  the   Convention 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  171 

and  mismanagement  at  home  and  abroad.  The  Republican  party  has  in 
the  past  performed  that  great  service  as  a  constructive  party,  as  the 
party  of  progress,  but  the  Republican  party  today  cannot  perform  that 
sen  -ice  if  rent  into  two  parts  or  camps,  each  antagonistic  to  and  opposing 
the  other.  Therefore  we  have  just  two  great  duties;  first,  to  unite  the 
party  that  was  split  four  years  ago,  (applause)  and  if  we  do  not  unite 
the  party  we  are  helpless  to  serve  ourselves  or  our  country  or  humanity. 
And  on  this  point,  let  me  say,  that  every  speaker  who  has  addressed  this 
Convention  today  has  said  he  is  in  favor  of  uniting  the  party,  and  I 
want  to  say  that  you  cannot  unite  it  by  talk  alone.  Now,  fellow  delegates, 
I  am  willing,  for  one  delegate,  to  stay  here  for  a  week  if  necessary  in 
order  to  heal  the  breach  in  the  two  wings  of  this  grand  old  party  and 
bring  them  together  under  the  Republican  banner.  (Great  applause,  and 
cries  of  "Right,  Right.")  And  there  is  one  other  thing  we  have  got  to 
do  besides  bringing  the  two  wings  of  the  party  together.  We  have  got 
to  do  what  our  ancestors  did  when  Abraham  Lincoln  was  nominated. 
On  that  occasion  there  was  the  great  issue  of  human  liberty  at  stake; 
and  there  was  before  that  Convention  the  names  of  more  than  one  man, 
of  men  other  than  Abraham  Lncoln.  There  was  the  name  of  the  great 
Seward,  and  yet  some  of  the  followers  and  friends  of  Seward  in  that 
critical  hour  of  our  nation's  history  said  it  was  their  duty  to  turn  against 
their  friend  there  and  then  and  cast  their  votes  for  Abraham  Lincoln. 
Why?  Because  Abraham  Lincoln  was  the  embodiment  of  the  fight  for 
human  liberty.  He  was  a  human  platform.  We  have  adopted  a  magnifi- 
cent platform  in  this  Convention,  and  Temporary  Chairman  Harding  has 
delivered  a  magnificent  speech,  but  those  are  simply  words,  written  and 
spoken;  if  you  do  not  put  soul  into  those  words  they  will  not  be  worth 
while. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  time  of  the  gentleman  has  ex- 
pired. 

MR.  MARION  BUTLER,  of  North  Carolina. — Therefore  I  now  second 
the  nomination  of  Theodore  Roosevelt,  who  will  put  soul  into  that  plat- 
form and  will  bring  the  Progressive  Convention  from  its  hall  down  the 
street  and  merge  it  into  this  Convention  and  bring  about  a  magnificent 
fighting  body  of  reunited  Republicans.  (Applause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  presents  to  the  Convention 
former  Ambassador  to  Italy,  Mr.  William  Potter,  of  Pennsylvania,  who 
will  speak  for  two  minutes. 

MR.   POTTER  SECONDING   MR.    ROOSEVELT'S   NOMINATION 

MR.  WILLIAM  POTTER,  of  Pennsylvania. — Ladies  and  gentlemen,  dele- 
gates of  the  Convention :  I  shall  only  take  a  minute  of  your  time  to  ex- 
tend to  you  an  invitation  in  the  hope  that  we  may  end  up  this  Convention 


172  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

with  a  wedding.  I  hope  we  may  have  the  Progressive  bride  come  back 
into  the  arms  of  the  Republican  husband,  and  that  the  millions  'of  her 
children  may  be  permitted  to  vote  for  that  man,  that  greatest  of  living 
Americans,  whose  nomination  I  now  second, — Theodore  Roosevelt,  of 
New  York.  (Applause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  now  presents  to  the  Con- 
vention Mr.  Henry  A.  Whitaker,  of  Maryland. 

MR.  WHITAKER  SECONDING  MR.  ROOSEVELT'S  NOMINATION 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention : 

This  convention  is,  as  it  should  be,  actuated  by  two  cardinal  princi- 
ples, one  of  primary  and  the  other  of  secondary  consideration.  The 
secondary  is,  however,  of  importance  nearly  equal  to  the  primary. 

The  primary  principle  is  national  patriotism  and  the  secondary  prin- 
ciple, party  loyalty.  "He  who  serves  his  party  best,  serves  his  country- 
best,"  which  means  that  when  one's  party  is  inspired  by  pure  and  lofty 
ideals,  its  administration  of  the  public  business  will  be  of  like  charactei. 

Four  years  ago  a  combination  of  circumstances  rent  the  Republican 
party  asunder,  the  result  being  victory  at  the  polls  by  a  minority  organi- 
zation. In  assuming  charge  of  the  Government,  this  organization  has  be- 
haved as  a  minority,  although  in  complete  control,  and  the  effects  thereof 
have  been  consistent  with  minority  leadership.  The  circumstances  to 
which  I  have  referred,  and  which  have  caused  a  division  in  the  Republi- 
can party  were  unfortunate,  but  all  those  who  suffered  by  them  have  at 
least  forgiven  if  not  forgotten  We  are  again  a  united  party,  dedicated  to 
the  same  general  principles  which  have  been  characteristic  of  this  nation 
since  1861. 

The  people  of  this  country,  in  this  time  of  crisis  and  disturbance  in 
the  affairs  of  the  world,  and  of,  I  might  say,  imminent  danger,  are  calling 
for  a  leadership  which  embodies  lofty  Americanism  and  high  ideals  sup- 
ported by  the  ability  to  make  these  principles  effective.  (Applause.) 

As  a  nation,  while  we  should  be  kind  and  courteous  to  the  other  na- 
tions of  the  world,  at  the  same  time  we  should  not  forget  the  principle 
of  the  "Survival  of  the  fittest  to  survive."  This  idea  may  be  a  selfish  one, 
but  it  is  in  thorough  harmony  with  the  doctrine  of  self-preservation.  Our 
country's  true  mission  is  peace  with  all  nations  and  since  its  beginning,  its 
record  in  this  respect  has  been  a  commendable  one.  At  the  same  time, 
we  must  be  conscious  of  the  fact  that  the  unexpected  sometimes  happens, 
the  result  being  misery  to  the  unprepared. 

Therefore,  preparedness  and  real  Americanism  should  be  the  watch- 
word of  this  country,  not  only  for  this  generation,  but  for  the  years  to 
come,  and  the  promulgation  and  the  enforcement  of  these  ideas  call 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL    CONVENTION  173 

for  leadership  of  no  ordinary  character,  rather  of  the  most  intense  kind. 
Looking  backward  through  the  vista  of  the  years,  from  the  founda- 
tion of  the  Republic  to  the  present  time,  the  formative  period  can  be  truly 
credited  to  the  Republican  regime. 

This  nation  has  been  substantially  Republican  in  principle  from  1861 
to  the  present  time  except  for  the  brief  interregna  of  Air.  Cleveland  and 
Mr.  Wilson.  Right  here  I  would  say  that  historic  statistics  and  all  other 
sources  of  information  agree,  that  although  Mr.  Cleveland  was  a  strong 
character  and  a  man  of  rigid  honesty,  his  administrations  were  economic 
failures,  soup  houses  prevailed,  and  interest-bearing  bonds  were  issued 
in  times  of  peace.  The  present  administration  deserves  but  little  com- 
ment as  to  its  economic  results, — we  see  them  and  we  feel  them,  and  it  is 
universally  admitted  that  had  it  not  been  for  the  stimulus  caused  by  the 
unfortunate  conflict  in  Europe,  we  would,  months  ago,  have  been  on  the 
financial  rocks.  Extraordinary  taxes  have  been  levied  to  support  the 
Government,  a  thing  unheard  of  under  Republican  rule  in  times  of  peace. 
The  man  who  is  obliged  to  give  his  note,  must  pay  tribute  to  Caesar,  and 
our  national  banks  have  been  persecuted  by  a  policy  akin  to  folly.  Con- 
vers-'ons-from  national  to  state  banks  are  to  say  the  least,  not  uncommon. 
(Applause.) 

The  Republican  party  has  always  been  in  sympathy  with  the  national 
heart  beat,  and  it  is  now  on  the  eve  of  being  returned  to  power,  provided 
it  is  wise  in  the  selection  of  its  standard  bearer.  In  behalf  of  thousands  of 
citizens  in  the  Southland,  I  purpose  now  to  second  the  nomination  which 
has  just  been  made,  of  a  leader  whose  courage,  ability  and  splendid 
Americanism  have  been  thoroughly  tried  and  tested,  who  has  a  true 
appreciation  of  American  necessities  and  ideals;  who,  when  he  was  chief 
executive  of  the  nation  gave  everybody  a  square  deal ;  saw  that  the 
American  flag  was  respected  and  honored  the  world  over;  who  built  the 
Panama  Canal,  and  who  put  our  fleet  in  command  of  the  distant  oceans. 
He  is  one  who  does  not  place  idealistic  reliance  in  the  written  word  with- 
out having  behind  it  the  power  and  ability  to  enforce  the  word.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

Under  his  regime  of  seven  years  and  six  months,  four  general  con- 
gressional elections  were  held,  and  in  each  instance  the  Republican  party 
remained  in  power  in  the  Lower  House.  Such  has  never  happened  before 
or  since.  As  an  independent  candidate  four  years  ago,  4,100,000  of  our 
citizens  left  their  respective  parties  and  voted  for  him,  a  thing  which  never 
before  happened  in  the  history  of  the  Republic,  and  which  is  not  likely  to 
happen  again.  Having,  as  he  does,  an  understanding  of  our  National 
necessities,  and  having  comprehended  and  interpreted  the  vital  issues  of 
his  time  precisely  as  did  the  great  men  of  history  who  have  gone  before 
him,  he  is  the  logical  candidate,  not  only  for  the  Republican  party,  but 
for  all  our  people  who  have  a  true  interest  in  our  national  welfare. 


174  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

It  is  with  confident  assurance  that  in  seconding  his  nomination  I  say 
to  you  that,  in  my  humble  judgment,  he  can  and  will  be  elected,  if  nomi- 
nated. 

In  behalf  of  a  majority  of  the  citizens  of  the  State  of  Maryland,  as 
well  as  from  other  States  in  the  South,  I  take  pleasure  in  seconding  before 
this  convention,  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Roosevelt.  (Applause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  now  presents  Mr.  Robert 
M.  Pollock,  of  North  Dakota. 

MR.  POLLOCK  SECONDING  MR.  LA  FOLLETTE'S  NOMINATION 

MR.  ROBERT  M.  POLLOCK,  of  North  Dakota. — Mr.  Chairman  and  dele- 
gates of  the  Convention. — 

A  DELEGATE. — Who  is  the  speaker? 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  the  chair  has  pre- 
sented to  you  and  who  is  now  attempting  to  speak  to  the  Convention  is 
Robert  M.  Pollock,  of  North  Dakota.  I  hope  the  Convention  will  be  in 
order  and  will  give  the  gentlemen  who  are  making  seconding  speeches  a 
respectful  hearing. 

MR.  POLLOCK,  of  North  Dakota. — Delegates  of  the  Convention:  I 
will  say  little  but  mean  much.  North  Dakota  seconds  tne  nomination  of 
Hon.  Robert  M.  LaFollette.  I  thank  you.  (Great  applause,  and  a  voice: 
"He  knows  how  to  make  a  seconding  speech.") 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  now  presents  Congressman 
William  S.  Vare,  of  Pennsylvania. 

MR.  VARE  SECONDING  MR.  BRUMBAUGH'S  NOMINATION 

MR.  WILLIAM  S.  VARE,  of  Pennsylvania:  Mr.  Chairman,  ladies  and 
gentlemen  of  the  Convention. — I  speak  here  today  not  as  a  Progressive 
Republican,  but  I  speak  to  you  as  a  member  of  the  American  Congress 
from  a  district  that  has  elected  a  Republican  for  the  last  fifty  years  with- 
out interruption.  (Applause).  I  speak  as  a  delegate  who  sat  in  this 
convention  four  years  ago  and  voted  for  Hon.  William  Howard  Taft. 
(Great  Applause.)  I  speak  as  a  member  of  the  Republican  party  in  Penn- 
sylvania and  come  from  a  district  that  gave  President  Taft  the  largest 
Republican  majority  that  he  received  in  any  district  in  the  whole  country. 
(Applause).  And  I  come  to  you  today  as  a  delegate  from  that  great  stal- 
wart district  to  ask  the  delegates  of  this  Convention  not  to  make  the  mis- 
take we  made  four  years  ago.  Let  us  consult  the  thought  that  is  in  the 
minds  of  the  American  people.  Let  us  be  farseeing  this  Fall  and  ap- 
proach the  November  election  with  a  re-united  party.  Pennsylvania  in 
1904  polled  840,949  votes  for  the  Hon.  Theodore  Roosevelt.  (Applause.) 
In  1908  that  went  down  to  745,7/9  votes  for  Taft,  in  1910  it  fell  to  415,614 
for  our  candidate  for  Governor,  and  in  1912  it  went  down  to  273,360 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  175 

votes  for  the  Republican  standard  bearer,  Hon.  William  Howard  Taft, 
and  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  a  half  century  Pennsylvania  neg- 
lected to  cast  its  electoral  vote  for  the  Republican  candidate  for  Presi- 
dent. In  1914  we  saw  the  light.  We  nominated  Pennsylvania's  present 
distinguished  Governor,  Hon.  Martin  G.  Brumbaugh,  and  he  entered  into 
that  fight  against  a  combined  Progressive-Democratic  opposition  and 
brought  us  back  a  Republican  victory  by  a  majority  o*-  134,825. 

He  went  before  the  people  of  the  Commonwealth  this  Spring  as  a 
candidate  for  Delegate-at-Large  to  this  convention,  and  he  polled  the 
highest  vote  of  any  official  who  was  on  that  ticket,  representing  either  the 
National  or  the  State  government.  I  am  here,  delegates  of  this  conven- 
tion, to  urge  you  to  name  for  your  candidate  for  president,  Pennsylvania's 
distinguished  Governor,  who  will  be  accepted  by  the  country  at  large  for 
his  sincerity  in  purpose  and  record  of  accomplishments  as  he  was  by  his 
people  in  Pennsylvania,  and  I  now  second  the  nomination  of  Hon.  Martin 
Grove  Brumbaugh.  (Applause.) 

Thereupon  the  Secretary  resumed  and  concluded  the  calling  of  the 
roll  of  States. 

BALLOT  FOR  NOMINEES  FOR  PRESIDENT 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  roll  of  States  having  been  com- 
pleted, you  will  prepare  your  ballot  for  the  nomination  of  a  candidate 
for  President  of  the  United  States.  (Applause.)  The  Secretary  will 
call  the  roll  of  States  and  the  Chairman  of  each  State  delegation  will  an- 
nounce the  vote  of  his  State. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Convention  proceeded  to  call  the  roll  of  States, 
and  during  the  calling  of  the  roll  the  following  took  place:  (See  tabu- 
lated vote.) 

MR.  ARMAND  ROMAIN,  of  Louisiana.  (When  Louisiana  was  called). 
Mr.  Chairman,  speaking  for  six  of  the  12  votes  of  Louisiana,  I  announce 
2  for  Weeks  and  4  for  Hughes. 

MR.  WALTER  L.  COHEN,  of  Louisiana. — Mr.  Chairman,  and  as  to  the 
other  6  votes  of  Louisiana  I  announce  I  for  Weeks,  I  for  Sherman,  i  for 
Root,  I1/-  for  Burton,  and  il/t  for  Fairbanks. 

THE  CHAIRMAN  OF  THE  MICHIGAN  DELEGATION  (When  Michigan  was 
called.) — Mr.  Chairman,  as  the  result  of  the  primary  in  Michigan,  our 
State  will  cast  30  votes  on  the  first  ballot  for  Henry  Ford. 

MR.  CHARLES  S.  WHITMAN,  of  New  York  (When  New  York  was 
called). — Mr.  Chairman,  the  delegates  from  the  State  of  New  York  ask 
that  the  vote  be  polled,  and  on  behalf  of  the  New  York  delegation  I  request 
that  the  roll  of  delegates  be  called,  so  that  each  man  may  answer  as  to  his 
preference  for  the  nomination  of  a  candidate  for  President. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  names  of  the  members  of  the 
New  York  delegation  will  be  called  by  the  Secretary. 


176  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

The  Secretary  of  the  Convention  having  called  the  roll  of  the  New 
York  delegates,  the  result  was  announced :  Root,  43 ;  Hughes,  42 ;  Roose- 
velt,  2 ;  as  follows : 

NEW     YORK 

AT    LARGE 

Root          Hughes  Roosevelt 

Elon    R.    Brown 1 

James  W.  Wadsworth,  Jr 1 

Frederick  C.  Tanner 1 

Charles  S.  Whitman 1 

DISTRICTS — Delegates 

1 — George  Wilbur  Doughty . .  1 

William    F.    Flanagan . .  1 

2 — Joseph    H.    DeBragga 1 

Theron   H.    Burden 1 

3 — Robert    R.    Lawson 1 

John  MacCrate •  •  1 

4 — Adolph     Levy 1 

William    A.    Prendergast 1 

5 — William   Berri 1 

Alfred  E.  Vass 1 

6_William   M.    Calder 1 

Frederick  J.   Kracke 1 

7 — Jacob     Brenner . .  1 

Michael   J.    Dady 

8 — Marcus  B.   Campbell 1 

Charles    S.    Warbasse 1 

9— Frank     Ehlers 1 

Francis    H.    Luce 1 

10 — Clarence    B.    Smith 1 

Baruch     Miller 1 

1 1 — George   Cromwell 

Chauncey    M.    Depew 1 

12 — Samuel    S.    Koenig 1 

13 — Frederick   L.    Marshall 1 

14 — Otto  T.   Bannard 1 

Herbert     Parsons 1 

IS— Job   E.    Hedges 

Henry    L.    Stimson 1 

16 — Martin  Steinthal . .  1 

Beverly  R.  Robinson 1 

17 — William    H.     Douglas 1 

William   Bondy 1 

18— Ogden   L.    Mills 1 

James    R.    Sheffield 1 

19— Charles    D.    Hilles 1 

Nicholas    Murray    Butler 1 

20 — Samuel     Krulewitch 1 

21 — George   R.    Sheldon 1 

Valentine  J.  Hahn 1 

22— William    H.    TenEyck 1 

John   J.    Knewitz 1 

23 — William    S.    Bennet 1 

Thomas   W.    Whittle 1 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  177 

NEW  YORK— Continued 

AT     LARGE 

Root          Hughes  Roosevelt 
DISTRICT — Delegates 
24 — William    B.    Thompson 1 

Daniel   W.   Whitmore 1 

25— William    L.    Ward 1 

Henry    R.    Barrett 1 

26 — John   B.   Rose 1 

Willet   E.   Hoysradt . .'. 1 

27 — Philip     Elting 1 

Louis  F.  Payn 1 

28— Henry   M.    Sage 1 

Ellis    J.    Staley 1 

29 — Louis    W.     Emerson . .  1 

Harry     A.     Lewis 1 

30 — Cyrus    Durey 1 

Samuel     Wallin 1 

31— Bertrand  H.  Snell 1 

Walter  C.  Witherbee 1 

32— Thaddeus  C.   Sweet 1 

James     Moore . .  1 

33 — Homer   P.    Snyder 1 

Thomas    R.    Proctor 1 

34 — George  W.  Fairchild  (by  Andrew  J.  McNaught,  Jr., 

Alternate) 1 

Harvey  D.  Hinman  (by  Jas.  P.  Hill,  Alternate) 1 

35     Francis   Hendricks . .  . .  1 

Willard  A.  Rill . .  1 

36 — Norman    J.    Gould 1 

Clyde  W.  Knapp 1 

37 — Jacob  Sloat  Fassett 1 

William  J.  Tully 1 

38— George  W.   Aldridge 1 

James  L.   Hotchckiss . .  1 

39— William   Watson 1 

J.   Coann  Curtis 1 

40 — John  A.  Merritt 1 

John  Lord  O'Brian . .  1 

41 — George  P.  Urban 1 

Harry  J.   Knepper . .  1 

42 — Edward  W.  Hodson 1 

August    Ebke . .  1 

43 — Edward    B.    Vreeland    (by    Frank    Sullivan     Smith, 

Alternate) 1 

Charles   M.    Hamilton 1 

43  42  2 

The  Secretary  resumed  the  calling  of  the  roll  of  States. 
MR.  BOIES  PENROSE,  of  Pennsylvania    (When  the  State  of  Pennsyl- 
vania was  called). — Mr.  Chairman,  Pennsylvania  asks  that  the  delegation 
be  polled. 

THE   PERMANENT   CHAIRMAN. — The   Chairman   of   the   Pennsylvania 
delegation  asks  that  his  delegation  be  polled.     The  Secretary  will  call  the 


178  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

roll  of  delegates  representing  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  and  each  mem- 
ber will  answer  when  his  name  is  called  giving  his  preference  for  the 
nomination  of  a  candidate  for  President. 

The  Secretary  having  called  the  roll  of  the  Pennsylvania  delegates, 
the  result  was  announced :  Brumbaugh,  29 ;  Roosevelt,  8 ;  Knox,  36 ; 
Hughes,  2 ;  absent,  i ;  as  follows : 

PENNSYLVANIA 

Delegates  Brumbaugh     Roosevelt  Knox          Hughes 

William    S.    Aaron     1 

Joseph    G.    Armstrong     . .  . .  1 

Edward    V.    Babcock     .  .  1 

W.    Harry    Baker    ..  1 

Martin    G.    Brumbaugh    (by   Max    S.   Apt, 

first   Alternate   at    large    1 

James    Elverson,    Jr . .  . .  1 

David     L.     Gillespie     .  .  1 

Alba   R.    Johnson    . .  .  .  1 

Guy    W.    Moore     . .  . .  1 

George    T.    Oliver     .  .  1 

Boies     Penrose     . .  . .  1 

John    Wanamaker  . .  .  .  1 

DI  STRI  CTS — Delegates 

1— William    McCoach    1 

William    S.    Vare    1 

2 — Charles     L.     Brown     1 

James    P.    McNichol    1 

3 — John    H.    Bromley     ..  ..  1 

John    P.    Connelly    (by   Elias   Abrams, 

Alternate     . .  1 

4 — William    Abrahams     1 

William    Freihofer    . .  1 

S— William   R.    Knight,    Jr 1 

John   J.    McKinley,    Jr 1 

6 — Harry    D.    Beaston     1 

William    Potter    1 

7 — Horace    A.    Beale,    Jr .  .  1 

William    C.    Sproul . .  1 

8 — J.    Aubrey    Anderson    . .  . .  1 

Clarence  J.    Buckman    . .  . .  1  .  .* 

9— William    W.    Griest    1 

H.    Edgar    Shertz    1 

10 — Edmund    B.    Jermyn 1 

Louis   A.    Watres    1 

11 — John    R.    Halsey    ..  1 

Charles    N.    Loveland    1 

12 — William    R.    Adamson    1 

Charles    E.    Berger    1 

13 — Robert  Grey   Bushong    . .  .  .  1 

Edward    M.    Young    1 

14 — Merton  J.    Emory    1 

Edwin    P.    Young    1 

15 — Calvin    R.    Armstrong    1 

Emerson    Collins    1 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  179 

PENNSYLVANIA— Continued 

DI  STRI  CTS — D  elcgates 

Brumbaugh     Roosevelt         Knox         Hughes 

16— C.    A.    Barron    ..                         1 

M.   Jackson    Crispin    . .  . .                         1 

17 — Charles    T.    Aikens     1 

John    G.    Benedict    1 

18 — B.    Dawson    Coleman    ..  ..                       1 

A.     Carson    Stamm     . .  .  .                         1 

19 — John    P.    Slouch     1 

T.     W.     Tobias     1 

20 — John   E.    Baker    .  .                         1 

D.    Guy    Hollinger    . .  . .                       1 

21 — Augustin    H.    Gaffney    ..  ..                         1 

William    I.    Swoope    . .  .  .                         1 

22 — James   S.    Beacom    . .  1 

T.    W.    Phillips,    Jr 1 

23— William    E.    Crew    . .                         1 

Isaiah   Good    1 

24 — Joseph    A.    Herron    . .  . .                         1 

J.    Kankin   Martin    ••  ..                       .  .                   1 

25 — John   J.    Carter ..                       ..                   1 

Frank     Connell     ..  ..                         1 

26 — Robert    A.    Stotz    . .                       1 

Thomas     M.     Whildin     (absent,     also 
both    Alternates    from    district).... 
27 — John    S.    Fisher    1 

Harry    R.    Wilson     . .                         1 

28 — Harry    K.    Daugherty    1 

Charles    Miller     ..                         1 

29— Walter    Lyon    ..                         1 

Richard    B.    Scandrett    . .                       1 

30— Robert    J.    Black    1 

George    H.    Flinn    . .  1 

31— William    A.    Magee    1 

Alexander    P.    Moore    . .  1 

32— John   A.    Bell    (by    Frank   H.    Ken- 
nedy,   Alternate)      . .  . .                         1 

Miles     Bryan      . .  . .                         1 

29  8  36  2 

While  the  Pennsylvania  delegation  was  being  polled,  the  following 
occurred : 

BY  A  DELEGATE  (When  the  name  of  Martin  G.  Brumbaugh  was  called). 
— Mr.  Brumbaugh  does  not  care  to  vote.  Please  call  the  name  of  the 
first  alternate  at  large,  Mr.  Max  S.  Apt. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  name  of  the  alternate-delegate 
will  be  called  as  requested. 

MR.  MAX  S.  APT  (When  his  named  was  called). — I  wish  to  vote  for 
Martin  Grove  Brumbaugh. 

When  the  name  of  Mr.  John  P.  Connelly,  of  the  Third  Congressional 
District,  was  called : 


180  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

MR.  BOIES  PENROSE,  of  Pennsylvania. — Mr.  Chairman,  Delegate  Con- 
nelly is  absent,  as  is  also  Mr.  James  A.  Carey,  the  Alternate  appearing 
opposite  his  name.  Therefore  I  ask  that  the  name  of  the  first  alternate 
representing  the  Third  Congressional  District,  Mr.  Elias  Abrams,  be 
called. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN.— The  Secretary  will  call  the  name  of  ttie 
first  alternate  representing  the  Third  Congressional  District  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, Air.  Elias  Abrams,  who  will  represent  Mr.  John  P.  Connelly,  dele- 
gate, in  his  absence. 

MR.  ELIAS  ABRAMS,  of  Pennsylvania  (When  his  name  was  called). — 
I  wish  to  vote  for  Mr.  Knox. 

When  the  name  of  Mr.  Thomas  M.  Whildin,  of  the  Twenty-Sixth 
Congressional  District,  was  called : 

MR.  BOIES  PENROSE,  of  Pennsylvania. — Mr.  Chairman,  on  account  of 
his  advanced  age  Mr.  Whildin  was  obliged  to  leave  the  Convention  and  is 
absent  at  this  time.  Neither  of  the  two  alternates  representing  the 
Twenty-sixth  Congressional  District  is  present.  I  therefore  wish  to  an- 
nounce that  if  Mr.  Whildin  were  present  he  would  cast  his  vote  for 
Mr.  Knox. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — In  the  circumstances,  the  name  of  Mr. 
Whildin  will  be  passed. 

When  the  name  of  Mr.  John  A.  Bell,  representing  the  Thirty-second 
Congressional  District,  was  called : 

MR.  BOIES  PENROSE,  of  Pennsylvania. — Mr.  Chairman,  Mr.  Bell  is  ab- 
sent, as  is  also  Mr.  F.  C.  Beinhauer,  the  first  Alternate.  I  would  like  to 
ask  that  the  Secretary  call  the  name  of  the  second  alternate  from  the 
Thirty-second  Congressional  District,  Mr.  Frank  H.  Kennedy. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Secretary  will  call  the  name  of 
Mr.  Kennedy. 

MR.  FRANK  H.  KENNEDY,  of  Pennsylvania  (When  his  name  was 
called). — I  wish  to  vote  for  Mr.  P.  C.  Knox. 

The  Secretary  having  resumed  and  concluded  the  calling  of  the  roll 
of  States,  etc.,  the  result  was  announced: 

Hughes,  253^;  Root,  103;  Burton,  77l/2\  Weeks,  105;  du  Pont,  12; 
Sherman,  66 ;  Fairbanks,  74x2 ;  Cummins,  85 ;  Roosevelt,  65 ;  LaFollette, 
25 ;  Brumbaugh,  29 ;  Ford,  32 ;  Knox,  36 ;  Borah,  2 ;  Willis,  4 ;  McCall,  I ; 
Taft,  14 ;  absent,  2^2  ;  total,  987 ;  as  follows : 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  181 


States, 


.  .  ..           6 

4 

1 

1 

is 

1 

3 

3 

2           2 

3 

1 

26 

9 

8 

3 

3           2 

1 

,  .  .  .         I"? 

5 

1 

, 

.  .  .  .         14 

5 

5 

1 

1 

2 

..  ..           6 

1 

Florida     

8 

8 

Georgia     

17 

6 

2 

1 

Idaho'     

8 

4 

4 

58 

56 

2 

Indiana     

30 

30 

.  .  .  .        26 

,. 

.  .  .  .        20 

10 

2 

3 

2           2 

1 

Kentucky     

26 

10 

15 

1 

.  .  .  .        12 

4 

1 

3 

\V*       1 

\V 

12 

6 

1 

3 

' 

2 

.  .  ..         16 

7 

1 

3 

.  .  ..         36 

4 

28 

4 

Michigan      

.  .  .  .         30 

. 

Minnesota     

...         24 

12 

4 

I1/ 

2 

1 

31A 

36 

18 

8 

6 

2 

8 

g 

Nebraska     

16 

u 

....          6 

4 

2 

New    Hampshire     

8 

8 

New    Jersey     

28 

12 

12 

1 

1 

2 

....           6 

2 

2 

2 

New    York     

87 

42 

43 

2 

21 

6 

2 

3 

1 

9 

North    Dakota 

10 

Ohio     

48 

48 

20 

5 

1 

6 

2            1 

2 

2 

1 

Oregon     

10 

10 

Pennsylvania     

.  :  .  .         76 

2 

8 

Rhode     Island     . 

10 

10 

South    Carolina    

11 

2 

1 

3 

2 

2 

1 

South   Dakota.    

.    ..         10 

10 

Tennessee     

21 

9 

31/2 

1 

1 

5 

Texas     

26 

1 

1 

1 

1           1 

1 

1 

1 

Utah      

8 

4 

3 

1 

Vermont     

8 

8 

15 

3 

3 

1 

1 

\y. 

14 

5 

8 

1 

West     Virginia     

16 

1 

5 

1 

7 

26 

11 

Wyoming     

6 

6 

Alaska       

2 

1 

1 

....           2 

1 

1 

Philippines        

2 

1 

1 

987   253^  103   105    74}4  66    77>4  65    85 


182  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

ROBERT  M.   LA  FOLLETTE:   IS  votes  from  Wisconsin;   10  from  North  Dakota. 
COLEMAN  DU  PONT:   5  votes  from  Delaware;   3  from  Georgia;   1  from  Tennessee; 

1  from  Texas;  2  from  West  Virginia. 

MARTIN   G.   BRUMBAUGH:    29   votes   from   Pennsylvania. 
HENRY  FORD:  30  votes  form  Michigan;  2  from  Nebraska. 
WILLIAM  H.  TAFT:   14  votes  from  Texas. 
PHILANDER  C.  KNOX:  36  votes  from  Pennsylvania. 
FRANK  B.   WILLIS:   3   votes  from  Missouri;    1   from  Texas. 
SAMUEL  W.  McCALL:  1  vote  from  Texas. 
WILLIAM  E.  BORAH:  1  vote  from  Alabama;  1  vote  from  Texas. 

ABSENT:    1    vote    from    Missouri:  £    vote    from    Tennessee;    1    vote    from    Penn- 
sylvania. 


ANNOUNCEMENT  OF  FAILURE  TO  NOMINATE 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — No  candidate  having  received  a  ma- 
jority of  the  votes  in  the  Convention,  there  is  no  nomination.  The  Chair 
recognizes  Governor  Brumbaugh,  of  Pennsylvania,  for  an  announcement. 


MR.  MARTIN  G.  BRUMBAUGH,  of  Pennsylvania. — Mr.  Chairman,  and 
ladies  and  gentlemen  of  the  convention :  Most  earnestly  and  sincerely 
thanking  my  friends  for  their  support,  I  now  desire  to  withdraw  my  name 
from  this  contest  for  the  nomination  for  the  office  of  President  of  the 
United  States,  and,  in  doing  so,  wish  to  ask  why,  after  we  have  drawn  a 
platform  as  fine  as  we  have,  we  do  not  nominate  a  candidate  that  fits  the 
platform ;  a  man  who  in  character,  in  courage,  and  in  capacity  will  make 
this  country  loved  at  home  and  revered  abroad;  why  not  nominate  Theo- 
dore Roosevelt  of  New  York?  (Great  applause.) 


SECOND   BALLOT  FOR  PRESIDENT 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Fellow  Delegates:  You  will  now 
prepare  your  ballots  for  a  second  roll  call  for  the  nomination  ot  a  can- 
didate for  President.  The  Secretary  will  call  the  roll  of  States  and 
the  Chairman  of  each  delegation  will  announce  the  preference  of  the 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  183 

delegates  unless  there  is  a  desire  that  the  individual  delegates  be  polled, 
in  which  case  upon  request  the  same  will  be  done. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — Alabama,   16  votes. 
MR.  H.  CLAY  EVANS,  of  Tennessee. — Mr.  Chairman. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — For  what  purpose  does  the  gentleman 
rise? 

MR.  H.  CLAY  EVANS,  of  Tennessee. — I  move  that  we  adjourn  until 
IO  o'clock  tomorrow  morning. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  is  not  in  order.  A 
roll  call  has  been  ordered  and  commenced  and  no  motion  is  now  in  order. 
The  Secretary  will  proceed  with  the  roll  call. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — Will  Alabama  announce  her 
vote? 

Considerable  confusion  having  arisen,  particularly  by  reason  of  a 
hum  of  voices  in  the  galleries,  there  was  a  demand  for  order  by  the 
delegates. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — If  we  do  not  have  order  during  the 
ballot  the  Sergeant-at-Arms  will  clear  the  galleries.  The  galleries  must 
be  in  order.  (Applause.) 

The  Secretary  having  resumed  and  concluded  the  roll  call  of  the 
States,  etc.,  the  second  ballot  was  announced :  Hughes,  3285^ ;  Root, 
981/2;  Burton,  76^ ;  Weeks,  79;  du  Pont,  13;  Sherman,  65;  Fairbanks, 
88y2;  Cummins,  85;  Roosevelt,  81 ;  LaFollette,  25;  McCall,  i;  Knox,  36; 
Willis,  I ;  Wood,  i ;  Harding,  I ;  Wanamaker,  5 ;  Absent,  2 ;  total,  987 ;  as 
follows : 


184  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 


States. 


Q 
....         16 

9 

* 

4 

ft.         ^o 

5         £ 
1            i 

U 

....           6 

4 

1           i 

....         15 

2 

3 

3           2 

4 

1 

....        26 

11 

12 

1            i 

Colorado     

•  •  •  •         12 

5 

1 

6 

....         14 

5 

7 

1 

1 

Delaware     

6 

1 

Florida     

8 

8 

Georgia    

•  .  .  .         17 

6 

4 

2 

2 

....           8 

4 

1 

3 

Illinois    

58 

56 

2 

Indiana     

.  .  ..         30 

30 

..  .  .         26 

?6 

Kansas    

20 

10 

2 

3 

2           2 

1 

...        26 

11 

14 

1 

Louisiana     

12 

6 

1 

1 

1*A      1 

Maine     

.  .  .  .         12 

8 

1 

3 

Maryland     

16 

7 

1 

5 

3 

Massachusetts     

....         36 

12 

19 

Michigan     

....         30 

28 

2 

Minnesota     

.  .  .  .         24 

,4 

Mississippi     

12 

4 

\y. 

2 

1           31/ 

2 

Missouri     

....         36 

22 

2 

12 

Montana     

8 

8 

Nebraska     

.  .  .  .         16 

2 

14 

Nevada     

6 

4 

2 

New    Hampshire     

8 

3 

3 

2 

New    Jersey     

28 

16 

3 

1 

4 

2 

New    Mexico     

....           6 

2 

2 

2 

New    York    

87 

43 

42 

2 

North    Carolina    

21 

6 

2 

3 

1           9 

North    Dakota    .    . 

10 

Ohio     

.  .  .  .         48 

48 

Oklahoma     

20 

5 

1 

5 

1           1 

4           2 

1 

Oregon     

10 

10 

Pennsylvania     

76 

8 

1 

• 

23 

Rhode     Island     

10 

10 

South    Carolina    

.  .  .  .         11 

4 

3 

3 

1 

South   Dakota    

10 

10 

Tennessee     

21 

8 

1A 

4*A 

1 

1           5 

Texas     

26 

3 

3 

3 

5           2 

3          2 

1 

Utah      

8 

5 

2 

1 

Vermont     .... 

8 

8 

Virginia    

15 

854 

5 

^l/2 

Washington     

14 

5 

7 

2 

West    Virginia     

16 

4 

1 

3 

1 

7 

26 

11 

6 

6 

Alaska       

2 

1 

1 

Hawaii    

2 

1 

1 

Phillippines        

2 

1 

1 

987       328J4     98J4     79         88^     65         76^     81 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  185 

COLEMAN  DU  PONT:   S  votes  from  Delaware;   3  from  Georgia;    1  from  Tennessee; 

2   from   Texas;.  2   from    Pennsylvania. 

ROBERT  M.  LAFOLLETTE:   15  votes  from  Wisconsin;   10  from  North  Dakota. 
PHILANDER  C.   KNOX:   36  votes  from   Pennsylvania. 
FRANK  B.  WILLIS:  1  vote  from  Texas. 
LEONARD  WOOD:   1  vote  from  New  Jersey. 
WARREN  G.  HARDING:  1  vote  from  New  Jersey. 
JOHN   WANAMAKER:    5    votes   from    Pennsylvania. 
SAMUEL  W.  McCALL:   1  vote  from  Texas. 
ABSENT:    1    vote   from    Pennsylvania;    1    vote    from    Caliofrnia. 

During  the  balloting  the  following  occurred : 

MR.  ARMAND  ROMAIN,  of  Louisiana,  (when  Louisiana  was  called).— 
Mr.  Chairman,  I  wish  to  announce  6  of  Louisiana's  votes  for  Hughes. 

MR.  WALTER  L.  COHEN,  of  Louisiana. — And,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  wish 
to  announce  the  other  6  votes  to  which  Louisiana  is  entitled  as  follows: 
Weeks,  i;  Sherman,  i;  Root,  i;  Burton,  i^;  Fairbanks,  1^2. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Secretary  will  record  the  vote 
of  Louisiana  as  announced  by  two  of  the  delegates  representing  that 
State. 

MR  SAMUEL  W.  McCALL,  of  Massachusetts,  (when  Massachusetts 
was  called). — Mr.  Chairman,  a  poll  of  the  Massachusetts  delegation  is 
asked  for. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chairman  of  the  Massachusetts 
delegation  requests  a  poll — 

THE  VOICES  OF  MANY  DELEGATES. — "Oh,  no ;"  "oh,  no ;"  "let  us  not 
take  up  time." 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Convention  will  be  in  order. 
The  Chair  will  make  an  announcement  in  this  manner :  Under  the 
rules,  a  delegation  cannot  be  polled  except  on  a  challenge  of  the  vote. 
The  Chair  has  earnestly  endeavored  throughout  the  day  to  maintain  the 
sweet  temper  of  this  Convention  by  being  generous  in  the  application  of 
the  rules — 

A  DELEGATE — Bully  for  the  Chair.  Nobody  has  heard  of  a  steam 
roller  in  this  Convention.  (Applause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — In  this  case  the  Chair  will  yield  to 
the  request  of  Governor  McCall,  of  Massachusetts,  and  have  his  delega- 
tion polled ;  but  after  this  time  there  will  be  no  poll  of  a  delegation  except 
on  a  challenge  of  the  vote.  The  Secretary  of  the  Convention  will  call 
the  roll  of  the  Massachusetts  delegates. 

The   Secretary  having  resumed  and  concluded  the   roll    call  of   the 


186 


OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 


Massachusetts  delegation,  the  vote  was  announced : 
19 ;  Roosevelt,  5 ;  as  follows  : 

MASSACHUSETTS 


Hughes,  12;  Weeks, 


AT    LARGE 

Delegates  Hughes. 

Samuel   W.    McCall    1 

Henry  Cabot  Lodge   

John   W.   Weeks,    (By   Butler  Ames,   First 

Alternate  at   Large)    

Winthrop  Murray  Crane   1 

DISTRICTS—/)  elegates 

1— William    H.    Brooks    1 

Charles  E.  Hull    1 

2 — George  A.    Bacon    

Alexander  McCallum    

3 — Herbert  E.   Cummings   1 

J.   Lovell  Johnson    1 

4 — William  A.    L.   Bazeley    

Charles  G.   Fletcher    

5 — Herbert    E.    Fletcher    

John    N.    Cole    

6 — John    L.    Salstonstall    1 

Edward  R.    Hale    

7 — Eugene  B.  Fraser  1 

Archie    N.    Frost    

8 — George  B.  Wason   

Wilton   B.    Fay   1 

9 — Fred    P.    Greenwood    

Alvan   T.    Fuller    

10— Edward  C.  R.  Bagley 1 

Abraham   C.   Ratshesky    

1 1 — Charles  H.  Innes   

Warren    F.    Freeman    

12— J.   Waldo   Pond    1 

Walter  B.   Grant   1 

13 — George  H.    Doty    

Martin    Hays    

14 — Henry  L.   Kincaide   . . 

C.   Chester  Eaton    

15 — Edward  Anthony  Thurston   

Joseph    William    Martin,    Jr 

16 — Charles  L.       Gifford  

Thomas  F.   Glennon   . 


Weeks. 


Roosevelt. 

1 


12  19  5 

During  the  balloting  by  the  Massachusetts  delegation  the  following 

occurred : 

MR.  SAMUEL  W.  McCALL,  (when  the  name  of  John  W.  Weeks  was 

called). — Call  the  name  of  the  alternate  delegate 

THE   PERMANENT   CHAIRMAN. — Inasmuch   as   Mr.   Weeks   does   not 

desire  to  vote  the  Secretary  will  call  the  name  of  the  first  alternate  at 

large. 


FRED  W.   UPHAM,  of  Chicago, 

Chairman    of    the    Local    Committee    on    Arrangements 
and  Assistant  Treasurer  of  the  Republican  National  Committee 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION  187 

MR.  BUTLER  AMES,  of  Massachusetts,  (when  his  name  was  called). — 
I  wish  to  vote  for  Mr.  Samuel  W.  McCall. 

Thereupon  some  confusion  arose  in  the  Massachusetts  delegation. 

MR.  EDWARD  ANTHONY  THURSTON,  of  Massacusetts. — Mr.  Chairman. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — For  what  purpose  does  the  gentleman 
rise? 

MR.  THURSTON. — It  was  understood  and  agreed  that  the  alternate  at 
large  who  stood  in  the  place  of  Mr.  John  W.  \Veeks,  and  who  now 
occupies  his  seat  in  this  delegation,  should  represent  him  and  cast  the 
vote  which  Mr  Weeks  represents.  I  therefore  ask  that  the  Secretary 
will  call  the  name  of  the  man  who  is  at  this  time  acting  as  a  delegate-at- 
large  in  the  place  of  Mr.  Weeks,  and  that  man's  name  is  Eben  S.  S. 
Keith,  who,  carrying  out  the  will  of  the  people  who  elected  his  principal, 
would  vote  for  Mr.  Weeks. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — That  may  only  be  done  by  unanimous 
consent. 

MR.  THURSTON. — We  now  ask  that  the  Chairman  of  the  delegation 
will  announce  that  as  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  delegation. 

MR.  SAMUEL  W.  McCALL,  of  Massachusetts. — On  behalf  of  the 
Massachusetts  delegation  I  will  ask  that  that  be  done. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — In  the  absence  of  objection  that  will 
be  done.  (Applause,  and  no  objection  was  offered.)  The  Secretary  will 
call  the  name  of  Mr.  Keith,  who  will  cast  his  vote  in  place  of  Mr.  Weeks. 

MR.  EBEN  S.  S.  KEITH  (when  his  name  was  called). — I  wish  to 
vote  for  John  W.  Weeks.  (Applause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — That  takes  off  the  vote  heretofore 
recorded  for  Mr.  McCall  and  adds  one  to  the  vote  for  Mr.  Weeks. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — The  vote  of  the  State  of 
Massachusetts  then  stands  on  this  second  ballot:  Weeks,  19;  Hughes, 
12;  Roosevelt,  5. 

MR.  BOIES  PENROSE,  of  Pennsylvania,  (before  the  total  vote  had 
been  announced). — Air.  Chairman,  I  desire  to  correct  the  score.  (Laugh- 
ter.) I  mean  the  vote. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — You  desire  to  do  what? 

MR.  PENROSE. — To  correct  the  vote  as  announced  for  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — It  is  always  in  order  to  correct  a  vote. 

MR.  PENROSE. — The  vote  of  the  Pennsylvania  delegation  as  originally 
announced  was  37  for  Knox,  which  should  have  been  36,  and  22  for 
Roosevelt,  which  should  have  been  23.  The  balance  of  the  vote  as 
originally  announced  is  all  right. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN.— The  Secretary  will  make  the  correc- 
tion as  desired. 


188  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — That  makes  the  total  vote  on 
this  second  ballot,  for  Knox,  36;  and  Roosevelt,  81.  (See  tabulated  vote 
on  page  184.) 

ANNOUNCEMENT  OF  FAILURE  TO  MAKE  NOMINATION. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — No  candidate  having  received  a 
majority  of  the  votes  of  this  Convention,  there  is  no  nomination. 

MR.  BOIES  PENROSE,  of  Pennsylvania. — Mr.  Chairman. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — For  what  purpose  does  the  Senator 
rise? 

MR.  PENROSE. — I  rise  to  make  a  motion  to  adjourn  until  n  o'clock 
tomorrow  morning. 

Many  voices  cried:     "No,  No,  No." 

A  DELEGATE  FROM  NORTH  CAROLINA. — I  second  the  motion. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania 
(Mr.  Penrose)  moves  that  the  Convention  do  now  adjourn  until  II 
o'clock  tomorrow  morning.  What  is  the  pleasure  of  the  Convention? 

MR.  C.  W.  FULTON,  of  Oregon. — I  desire  a  roll  call  on  motion  to 
adjourn. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — It  takes  two  States  to  demand  a  roll 
call.  What  is  the  pleasure  of  the  Convention? 

Many  voices  called:     "Question." 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Under  the  rules  of  the  Convention, 
the  delegate  from  Oregon  having  asked  for  a  roll  call,  it  must  be  seconded 
by  the  demand  of  one  additional  State. 

MR.  JOHN  PHILIP  HILL,  of  Maryland. — Maryland  joins  Oregon  in 
demanding  a  roll  call  on  the  motion  to  adjourn. 

MR.  O.  E.  WELLER,  of  Maryland. — I  challenge  that  announcement 
for  Maryland. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Secretary  will  call  the  roll  on 
motion  to  adjourn  until  II  o'clock  tomorrow  morning.  Those  in  favor 
of  adjournment  will  vote  "Aye,"  and  those  opposing  adjournment  will 
vote  "No."  The  Secretary  will  now  call  the  roll. 

ROLL  CALL  ON  MOTION  TO  ADJOURN. 

The  Secretary  proceeded  to  call  the  roll  of  States,  and  at  the  con- 
clusion thereof,  the  vote  was  announced :  Ayes,  6945/2 ;  Noes,  286^ ; 
Absent,  6;  total  987;  which  vote  in  detail  was  as  follows: 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN  NATIONAL   CONVENTION            189 

Votes  Ayes  Noes         Absent 

Alabama      ;.  16                      5  11 

Arizona     6                      3  3 

Arkansas     15  15 

California    26  11  14                      1 

Colorado     12  12 

Connecticut    14                      9  5 

Delaware     6                       4  2 

Florida    8  .  .  8 

Georgia     17  12  5 

Idaho     8                      4  4 

Illinois    58  58 

Indiana      30  30 

Iowa     26  26 

Kansas     20  10  10 

Kentucky     26  13}  11}                     1 

Louisiana    12                      6  6 

Maine     12  10  2 

Maryland    16  10  6 

Massachusetts     36  30  5                      1 

Michigan     30  ..  30 

Minnesota     24  22  2 

Mississippi    12                      6  6 

Missouri    36  36 

Montana      8                      8 

Nebraska    16                      8  8 

Nevada     6                       5  ..                        1 

Xe\v    Hampshire    8 

New  Jersey   28  15  13 

New    Mexico     6                      6 

New   York    87  45  42 

North   Carolina    21  17  3                      1 

North   Dakota 10  10 

Ohio     48  48 

Oklahoma     , 20  16  4 

Oregon      10  ..  10 

Pennsylvania    76  65  10                      1 

Rhode    Island    10  ..  10 

South    Caralina    11                      8  3 

South    Dakota    10  10 

Tennessee    21  12  9 

Texas    26  21  5 

Utah    8                     6  2 

Vermont     8  . .  8 

Virginia     15  14  1 

Washington     14  10  4 

West    Virginia    16                      9  7 

Wisconsin    26  10  16 

Wyoming    6                      6 

Alaska     2                      1  1 

Hawaii     2                      2 

Philippines     2                      2 


987  694}  286} 


190  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

THE  PRESIDING  OFFICER  (Mr.  Sutherland,  of  Utah,  who  had  been 
called  to  the  chair  while  the  vote  was  being  polled). — A  large  majority 
of  the  votes  of  the  Convention  having  been  cast  for  the  motion  to 
adjourn  until  tomorrow  morning  at  n  o'clock,  the  Chair  declares  the 
motion  agreed  to;  and  (at  9  o'clock  and  48  minutes  p.  m.)  the  Con- 
vention adjourned  until  tomorrow,  Saturday,  June  10,  1916,  at  n  o'clock 
a.  m. 


HON.    l-K. \XKI.I.X    Ml    KI'IIV.   of   Xew  Jersey, 
Member   of    Committee    on    Arrangements 


FOURTH  DAY 


CONVENTION  HALL 

THE  COLISEUM. 

CHICAGO,  ILL.,  JUNE  10,  1916. 

The  Convention  met  at  II  o'clock  a.  m. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Convention  will  now  be  in  order. 
The  Chair  requests  the  delegates  and  guests  of  the  Convention  to  rise 
while  prayer  is  offered  by  Dr.  Gerson  B.  Levi,  Rabbi  of  Temple  Israel, 
Chicago,  111. 

PRAYER  OF  DR.  GERSON  B.  LEVI. 

Dr.  Gerson  B.  Levi,  Rabbi  of  Temple  Israel,  Chicago,  Illinois,  offered 
the  following  prayer: 

Our  Heavenly  Father,  most  fervently  do  we  invoke  Thy  blessing 
for  Thy  children  here  gathered  in  convention.  May  the  consciousness 
of  Thy  near  presence  inform  every  thought,  inspire  every  word  of 
counsel,  and  dignify  every  act. 

But  for  more  than  the  consciousness  of  Thy  presence  with  us  do  we 
pray.  We  ask  for  the  consciousness  that  we  are  with  Thee,  so  that  we 
make  ourselves  willing  instruments  for  the  fulfillment  of  Thy  plans 
for  the  realization  of  Thy  kingdom  upon  earth  and  in  the  hearts  and 
lives  of  men.  Inspired  by  this  deep  sense  of  responsibility  may  we  so 
plan  and  act,  so  take  counsel  and  perform  that  through  us  happiness  be 
increased  for  all,  to  youth  be  assured  opportunity,  to  age  comfort,  to 
the  weak  new  hope  and  to  the  strong  a  deeper  sense  of  the  stewardship 
implied  in  power.  Inspired  by  this  we  shall  labor  to  make  this  nation  a 
bulwark  of  freedom,  a  haven  of  refuge  to  the  oppressed,  a  beacon  light 
to  peoples  struggling  on  to  the  light  of  liberty  and  self-government,  a 
friend  and  steady  advocate  of  peace. 

Be  with  the  delegates  when  after  convention  they  shall  return  to 
their  home  and  community  circles  there  to  carry  the  messages  of  a  deep 
and  sacred  patriotism.  Bless  all  of  us  with  the  blessing  of  old:  "May 
the  Lord  bless  you  and  keep  you.  May  the  Lord  cause  the  light  of  his 
countenance  to  shine  upon  you  and  be  gracious  unto  you.  May  the 
Lord  lift  up  his  countenance  unto  you  and  grant  you  peace"  in  heart 
and  home,  in  State  and  Nation.  Amen. 

TOI 


192  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

FURTHER  REPORT   BY   COMMITTEE   OF   CONFERENCE 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN.— The  chair  grants  recognition  to  Mr. 
Smoot,  of  Utah,  to  present  a  further  report  from  the  Committee  of 
Conference.  (Applause.) 

MR.  SMOOT,  of  Utah.— Mr.  Chairman  and  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  of 
the  Convention:  Your  Committee  of  Conference  begs  to  make  a  fur- 
ther report,  as  follows: 

CHICAGO,  ILL.,  June  10,  1916. 

To  the  Conferees  of  the  National  Progressive  Party : 

On  behalf  of  the  Republican  Conferees,  we  present  for  consideration, 
as  a  candidate  for  President,  Justice  Hughes. 

It  is  plain  that  he  will  soon  command  the  support  of  a  majority  of 
the  Republican  Convention. 

His  availability  as  a  candidate  rests,  First,  Upon  his  known  char- 
acter and  ability;  Second,  Upon  his  public  service,  as  Governor  of  New 
York;  Third,  His  removal  from  any  association  with  the  Convention 
of  1912,  and  the  differences  which  then  arose. 

The  support  of  Justice  Hughes  in  the  Republican  Convention  repre- 
sents spontaneous  interest  and  belief  in  his  candidacy,  which  have  shown 
themselves  in  widely  scattered  States  and  among  all  classes  and  groups 
of  voters. 

These  have  shown  themselves  without  any  formal  organization  in  his 
behalf  and  are  one  ground  for  believing  that  the  candidacy  would  be 
acceptable  to  all  groups  of  Republicans  and  would  re-unite  them. 

His  silence  as  to  recent  issues  is  the  necessary  result  of  his  judicial 
position.  His  earlier  speeches  and  declarations,  however,  give  ground 
for  the  assurance  that  he  is  in  accord  with  the  platform  that  has  been 
adopted  by  the  Republican  and  Progressive  Conventions. 

Respectfully  submitted, 
(Signed)     REED  SMOOT, 

W.  MURRAY  CRANE, 
WM.  E.  BORAH, 
NICHOLAS  MURRAY  BUTLER, 
A.  R.  JOHNSON. 

MR.  SMOOT,  of  Utah. — In  answer  to  that  communication  your  Com- 
mittee received  the  following: 

CHICAGO,  ILL.,  June  10,  1916. 

To  the  Conferees  of  the  Republican  National  Convention : 

In  accordance  with  the  precedent  set  by  yourselves  with  respect  to 
the  communication  received  by  us,  we  shall  take  pleasure  in  presenting 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  193 

your    communication    to    the    National    Convention    of    the    Progressive 

Party,  which  meets  at  10:30  o'clock  this  morning. 

Respectfully  submitted, 

GEORGE  W.  PERKINS, 
HIRAM  JOHNSON, 
HORACE  S.  WILKINSON, 
CHARLES  J.  BONAPARTE. 
JOHN  M.  PARKER. 

MR.  SMOOT. — Since  the  arrival  of  your  Committee  upon  the  platform 
of  this  Convention,  the  following  communications  have  been  received, 
which  I  now  present  to  the  Convention. 

June  loth,  1916. 
HON.  REED  SMOOT,  Chairman. 

Sir: — After  the  conferees  of  the  Progressive  National  Convention 
left  the  Blackstone  Hotel  this  morning  to  attend  the  final  meeting  with 
the  conferees  of  the  Republican  National  Convention,  a  communication 
was  received  from  Mr.  Roosevelt,  of  which  I  enclose  you  a  copy. 

Yours  truly, 
(Signed)     JOHN  W.  McGRATH, 

Secretary  to  Theodore  Roosevelt. 

To  the  Conferees  of  the  Progressive  Party. 

Gentlemen . — I  understand  that  this  morning  you  are  to  have  your 
last  conference  with  the  conferees  of  the  Republican  National  Conven- 
tion, that  they  have  repeatedly  asked  you  to  present  for  their  consideration 
a  second  choice,  but  that  your  Committee  has  not  seen  its  way  clear 
to  do  this. 

For  months  I  have  thought  of  this  matter,  and  for  the  last  few 
weeks  it  has  been  the  chief  thing  of  which  I  have  thought,  as  I  feel 
with  all  my  heart  that  it  is  the  imperative  duty  of  all  of  us  who  wish 
to  see  our  country  restored  to  the  position  she  should  hold  to  sink  all 
minor  differences  and  come  together  if  by  any  possibility  we  can  find 
a  common  standing  ground.  The  day  before  yesterday  in  my  telegram 
to  Senator  Jackson,  I  said:  "Can  we  not,  forgetting  past  differences, 
now  join  for  the  safety  and  honor  of  our  country  to  enforce  the  policies 
of  genuine  Americanism  and  genuine  Preparedness?  Surely  we  can 
afford  to  act  in  accordance  with  the  words  of  Abraham  Lincoln  when 
he  said :  'May  not  all  having  a  common  interest  reunite  in  a  common 
effort  to  save  our  common  country?  May  we  ask  those  who  have  not 
differed  with  us  to  join  in  the  same  spirit  toward  those  who  have.'  As 
far  as  my  soul  is  known  to  me  it  is  in  this  same  spirit  that  at  this 
time  I  make  appeal  to  the  Republicans  and  Progressives  assembled  at 
Chicago." 


194  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

What  I  thus  said  I  meant  with  all  my  soul,  and  I  mean  it  now; 
and  I  ask  you  and  the  members  of  the  Progressive  Convention,  which 
I  am  informed  applauded  that  telegram  when  read  to  the  Convention, 
now  to  help  me  make  those  words  good  by  our  deeds. 

I  deeply  appreciate  your  loyalty  to  me  and  the  position  in  support 
of  me  which  you  have  taken.  But  it  would  be  an  injustice  both  to  you 
and  myself  not  to  regard  that  loyalty  to  me  as  fundamentally  a  loyalty 
to  the  principles  you  and  I  represent.  In  the  statement  of  the  Pro- 
gressive National  Committee  issued  in  January  last  and  in  my  state- 
ment made  at  Trinidad  in  February  last,  we  pledged  ourselves  to  leave 
nothing  undone  to  reach  an  honorable  agreement  with  the  Republicans 
in  order  to  achieve  the  end  we  have  in  view. 

In  view  of  the  conditions  existing,  I  suggest  the  name  of  Senator 
Lodge,  of  Massachusetts.  He  is  a  man  of  the  highest  integrity,  of  the 
broadest  national  spirit  and  of  the  keenest  devotion  to  the  public  good. 
For  thirty  years  he  has  been  in  the  House  of  Representatives  and  in  the 
Senate  at  Washington.  For  twenty  years  he  has  been  a  member  of  the 
Foreign  Affairs  Committee.  For  a  very  long  period  he  was  a  member 
of  the  Naval  Affairs  Committee.  He  has  not  only  a  wide  experience 
in  public  affairs  but  a  peculiarly  close  acquaintance  with  the  very  type 
of  questions  now  most  pressing  for  settlement.  He  has  consistently 
fought  for  Preparedness,  preparedness  for  the  Navy,  preparedness  in 
fortifying  the  Panama  Canal,  preparedness  in  upbuilding  the  Army.  He 
has  been  on  the  whole  the  member  with  the  largest  vision  and  the  most 
intelligent  devotion  to  American  needs  that  we  have  had  on  the  Foreign 
Affairs  Committee  during  this  generation.  He  rendered  distinguished 
service  on  the  Alaskan  Boundary  International  Commission.  In  addi- 
tion, he  has  been  one  of  the  staunchest  fighters  for  different  measures 
of  economic  reform  in  the  direction  of  justice,  championing  such  meas- 
ures as  the  Pure  Food  Law,  the  Safety  Appliance  Law,  the  Workmen's 
Compensation  Act,  the  National  Law  prohibiting  the  labor  of  Children, 
the  Hepburn  Rate  Bill,  the  bill  creating  a  Bureau  of  Corporations,  and 
many  similar  measures.  I,  therefore,  urge  upon  you  favorably  to  con- 
sider his  name  and  report  on  it  to  the  conferees  from  the  Republican  Na- 
tional Convention,  and  if  you  do  not  agree  with  me  in  this  respect 
nevertheless  to  transmit  this  telegram  to  the  Republican  conferees  and 
to  request  them  to  place  it  before  their  Convention  at  the  same  time 
yourself  laying  the  telegram  before  the  Progressive  Convention. 

Let  me  again  quote  from  my  telegram  of  the  day  before  yesterday 
to  Senator  Jackson,  of  Maryland :  "The  differences  that  have  divided, 
not  merely  Republicans  and  Progressives,  but  good  Americans  of  all 
shades  of  political  belief  from  one  another  in  the  past,  sink  into  nothing 
when  compared  with  the  issues  now  demanding  decision,  for  these  issues 
are  vital  to  the  national  life.  They  are  the  issues  of  a  unified  American- 


FK1.D    \\.    KSTABKOOK,   of   New   Hampshire, 
Member   of  the   Committee  on   Arrangements 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL    CONVENTION  195 

ism  and  of  National  Preparedness.  If  we  are  not  all  of  us  Americans 
and  nothing  else,  scorning  to  divide  along  lines  of  section,  of  creed, 
or  of  national  origin,  then  the  Nation  itself  will  crumble  into  dust.  If 
we  are  not  thoroughly  prepared,  if  we  have  not  developed  a  strength 
which  respects  the  rights  of  others  but  which  is  also  ready  to  enforce 
from  others  respect  for  its  own  rights,  then  sooner  or  later  we  shall 
have  to  submit  to  the  will  of  an  alien  conqueror." 

I  wrote  the  above  sentences  because  I  felt  them  deep  in  my 
heart  They  set  forth  the  vital  needs  of  this  t'me.  The  nomination  of 
Senator  Lodge  will  meet  those  vital  needs.  I  earnestly  ask  that  what 
you  can  do  to  bring  about  that  nomination  in  the  name  of  our  common 
Americanism  be  done.  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT. 

(Great  applause,  beginning  in  the  Massachusetts  delegation  and 
extending  throughout  the  Convention.) 

MR.  SMOOT. — Your  Committee  deem  it  proper  to  inform  this  Con- 
vention that  the  Committee  is  in  possession  of  official  notification  that 
not  only  our  communication  to  the  conferees  of  the  National  Progressive 
Party  but  the  letter  of  Theodore  Roosevelt  addressed  to  that  party  was 
laid  upon  the  table  by  a  vote  of  its  Convention. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Convention  will  be  in  order. 
With  that  authority  which  is  vested  in  the  Chair,  it  directs  that  the 
report  of  the  Committee  on  Conference  be  made  a  part  of  the  record 
of  this  Convention,  and  for  you,  I  thank  the  Committee  for  its  services 
in  your  behalf.  (Applause.) 

The  business  in  order  before  the  Convention  is  that  of  balloting 
for  the  nomination  of  a  candidate  for  President.  Before  ordering  the 
Secretary  to  call  the  roll  the  Chair  takes  very  great  pleasure  in  recogniz- 
ing a  delegate  from  Massachusetts,  Senator  John  W.  Weeks.  Mr. 
Weeks,  ladies  and  gentlemen  of  the  Convention. 

When  Mr.  Weeks  came  forward  there  was  a  demonstration  in  which 
the  Massachusetts  delegates  rose  to  their  feet  and  cheered. 


MR.  WEEKS  WITHDRAWS  HIS  NOMINATION. 

MR.  JOHN  W.  WEEKS,  of  Massachusetts. — Mr.  Chairman  and  Ladies 
and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  I  ask  the  indulgence  of  the  Conven- 
tion for  one  moment  only.  I  have  been  a  candidate  before  this  Conven- 
tion for  the  Republican  nomination  for  the  Presidency.  It  is  quite 
apparent  to  me  that  the  Convention  prefers  another,  and  not  wishing  to 
delay  the  proceedings  of  the  Convention,  I  now  desire  to  withdraw  my 
name  with  the  request  that  those  who  have  supported  me  shall  follow 
the  dictates  of  their  own  judgment  as  to  whom  they  shall  support  here- 
after. I  want  to  say  to  this  Convention  that  there  are  no  political  scars 


196  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

on  me.  (Applause,  and  cries  of  "Good.")  In  thanking  those  who  have 
supported  me,  I  believe  I  can  say  with  the  utmost  confidence  that  they 
will  join  me  in  doing  all  that  lies  within  their  power  to  promote  the 
success  of  the  candidates  of  this  Convention  at  the  ensuing  election  this 
fall.  Ladies  and  gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  I  thank  you.  (Applause.) 

MR.  RODENBURG  WITHDRAWS  MR.  SHERMAN'S  NAME. 

MR.  WILLIAM  A.  RODENBURG,  of  Illinois. — Mr.  Chairman 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — For  what  purpose  does  the  gentleman 
rise? 

MR.  RODENBURG. — To  make  a  statement 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  recognizes  Congressman 
Rodenburg,  of  Illinois. 

MR.  RODENBURG. — Mr.  Chairman  and  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  of  the 
Convention — (Several  voices  :  "Come  to  the  platform,  we  can't  hear  you.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Mr.  Rodenburg,  had  you  not  better 
come  to  the  platform? 

MR.  RODENBURG. — I  only  have  a  few  words  to  say  to  the  Convention 
and  do  not  think  it  worth  while  to  delay  the  Convention  until  I  could 
come  to  the  platform. 

A  VOICE. — What  you  cannot  hear  now  from  the  gentleman  in  this 
Convention  will  be  more  than  made  up  in  the  tremendous  majority  which 
Illinois  will  give  to  the  Republican  ticket  this  fall.  (Great  applause.) 

MR.  RODENBURG. — Mr.  Chairman  and  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  of  the 
Convention :  Senator  Sherman  has  requested  me  to  say  to  the  delegates 
who  have  supported  him  in  this  contest  that  he  is  deeply  appreciative 
of  their  loyalty  and  friendship,  but  that  he  now  cheerfully  releases  them 
from  any  and  all  allegiance  that  they  may  feel  that  they  owe  to  his 
candidacy.  (Great  applause.) 

MR.  McCORMICK  WILL  SUPPORT  MR.  HUGHES  INSTEAD  OF 
MR.  ROOSEVELT 

MR.  MEDILL  McCoRMiCK,  of  Illinois. — Mr  Chairman. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — For  what  purpose  does  the  gentleman 
rise? 

MR.  McCoRMiCK. — To  make  a  statement. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  recognizes  the  delegate 
from  Illinois,  Mr.  Medill  McCormick. 

MR.  McCoRMiCK. — Mr.  Chairman  and  Members  of  this  Convention : 
Theodore  Roosevelt  has  had  no  more  devoted  friends  than  some  of  us 
who  sit  in  this  Convention.  There  are  some  who  like  myself  had  hoped 
that  if  the  candidate  of  their  several  States  were  not  nominated,  Theodore 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  197 

Roosevelt  might  be  nominated.  But  our  primary  obligation  is  to  the 
candidate  to  be  nominated  by  this  Convention.  (Great  applause.)  We 
might  yield  an  ungracious  assent  to  the  action  of  this  Convention  after 
the  next  ballot,  but  it  is  our  duty  now  to  join  with  our  every  energy  in 
the  spirit  and  purpose  of  this  Convention  to  elect  its  candidate  and  to 
defeat  the  candidate  of  the  Democratic  Convention.  (Applause,  and 
cries  of  "Good.")  And  for  that  reason,  following  my  conscience  and 
my  duty,  I  shall  vote  for  Charles  Evans  Hughes,  of  New  York.  (Great 
applause.) 


J 


THIRD  ROLL  CALL  FOR  CANDIDATE  FOR  PRESIDENT 


THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Secretary  of  the  Convention  will 
call  the  roll  of  States  for  the  third  ballot  for  the  nomination  of  a  candi- 
date for  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States. 

The  Secretary  then  proceeded  to  call  the  roll  of  States  and  the 
result  was  announced,  as  follows :  Hughes,  949J4 ;  Roosevelt,  18^2 ;  La- 
Follette,  3 ;  du  Pont,  5 ;  Weeks,  3 ;  Lodge,  ^ ;  absent,  i ;  total,  087 ;  as 
follows : 


States,     Territories 


Alabama     16  16 

Arizona    6             6 

Arkansas     15  IS 

California     26  26 

Colorado     12  12 

Connecticut     14  14 

Delaware     6             6 

Florida     8              8 

Georgia     17  17 

Idaho     8            8 

Illinois    58  58 

Indiana     30  30 

Iowa     26  26 

Kansas    20  20 

Kentucky     26  26 

Louisiana     12  12 

Maine     12  12 

Maryland     16  15             1 

Massachusetts     36  32             3 

Michigan     30  30 

Minnesota     24  24 

Mississippi     12             SA           3} 

Missouri     36  34 

Montana     8             7             1 

Nebraska     16  16 

Nevada     6             6 


198  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 


States,    Territories 


....         8 

28 

27             1 

5 

5             1 

New    York    

87 

North    Carolina    , 

,  .       21 

14 

7 

North    Dakota    

10 

10 

Ohio     

...      48 

48 

20 

19             1 

Oregon     

10 

10 

76 

72             3 

1 

Rhode     Island     

10 

10 

11 

6 

5 

South    Dakota    

10 

10 

....'.      21 

18             3 

Texas     

26 

26 

i 

Utah      

8 

7             1 

Vermont     

8 

8 

Virginia     

...  .  .       15 

15           15 

14 

14 

16 

16 

Wisconsin     

26 

23           ..             3 

g 

6 

Alaska      

..    ..        2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

987 

949#       18tf         3 

5371 

During  the  calling  of  the  roll  the  following  took  place : 

Colorado's  vote  was  first  announced,  Hughes,  9;  Roosevelt,  3;  but 
was  afterwards  changed  as  follows: 

MR.  A.  M.  STEVENSON,  of  Colorado. — Mr.  Chairman. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — For  what  purpose  does  the  gentleman 
rise? 

MR.  STEVENSON. — To  make  a  statement  and  correct  the  vote. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  recognizes  Mr.  Stevenson, 
of  Colorado. 

MR.  STEVENSON. — I  am  requested,  sir,  although  it  is  a  little  out  of 
order,  to  ask  that  those  delegates  in  this  Convention  who  have  voted  for 
Colonel  Roosevelt,  withdraw  his  name  from  further  consideration  by  this 
Convention.  (Applause.)  And  to  say  further  that  those  of  us  from 
Colorado  hope  the  Convention  will  act  harmoniously  and  nominate  Mr. 
Justice  Hughes  by  acclamation.  (Applause.) 

MR.  FRED  ROOF,  of  Colorado. — Mr.  Chairman. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — For  what  purpose  does  the  gentleman 
rise? 


ALVAH   H.   MARTIN,  of  Virginia 
Member   of   Committee   on   Arrangements 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  199 

MR.  ROOF. — To  change  the  vote  of  Colorado,  and  to  make  it  12 
for  Hughes. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  should  announce  to  the 
Convention  that  under  the  liberality  of  the  moment  in  granting  recogni- 
tion to  Delegate  Stevenson,  of  Colorado,  in  order  to  correct  the  vote 
of  his  delegation,  he,  speaking  for  the  delegates  from  his  State,  withdraws 
the  name  of  Colonel  Roosevelt  as  a  candidate  for  nomination  for 
President. 

MR.  STEVENSON. — I  beg  the  Chairman's  pardon,  I  am  not  speaking 
for  any  but  the  delegates  from  my  State,  but  I  have  been  requested  by 
those  delegates  from  Colorado  who  have  been  supporting  Colonel  Roose- 
velt to  offer  that  suggestion. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Mr.  Stevenson,  who  is  as  big  as  his 
name  and  as  he  looks,  says  he  speaks  for  the  Roosevelt  delegates  in 
this  Convention  from  the  State  of  Colorado. 

MR.  EDWARD  KENT,  of  Arizona. — Mr.  Chairman. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — For  what  purpose  does  the  gentleman 
rise? 

MR.  EDWARD  KENT. — For  the  purpose  of  correcting  the  vote  of 
Arizona.  The  vote  was  heretofore  announced  as  Hughes  5,  and  Roose- 
velt i.  We  wish  now  to  make  the  vote  Hughes  6. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  correction  will  be  made  by  the 
Secretary  and  he  will  proceed  with  the  roll  call. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — The  next  State  is  Connecticut, 
with  14  votes.  How  do  the  delegates  desire  to  vote? 

THE  CHAIRMAN  OF  THE  CONNECTICUT  DELEGATION. — Hughes,  14. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — The  next  State  is  Delaware, 
with  6  votes.  How  do  the  delegates  from  Delaware  desire  to  vote? 

MR.  S.  S.  PENNEWELL,  of  Delaware. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  been 
requested  to  withdraw  the  name  of  T.  Coleman  du  Pont  from  further 
consideration  as  a  candidate  for  the  nomination  for  the  Presidency  and 
to  announce  Delaware's  6  votes  for  Hughes. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Secretary  will  so  record  the  vote 
and  proceed  with  the  roll  call. 

The  Secretary  proceeded  with  the  roll  call  until  Indiana  was  reached. 

MR.  FRANK  B.  WILLIS,  of  Ohio. — Mr.  Chairman. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — For  what  purpose  does  the  delegate 
rise? 

MR.  FRANK  B.  WILLIS. — To  make  a  statement. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  recognizes  the  Governor 
of  Ohio,  as  he  always  must.  (Laughter.) 


200  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

MR.  WILLIS  WITHDRAWS  MR.  BURTON'S  NAME 

MR.  WILLIS. — Ladies  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention:  I  am 
authorized  by  Senator  Burton,  of  Ohio,  to  withdraw  his  name  from  fur- 
ther consideration  by  this  Convention,  and  to  thank  his  friends  for  their 
support  of  him  so  far.  (Applause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Secretary  will  proceed  with  the 
roll  call. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — The  next  State  is  Indiana, 
which  is  entitled  to  30  votes.  What  is  the  pleasure  of  the  delegation? 

MR.  WILL  H.  HAYS,  of  Indiana. — Mr.  Chairman. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — For  what  purpose  does  the  gentleman 
rise? 

MR.  HAYS. — For  the  purpose  of  making  a  statement. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  recognizes  Mr.  Will  H. 
Hays,  of  Indiana,  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  statement. 

MR.  HAYS  WITHDRAWS  MR.  FAIRBANKS'  NAME 

MR.  WILL  H.  HAYS,  of  Indiana. — Mr.  Chairman,  on  behalf  of  the 
Indiana  delegation,  thanking  the  Convention  for  its  consideration,  I 
withdraw  the  name  of  Charles  Warren  Fairbanks,  and  Indiana  casts  her 
30  votes  for  Hughes.  (Applause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Secretary  of  the  Convention  will 
so  record  the  vote  of  Indiana  and  proceed  with  the  roll  call. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — The  next  State  is  Iowa,  which 
has  26  votes  in  this  Convention.  What  is  the  pleasure  of  the  Iowa 
delegation  ? 

MR.  WADSWORTH  WITHDRAWS  MR.  ROOT'S  NAME. 

MR.  JAMES  W.  WADSWORTH,  JR.,  of  New  York. — Mr.  Chairman. 

THE   PERMANENT   CHAIRMAN. — Senator  Wadsworth,   of   New  York. 

MR.  WADSWORTH. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  am  authorized  by  the  delegates 
from  New  York  who  have  thus  far  in  this  contest  been  supporting  Mr. 
Elihu  Root,  to  withdraw  his  name.  (Applause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Senator  from  New  York  (Mr. 
Wadsworth)  speaking  for  the  Root  delegates  of  that  State,  withdraws 
the  name  of  Elihu  Root.  The  Secretary  will  proceed  with  the  roll  call. 

THE  SECRETARY. — Iowa  has  not  announced  her  choice.  She  is  entitled 
to  26  votes. 

MR.  GEORGE  W.  FRENCH,  of  Iowa. — On  behalf  of  Iowa  I  withdraw 
the  name  of  Senator  Albert  B.  Cummins,  and  Iowa  casts  her  26  votes 
for  Hughes.  (Applause.) 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  201 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  vote  of  Iowa  will  be  recorded 
accordingly,  and  the  Secretary  will  proceed  with  the  roll  call. 

The  Secretary  proceeded  with  the  roll  call  until  Maryland  was 
reached. 

MR.  WILL  H.  HAYS,  of  Indiana. — Mr.  Chairman. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — For  what  purpose  does  the  gentleman 
rise? 

MR.  HAYS. — To  make  a  motion  for  a  suspension  of  the  rules. 

(Cries  of  "No,  No,  No.") 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Under  our  rules  and  pursuant  to  the 
wishes  of  the  delegates  of  the  Convention  the  Chair  has  directed  a  roll 
call,  and  that  roll  call  is  being  proceeded  with,  and  therefore  the  gentle- 
man is  out  of  order.  The  Secretary  will  continue  calling  the  roll. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — The  next  State  is  Maryland, 
16  votes;  the  vote  is  announced  Hughes,  15;  Roosevelt,  I.  Massachusetts, 
36  votes.  What  is  the  pleasure  of  fhe  delegation? 

MR.  SAMUEL  W.  McCALL,  of  Massachusetts. — We  ask  that  you  pass 
Massachusetts  for  a  moment. 

(Cries  of  "No,  No,  No.") 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN.— The  Chair  will  wait  on  Massachusetts 
for  a  moment. 

After  a  short  delay: 

MR.  McCALL. — Mr.  Chairman,  the  delay  in  the  action  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts delegation  has  been  caused  by  the  interesting  communication 
that  has  been  made  to  the  Convention  by  our  Committee  of  Conference. 
That  was  the  first  time  the  delegation  knew  of  the  proposed  action. 
While  we  should  be  very  glad  to  support  the  brilliant  son  of  Massachu- 
setts whose  name  has  been  presented  by  Colonel  Roosevelt,  yet  there 
is  no  temptation  presented  to  which  the  delegates  from  Massachusetts 
may  yield  because  the  action  of  this  Convention  has  already  been 
clearly  indicated,  so  I  announce  the  vote  of  the  delegation.  Massachu- 
setts casts  I  vote  for  Weeks,  3  for  Roosevelt,  and  32  for  Hughes. 
(Applause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Secretary  will  record  the  vote 
of  Massachusetts  as  announced  and  proceed  with  the  roll  call. 

The  Secretary  proceeded  with  the  roll  call  until  Oregon  was  reached. 

MR.  C.  W.  FULTON,  of  Oregon. — Oregon  still  casts  her  unanimous 
vote  for  Hughes,  and  will  do  so  in  November.  (Applause.) 

Thereupon,  it  being  12  o'clock  and  40  minutes  p.  m.,  the  calling  of 
the  roll  having  been  concluded,  and  there  being  no  doubt  as  to  the  choice 
of  the  Convention,  while  the  vote  was  being  tabulated  there  was  a  great 
demonstration. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Convention  will  be  in  order  and 
the  Secretary  will  read  the  result  of  the  ballot. 


202  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — The  result  of  the  third  ballot 
for  a  candidate  for  President  is  as  follows :  Hughes,  949^ ;  Roosevelt, 
l8l/2  ;  Lodge,  7 ;  LaFollette,  3 ;  Weeks,  3 ;  du  Pont,  5 ;  absent,  i ;  total,  987. 

ANNOUNCEMENT  OF  NOMINATION  FOR  PRESIDENT. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Mr.  Charles  Evans  Hughes,  of  New 
York,  having  received  the  necessary  votes  to  be  declared  the  nominee 
of  this  Convention  for  President,  under  the  rules  the  Chair  asks,  shall 
it  be  made  unanimous? 

(Cries  of  "Yes,  Yes,  Yes.") 

MR.  WILLIAM  POTTER,  of  Pennsylvania. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  wish  to 
ask  recognition  for  Mr.  Moore. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chairman  recognizes  Mr.  Alex- 
ander P.  Moore,  of  Pennsylvania. 

MR.  ALEXANDER  P.  MOORE,  of  Pennsylvania. — Mr.  Chairman  and 
Ladies  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  I  have  fought  to  the  last 
ditch  for  the  man  that  I  believed  was  the  man  for  the  Convention,  but 
I  want  to  be  a  soldier,  and  I  make  a  motion  now  that  the  nomination  of 
Justice  Charles  E.  Hughes  be  made  unanimous.  (Applause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  recognizes  Delegate  Henry 
Cabot  Lodge,  of  Massachusetts.  (Applause.) 

MR.  HENRY  CABOT  LODGE,  of  Massachusetts. — Mr.  Chairman  and  my 
Fallow  Delegates :  This  great  Convention  has  chosen  as  its  candidate  a 
strong,  able,  distinguished,  upright  man  and  a  thorough  American.  (Ap- 
plause, and  a  voice:  "That's  right.")  He  should  have  the  cordial  sup- 
port, not  only  of  every  Republican  from  one  end  of  the  country  to  the 
other,  but  of  every  man  who  honestly  believes  that  another  four  years 
of  the  present  administration  would  be  a  calamity  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States  (Applause)  ;  because  they  are  disintegrating  public  senti- 
ment, are  lacking  in  American  spirit,  and  failing  to  stand  for  the  con- 
science and  the  soul  of  the  American  people.  (Applause.)  It  is  an 
honor  and  a  pleasure  to  second  the  motion  of  Mr.  Moore,  of  Penn- 
sylvania, that  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Hughes  be  made  unanimous.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  question  is  on  making  unanimous 
the  nomination  of  Mr.  Hughes.  Those  who  are  in  favor  of  the  motion 
will  say  Aye.  (A  great  response  of  ayes.)  There  are  no  "Noes." 
(Great  Applause.)  Mr.  Justice  Hughes  is  unanimously  nominated  by 
this  Convention  as  its  candidate  for  President. 


FRED  STANLEY,  of  Kansas, 
Member  of  the  Committee  on  Arrangements 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  203 

NATIONAL  COMMITTEEMEN 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  now  instructs  the  Secretary 
to  call  for  reports  of  nominations  for  National  Committeemen  from 
States  not  yet  reported. 

THE  SECRETARY. — Connecticut  has  not  yet  reported 

A  DELEGATE  FROM  CONNECTICUT. — Our  delegation  has  selected  John 
T.  King. 

THE  SECRETARY. — West  Virginia  has  not  yet  reported. 

THE  CHAIRMAN  OF  THE  DELEGATION. — West  Virginia  has  selected 
Virgil  L.  Highland. 

THE  SECRETARY. — New  York  has  not  yet  reported. 

MR.  CHARLES  S.  WHITMAN,  of  New  York. — The  New  York  delega- 
tion has  selected  Mr.  Herbert  Parsons. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  question  is  on  the  confirmation  by 
this  Convention  of  the  nominations  just  made.  Those  of  you  who  favor 
their  confirmation  will  say  "Aye."  (A  chorus  of  "Ayes.")  Contrary, 
"No."  (Silence.)  The  nominations  are  confirmed. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — Delaware  has  not  yet  reported. 

MR.  S.  S.  PENNEWELL,  of  Delaware. — Delaware  has  not  elected  yet. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Will  Delaware  elect  now  and  report 
their  choice? 

MR.  PENNEWELL. — We  are  not  prepared  to  do  so  at  this  time. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  National  Committee  will  have 
power  to  fill  vacancies. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — The  National  Committee  as  se- 
lected, with  contests  from  Kentucky  and  Tennessee,  and  vacancies  from 
the  District  of  Columbia  and  Porto  Rico,  is  as  follows: 

NATIONAL    COMMITTEE. 

State  or  Territory  Name  of  Member 

Alabama      Oliver  D.  Street 

Arizona     Allen   B.   Jaynes 

Arkansas     H.  A.  Remmel 

California    Wm.  H.   Crocker 

Colorado     Hubert   Work 

Connecticut    John  T.  King 

Delaware     Coleman  du   Pont 

Florida     Henry  S.   Chubb 

Georgia     Henry   S.   Jackson 

Idaho     John  W.   Hart 

Illinois    Wm.   Hale  Thompson 

Indiana     James  A.  Hemenway 

Iowa     ' John  T.  Adams 

Kansas     Fred  Stanley 

Kentucky     A.  T.  Hert  or  John  W.   >fcCulloch 


204  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 


Louisiana    Armand    Remain 

Maine     Frederick  Hale 

Maryland Wm.  P.  Jackson 

Massachusetts     VV.  Murray  Crane 

Michigan    Charles   B.    Warren 

Minnesota     Chester  A.  Congdon 

Mississippi    L.   B.   Moseley 

Missouri    Jacob  L.   Babler 

Montana     Thomas  A.   Marlow 

Nebraska    R.    B.    Howell 

Nevada  • H.  G.  Humphrey 

New    Hampshire    Fred  W.   Estabrook 

New  Jersey   Franklin  Murphy 

New    Mexico     Chas.   A.    Spiess 

New   York    Herbert   Parsons 

North   Carolina    John  M.  Morehead 

North   Dakota Gunder   Olson 

Ohio     Rudolph  K.   Hynicka 

Oklahoma     James  J.   McGraw 

Oregon      Ralph  E.  Wiliams 

Pennsylvania    Boies  Penrose 

Rhode   Island    Wm.   P.   Sheffield 

South   Carolina    J.  W.   Talbert 

South    Dakota    Willis  C.  Cook 

Tennessee     Jesse    M.    Littleton    or   John   J.    Gore 

Texas    H.    F.    MacGregor 

Utah    Reed    Smoot 

Vermont     Earle   S.   Kinsley 

Virginia    Alvah   H.    Martin 

Washington     S.  A.  Perkins 

West    Virginia    V.    L.   Highland 

Wisconsin    Alfred  T.    Rogers 

Wyoming    George  E.   Pexton 

Alaska     Cornelius   D.    Murane 

District    of    Columbia    To  be  filled  by  Committee 

Hawaii    R.  W.  Breckons 

Porto  R*ico    To  be  filled  by  Committee 

Philippines     Henry  B.  McCoy 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  next  business  in  order  before 
this  Convention  is  to  name  a  winning  running  mate  for  our  nominee 
for  President. 

A  VOICE. — We  can't  hear. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — I  said  the  next  business  in  order 
before  the  Convention  is  that  of  naming  a  winning  running  mate  for 
our  nominee  for  President.  (Cries  of  "Harding"  and  "Fairbanks"  and 
"Cummins.") 

NOMINATION  OF  CANDIDATE  FOR  VICE  PRESIDENT 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — This  Convention  has  fixed  its  rules 
of  procedure.  The  Secretary  will  call  the  roll  of  States  for  the  presenta- 
tion of  names  of  candidates  for  nomination  for  the  office  of  Vice- 
President. 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  205 

The  Secretary  proceeded  to  call  the  roll  and  each  State  passed  as  its 
name  was  called  until  Colorado  was  reached. 

MR.  FRED  O.  ROOF,  of  Colorado  (when  Colorado  was  called). — 
Colorado  yields  to  Pennsylvania. 

MR.  H.  L.  REMMEL,  of  Arkansas. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  would  like  to 
make  a  correction.  Arkansas  yields  to  Nebraska. 

MR.  GEORGE  T.  OLIVER,  of  Pennsylvania. — I  rise  to  a  point  of  order. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — State  your  point  of  order. 

MR.  GEORGE  T.  OLIVER,  of  Pennsylvania. — My  point  of  order  is  that 
Arkansas  having  passed,  and  Colorado  having  yielded  to  Pennsylvania, 
it  is  now  in  order  to  recognize  Pennsylvania. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  point  of  order  is  well  taken. 
Colorado  has  yielded  to  Pennsylvania.  The  Clerk  will  call  Pennsylvania. 

THE  SECRETARY. — Pennsylvania. 

MR.  JOHN  WANAMAKER,  of  Pennsylvania. — Mr.  Chairman. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  now  recognizes  Mr.  John 
Wanamaker,  of  Pennsylvania. 

MR  WANAMAKER  NOMINATING  MR.  FAIRBANKS. 

MR.  WANAMAKER,  of  Pennsylvania. — Mr.  Chairman  and  Brethren  of 
the  Convention :  It  is  for  but  a  brief  moment  I  come  to  do  the  bidding 
of  the  delegates  from  Pennsylvania  through  their  Chairman  and  Senator. 
It  is  to  place  in  nomination  for  the  office  of  Vice-President  Charles  War- 
ren Fairbanks,  of  Indiana.  Few  words  are  necessary  because  of  his  well- 
known,  long  public  services  as  Vice-President,  in  which  he  gave  abun- 
dant evidence  of  ability  as  a  presiding  officer  of  the  Senate  and  his 
other  public  services  through  many  years.  As  friend  and  advisor 
to  President  McKinley  he  will  always  be  particularly  remembered.  He 
is  tall  of  stature,  and,  with  great  wisdom,  looks  over  the  heads  of  most 
people,  and  sees  farther  than  many  of  his  colleagues.  I  have,  from  per- 
sonal knowledge,  a  high  opinion  of  his  clear  vision,  and  wise  and  strong, 
good  judgment  on  business  questions.  His  training  and  reputation  as 
a  thoroughly  able  lawyer,  and  his  experience  as  a  Senator  from  Indiana, 
are  guarantees  of  his  fitness  to  ably  fill  the  office  of  Vice-President  of 
the  United  States.  To  put  his  name  alongside  that  of  Mr.  Justice  Hughes, 
so  unanimously  selected  this  morning  for  President,  completes  a  strong 
ticket,  and  one  which  will  have,  I  believe,  the  support  of  the  business 
men  of  the  United  States.  Speaking  for  the  business  men  of  the  country, 
permit  me  to  say  that  they  are  clamoring  for  a  business  administration, 
and  I  believe  Hughes  and  Fairbanks  will  satisfy  them,  and,  further,  that 
they  will  join  in  helping  to  roll  up  when  election  day  comes  around,  the 
largest  majority  of  any  ticket  we  could  frame. 

I  nominate  Charles  Warren  Fairbanks,  of  Indiana,  for  the  Vice- 
Presidency.  (Applause.) 


206  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  delegate  from  Pennsylvania  (Mr. 
Wanamaker)  having  presented  the  name  of  Charles  Warren  Fairbanks 
as  a  candidate  for  Vice-President,  the  Secretary  will  proceed  with  the  roll. 

The  Secretary  proceeded  with  the  roll  call,  and  each  State  passed 
until  Kentucky  was  reached. 

A  DELEGATE  FROM  KENTUCKY. — Kentucky  takes  great  pleasure  in 
seconding  the  nomination  of  Charles  Warren  Fairbanks  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent. 

The  Secretary  proceeded  with  the  roll  and  each  State  passed  as  its 
name  was  called  until  Maine  was  reached. 

A  DELEGATE  FROM  MAINE. — Maine  seconds  the  nomination  of  Fair- 
banks. 

The  Secretary  resumed  calling  the  roll  and  each  State  passed  until 
Nebraska  was  reached. 

MR.  E.  R.  GURNEX,  of  Nebraska. — Mr.  Chairman,  our  Mr.  Baldridge 
is  on  his  way  to  the  platform. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Ladies  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Con- 
vention :  The  Chair  presents  Mr.  Howard  Baldridge,  of  Nebraska. 

MR.  BALDRIDGE  NOMINATING  MR.  BURKETT. 

MR.  HOWARD  H.  BALDRIDGE,  of  Nebraska. — Mr.  Chairman  and  Ladies 
and  Gentlemen  of  this  Convention :  For  more  than  fifty  years  the  States 
west  of  the  Mississippi  River,  with  few  exceptions,  have  given  their 
unswerving  loyalty  to  the  Republican  party;  for  fifty  years  they  have 
pledged  and  proved  their  allegiance  to  its  principles  and  to  its  policies. 
During  this  time  in  every  election  they  have  been  called  to  the  colors, 
and  only  in  the  exceptional  few  cases  have  they  failed  to  respond.  Dur- 
ing this  time  Democracy,  entrenched  behind  the  impregnable  ramparts  in 
the  South,  and  Republicanism  almost  equally  secure  in  its  position  in  the 
East,  it  has  remained  for  the  West  to  decide  the  contest  and  lead  the 
embattled  Republican  hosts  to  a  triumphant  victory.  (Applause.) 

My  friends,  the  opening  for  settlement  of  this  great  western  territory 
was  almost  contemporaneous  with  the  birth  of  the  Republican  party. 
Under  Republican  legislation  during  these  fifty  years  we  have  awakened 
this  great  western  world  from  its  savage  lethargy.  Its  forests  have  been 
felled,  its  rivers  spanned,  its  mountains  crossed,  and  its  towns  and  cities 
built.  Great  States  have  been  carved  out,  and  trackless  wastes  have  been 
transformed  into  fruitful  fields  and  gardens  of  beauty.  From  a  settle- 
ment largely  of  the  men  who  in  the  sixties  laid  down  the  sword  of  battle 
to  take  up  the  plowshare  of  peace,  an  empire  has  developed  whose  life 
thus  far  has  fanned  the  life  of  the  party— an  empire  teeming  with  mil- 
lions of  happy  and  prosperous  people,  energetic,  enthusiastic,  determined, 
through  whose  veins  course  the  blood  of  those  patriots  who  fought  for 
this  country  and  brought  our  party  into  being  to  express  in  legislation 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL   CONVENTION  207 

their  highest  and  best  government  ideals.  To-day  the  ideals  of  this  party 
are  their  legitimate  inheritance.  Its  tenets  are  their  political  religion.  Its 
standard  is  their  icon  of  faith.  These  twenty-two  States  west  of  the 
Mississippi  hold  the  real  balance  of  power  between  the  East  and  the 
South  and  are  expected  to  furnish  Republican  majorities. 

Your  conventions  from  time  to  time,  since  the  birth  of  the  party,  have 
nominated  candidates  from  Maine,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Ohio,  Indiana, 
Illinois,  and  other  States,  but  not  once  in  fifty  years  has  a  candidate  for 
office  been  called  by  our  National  Convention  from  a  State  west  of  the 
Mississippi.  You  of  the  East  have  nominated  our  candidates  and  dic- 
tated our  platforms  for  more  than  fifty  years,  and  we  of  the  West  have 
been  expected  to  follow  your  leadership,  and  if,  perchance  sometimes, 
though  rarely,  we  did  not,  we  were  classed  as  Populists,  anarchists  or 
political  nondescripts.  (Applause.)  But,  my  friends,  we  have  followed 
just  the  same,  relying  upon  the  permanence  of  the  principles  of  the 
Republican  party  which  have  fairly  swept  our  party  along  the  pathway  of 
progress  and  prosperity.  (Applause.)  But  is  loyalty  always  to  go  un- 
rewarded? Are  doubtful  States  always  to  win  the  prize?  I  tell  you  that 
there  is  a  feeling  most  pronounced  that  the  western  half  of  our  country, 
with  its  intelligence  and  its  riches,  and  its  development  and  improvements, 
with  its  achievements  and  its  possibilities,  with  its  ideals  and  its  new  and 
ever-perplexing  problems,  should  be  recognized  in  making  up  the  Repub- 
lican ticket  this  year.  (Applause.) 

If  we  are  forever  to  be  forbidden  to  furnish  a  leader  to  head  the 
ticket,  at  least  once  in  every  fifty  years,  men  of  the  Convention,  give 
us  a  Vice-President  out  of  the  West.  A  selection  has  been  made  by  a 
number  of  the  Western  States.-  This  Convention  is  asked  to  ratify  their 
choice  made  at  the  polls  and  to  respond  to  the  expression  of  their  regis- 
tered will.  Nebraska  presents  to  this  Convention  for  its  nomination  a 
man  who  is  the  embodiment  of  those  ideals  that  make  for  the  highest  type 
of  American  citizenship ;  a  son  of  the  sacred  soil  of  Iowa,  fostered  and 
developed  in  the  peerless  prairie  State  of  Nebraska,  he  breathed  the  spirit 
and  aspirations  of  the  West.  (Applause.)  For  six  years  he  served  effi- 
ciently and  well  his  district  and  the  Nation  in  the  lower  House ;  for 
six  years  he  served  efficiently  and  well  the  State  and  the  Nation  in  the 
upper  House ;  his  public  record  is  written  into  twelve  years  of  his  coun- 
try's most  important  legislation.  It  is  expressive  of  the  glorious  history 
of  our  party  and  the  radiant  triumph  of  our  faith.  He  is  a  student  of  his 
party's  policies  and  his  country's  needs.  To  his  genius  for  statecraft,  he 
has  added  ripened  experience  in  statesmanship.  He  may  not  be  of  the 
heroic  type,  but  he  is  safe  and  sound  in  his  political  doctrine.  He  is 
progressively  conservative  and  conservatively  progressive  and  so  will 
unite  the  party  in  the  West.  He  is  courageous  in  his  adherence  to  prin- 
ciple and  has  no  twilight  zone  in  his  makeup  where  duty  dallies  with 
expediency  or  right  truces  with  wrong.  During  the  coming  campaign, 


208  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

being  a  forceful  and  brilliant  orator,  he  will  carry  the  message  of  truth 
and  conviction  to  the  people  in  a  way  that  will  make  for  the  success  of 
the  ticket.  He  will  stand  squarely  on  the  platform  you  have  adopted 
because  he  believes  in  those  principles  out  and  out  and  through  and 
through.  He  believes  in  that  true  Americanism  that  will  demand  respect 
for  the  flag  wherever  it  floats,  and  respect  for  the  life  and  property  of 
every  American  citizen  wherever  he  may  be. 

Ladies  and  gentlemen  of  the  Convention,  in  behalf  of  the  State  that  I 
represent,  I  present  to  this  Convention  for  its  consideration  the  name 
of  former  Senator  Elmer  E.  Burkett,  of  Nebraska  and  the  great  West. 
(Applause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Secretary  will  resume  the  calling 
of  the  roll. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — The  next  State  is  Nevada, 
entitled  to  six  votes.  What  is  the  pleasure  of  the  delegation? 

MR.  SAMUEL  PLATT,  of  Nevada. — Nevada  yields  to  West  Virginia. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Secretary  will  call  the  State  of 
West  Virginia. 

THE  SECRETARY. — West  Virginia. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Nevada  yields  to  West  Virginia.  (A 
pause,  without  response.)  The  Secretary  will  resume  the  calling  of  the 
roll. 

THE  SECRETARY. — New  Hampshire. 

A  DELEGATE  FROM  NEW  HAMPSHIRE. — New  Hampshire  passes. 

THE  SECRETARY — The  next  State  is  New  Jersey. 

A  DELEGATE  FROM  NEW  JERSEY. — New  Jersey  seconds  the  nomination 
of  Fairbanks. 

THE  SECRETARY — The  next  State  is  New  Mexico. 

MR.  THOMAS  B.  CATRON,  of  New  Mexico. — Mr.  Chairman,  New  Mex- 
ico believes  that  we  ought  to  have  a  team  of  workers  in  this  campaign, 
and  therefore  seconds  the  nomination  of  Charles  Warren  Fairbanks. 

The  States  of  New  York,  North  Carolina  and  North  Dakota  passed 
and  then  Ohio  was  called. 

MR.  FRANK  B.  WILLIS,  of  Ohio. — Mr.  Chairman  and  Ladies  and 
Gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  In  behalf  of  the  delegation  from  Ohio  I 
rise  to  second  the  nomination  of  a  distinguished  son  of  Ohio,  a  man  who 
was  born  in  Ohio,  a  man  who  met  his  wife  in  Ohio,  a  man  whom  we 
claim  as  our  own.  I  second  the  nomination  of  Charles  Warren  Fair- 
banks. (Applause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Secretary  will  proceed  with  the 
calling  of  the  roll. 

THE  SECRETARY.— The  next  State  is  Oklahoma.  What  is  the  pleasure 
of  Oklahoma? 

A  DELEGATE  FROM  OKLAHOMA. — We  desire  to  pass. 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  209 

THE  SECRETARY. — The  next  State  is  Oregon. 

MR.   ALBERT  ABRAHAM,  of  Oregon. — Mr.   Chairman. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  recognizes  the  gentleman 
from  Oregon. 

MR.  ABRAHAM. — Mr.  Chairman,  and  Ladies  and  Gentlemen  of  the 
Convention :  Oregon  needs  to  make  no  apology  in  presuming  to  address 
you  at  this  time.  If  it  were  not  for  the  fact  that  the  situation  in  Oregon 
is  peculiar  and  needed  a  word  of  explanation  I  would  not  at  this  time 
presume  upon  your  patience  But  in  the  interests  of  the  State  of  Oregon, 
and  in  the  best  interests  of  the  Republican  party,  I  have  thought  it  best  to 
make  as  short  an  explanation  of  our  position  as  possible  (Applause.) 

A  DELEGATE:     Good. 

MR.  ALBERT  ABRAHAM. — Upon  the  primary  ballot  at  this  election  there 
appeared  the  name  of  but  one  candidate  for  the  office  of  Vice-President. 
Inevitably  the  vote  of  Oregon  was  cast  for  that  candidate.  There  are 
those  who  believe  that  we  should  ignore  this  vote.  But  I  believe  that  in 
the  best  interests  of  the  party  we,  as  representatives  of  the  State  of  Ore- 
gon, at  the  risk  of  being  deemed  ridiculous,  should  be  willing  to  show 
that  there  is  a  more  important  thing  to  perform  than  to  leok  after  our 
own  personal  feelings. 

The  candidate,  to  be  brief,  who  has  received  the  popular  vote  of  Ore- 
gon for  Vice-President  is  a  native  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  and  a  resi- 
dent here.  He  not  only  commands  the  popular  vote  of  the  State  of 
Oregon,  but  two  years  ago  in  the  congressional  campaign  in  the  great 
State  of  Illinois,  when  there  were  six  or  seven  candidates  in  opposition  to 
him,  he  carried  the  great  city  of  Chicago  for  the  Republican  nomination 
for  Congressman  at  large.  (Cries  of  "Name  your  man.") 

One  minute,  please.  I  don't  think  he  will  carry  this  election  over 
Charles  Warren  Fairbanks,  but  I  think  we  ought  to  be  fair,  Mr.  Chair- 
man. (Cries  of  "Name  him,  name  him.") 

I  name  as  the  man  for  whom  I  personally  feel  it  incumbent  upon  me 
to  cast  my  first  vote,  to  fulfill  the  wishes  of  the  people  of  the  State  of 
Oregon,  William  Grant  Webster,  of  Illinois. 

MR.  C.  W.  FULTON,  of  Oregon. — Mr.  Chairman. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — For  what  purpose  does  the  gentleman 
rise? 

MR.  FULTON. — I  rise  for  the  purpose  of  explaining  on  behalf  of  the 
delegation  from  Oregon  the  very  peculiar  and  anomalous  situation  which 
is  suggested. 

A  DELEGATE. — Fairbanks  knows  it. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — We  will  have  a  concentrated  explana- 
tion from  the  delegate  from  Oregon. 

MR.  FULTON. — Yes,  I  will  endeavor  to  concentrate  it.  Under  our  pri- 
mary law  any  man  can  have  his  name  placed  on  the  ballot  by  request. 

A  DELEGATE. — Change  the  law. 


210  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

MR.  FULTON. — We  are  going  to,  and  this  gives  us  an  example  of  what 
it  leads  to. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Hail  to  Oregon  for  that. 

MR.  FULTON. — Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  this  gentleman  by  the  name  of 
Webster— 

A  DELEGATE. — Oh,  we  know  him. 

MR.  FULTON  (Continuing)  secured  the  placing  of  his  name  on  the 
ballot,  and  there  was  no  other  name  on  the  ballot,  consequently  he  got 
some  votes;  but  let  me  say  this,  the  rest  of  us  do  not  feel  that  we  are 
bound  by  any  such  election.  (Laughter  and  applause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — That  is  satisfactory.  The  Secretary 
will  proceed  with  the  calling  of  the  roll. 

The  Secretary  called  the  States  of  Rhode  Island,  South  Carolina, 
South  Dakota,  and  all  passed,  and  then  called  the  name  of  Tennessee. 

MR.  H.  CLAY  EVANS,  of  Tennessee. — On  behalf  of  the  Tennessee  dele- 
gation I  rise  to  second  the  nomination  of  a  distinguished  citizen  of  the 
Republic.  He  was  not  born  in  Tennessee,  neither  did  he  marry  a  wife  in 
Tennessee,  but  Tennessee  loves  him  just  the  same.  (Applause.)  Ten- 
nessee seconds  the  nomination  of  Honorable  Charles  Warren  Fairbanks. 
(Applause.) 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Secretary  will  proceed  with  the 
calling  of  the  roll. 

THE  SECRETARY. — The  next  State  is  Texas. 

MR.  PHIL  E.  BEAR,  of  Texas. — Texas  seconds  the  nomination  of 
Charles  Warren  Fairbanks. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — The  next  State  is  Utah.  Does 
Utah  wish  to  make  a  nomination? 

A  DELEGATE  FROM  UTAH. — Utah  desires  to  second  the  nomination  of 
Mr.  Fairbanks. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — The  next  State  is  Vermont. 
What  is  the  pleasure  of  the  delegation? 

A  DELEGATE  FROM  VERMONT. — Vermont  wishes  to  pass. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — The  next  State  is  Virginia. 
What  is  the  pleasure  of  Virginia? 

MR.  D.  LAWRENCE  GRONER,  of  Virginia. — Mr.  Chairman,  Virginia 
cannot  claim  to  be  the  birthplace  or  the  home  of  Charles  Warren  Fair- 
banks, but  Virginia  is  the  mother  of  both  Indiana  and  Ohio,  and  out  of  the 
abundance  of  her  affection  for  her  distinguished  children,  she  seconds  the 
nomination  of  Charles  W.  Fairbanks.  (Applause.) 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — The  next  State  is  Washington. 

A  DELEGATE  FROM  WASHINGTON. — The  State  of  Washington  seconds 
the  nomination  of  Mr.  Fairbanks. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — The  next  State  is  Wisconsin. 

A  DELEGATE  FROM  WISCONSIN. — Wisconsin  has  no  candidate  for  Vice- 
President. 


JOHN   T.   ADAMS,   of   Iowa 
Member    of    Committee    on    Arrangements 


I  Mi'*'* 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  211 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — The  next  State  is  Wyoming. 

A  DELEGATE  FROM  WYOMING. — The  Wyoming  delegation  takes  pleas- 
ure in  seconding  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Fairbanks. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — Alaska. 

A  DELEGATE  FROM  ALASKA. — Alaska  wishes  to  second  the  nomination 
of  Mr.  Fairbanks. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — Hawaii. 

A  DELEGATE  FROM  HAWAII. — Hawaii  also  wishes  to  second  the  nomina- 
tion of  Mr.  Fairbanks. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — The  Philippine  Islands. 

A  DELEGATE  FROM  THE  PHILIPPINES. — The  Philippines  wish  to  second 
the  nomination  of  Mr.  Fairbanks. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CONVENTION. — Mr.  Chairman,  that  concludes 
the  roll  call. 

BALLOT    FOR    VICE-PRESIDENT 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Secretary  of  the  Convention  will 
call  the  roll  of  States  and  territorial  possessions  and  the  delegations  will 
prepare  to  express  their  choice  on  the  matter  of  the  selection  of  a  candi- 
date for  Vice-President. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Convention  having  concluded  the  roll  call  of 
the  States  and  territorial  possessions,  the  vote  was  announced :  Fair- 
banks, 863;  Burkett,  108;  Borah,  8;  Webster  2;  Burton,  i;  Johnson,  i; 
absent,  4 ;  total,  987,  as  follows : 


I  I  i  I   1  i   I  I 

Alabama     16  15              1 

Arizona     6  6            . .             . .             . . 

Arkansas     15  14              1 

California     26  26 

Colorado     12  12            

Connecticut      14  14 

Delaware     6  6 

Florida     8  8            

Georgia     17  17 

Idaho     8  7             1            

Illinois    58  56             1              1            

Indiana    30  30 

Iowa     26  . .            26 

Kansas    20  20 

Kentucky     26  26 

Louisiana     12  12 

Maine     12  12 

Maryland     16  16 

Massachusetts     36  34              1            ..            ..              1 

Michigan      30  30 


212  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 


States, 

I 

.      24 

1 
12 

^ 

1    1    I.,.! 

5                           5 

. 
,| 

2 

12 

12 

.           . 

..      36 

36 

8 

1 

7           

Nebraska             

16 

16 

6 

6 

8 

8 

28 

28 

6 

6 

New    York    

87 

76 

11 

21 

19 

2 

North    Dakota    

10 

10 

Ohio             

....      48 

48 

20 

19 

1 

10 

7 

1 

2 

76 

74 

1 

1 

Rhode     Island     

10 

10 

South    Carolina     

11 

9 

2 

South    Dakota    

10 

10 

21 

21 

Texas     

26 

26 

Utah 

8 

8 

....         8 

8 

,  ...  .      15 

15 

14 

14 

16 

16 

26 

11 

12            ..              2 

1 

6 

6 

Alaska       

2 

2 

Hawaii    

2 

2 

2 

2 

987 

863 

108            1             8             1 

2           4 

After  the  roll  call  had  been  completed  and  while  the  ballot  was  being 
tabulated,  there  was  a  great  demonstration  in  behalf  of  Mr.  Fairbanks,  it 
being  plain  to  all  the  delegates  that  he  had  been  nominated  by  a  large 
majority,  and  after  a  time  the  Permanent  Chairman  made  the  following 
statement : 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Secretary  will  read  the  result  of 
the  ballot.  The  Chair  very  much  desires  that  the  delegates  be  seated  and 
attentive  to  the  business  of  the  Convention  for  a  few  moments.  There 
are  half  a  dozen  very  necessary  and  important  things  to  be  done  before 
this  great  body  adjourns.  We  must  finish  up  our  work  properly,  Ladies 
and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention.  If  our  guests  are  no  longer  interested 
we  will  be  very  glad  to  excuse  them,  but  the  delegates  of  this  Convention 
must  give  us  their  attention  for  a  few  moments  so  that  we  may  conclude 
the  business  for  which  we  came  here. 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL   CONVENTION  213 

The  Secretary  announced  the  vote  as  heretofore  shown. 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — Mr.  Fairbanks,  of  Indiana,  having  re- 
ceived the  requisite  vote  to  be  declared  the  nominee  of  this  Convention, 
the  Chair,  under  the  rule,  asks,  shall  the  nomination  be  made  unanimous? 
(Applause,  and  cries  of  "Yes,  yes.") 

MR.  RALPH  D.  COLE,  of  Ohio. — Mr.  Chairman,  I  move  that  the  nomi- 
nation of  the  Hon.  Charles  Warren  Fairbanks,  of  Indiana,  for  the  office 
of  Vice-President,  be  made  unanimous. 

SEVERAL  DELEGATES. — We  second  the  motion. 

And  the  motion  was  agreed  to. 


SPECIAL    ENTERTAINMENT    PROVIDED    FOR    DELEGATES, 
ALTERNATES,  AND  THEIR  FRIENDS 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  delegates  will  please  listen  to  an 
announcement  to  be  made  on  behalf  of  the  Mayor  of  Chicago. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Convention  read  as  follows : 

Mayor  William  Hale  Thompson's  Entertainment  Committee  wishes 
to  invite  the  Delegates  and  Alternates  and  their  friends  to  a  display  of 
fire  works,  and  entertainment,  to  be  held  in  Grant  Park,  opposite  the 
Congress  Hotel  at  eight  o'clock  this  evening,  and  the  Committee  also 
wishes  to  extend  an  invitation  to  the  Delegates  and  Alternates  to  an  au- 
tomobile tour  of  the  City  of  Chicago,  leaving  the  Congress  Hotel  tomor- 
row morning  (Sunday)  at  9:30.  Automobiles  have  been  provided. 

WILLIAM  HALE  THOMPSON, 

Mayor. 

CHAIRMAN  OF  NOTIFICATION  COMMITTEE 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN.— The  Chair  will  now  recognize  Mr.  S. 
A.  Perkins,  of  Washington. 

MR.  S.  A.  PERKINS,  of  Washington. — Mr.  Chairman,  and  Ladies  and 
Gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  I  wish  to  offer  the  following  resolution 
and  move  its  adoption : 

Resolved,  That  the  Chairman  of  this  Convention,  Senator  Warren 
G.  Harding,  be  appointed  Chairman  of  the  Committee  to  notify  Hon. 
Charles  E.  Hughes  of  his  nomination  for  President,  and  that  Senator 
Wm.  E.  Borah,  of  Idaho,  be  appointed  Chairman  of  the  Committee  to 
notify  Hon.  Charles  W.  Fairbanks  of  his  nomination  for  Vice-President. 

And  the  resolution  was  agreed  to. 


214  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

PUBLICATION  OF  CONVENTION  PROCEEDINGS 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  now  recognizes  Delegate  H. 
F.  MacGregor,  of  Texas. 

MR.  H.  F.  MACGREGOR,  of  Texas. — Mr.  Chairman,  and  Ladies  and 
Gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  I  desire  to  offer  the  following  resolution 
and  move  its  adoption : 

Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  this  Convention  is  hereby  directed 
to  prepare  and  publish  for  the  Convention,  a  full  and  complete  report  of 
its  official  proceedings,  under  the  direction  of  the  National  Committee. 

And  the  resolution  was  agreed  to. 

VACANCIES    IN    NOMINATIONS 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  recognizes  Governor  Mur- 
phy of  New  Jersey. 

MR.  FRANKLIN  MURPHY,  of  New  Jersey. — Mr.  Chairman,  and  Dele- 
gates of  the  Convention :  I  offer  the  following  resolution  and  move  its 
adoption : 

Resolved,  That  the  Republican  National  Committee  be  and  it  is 
hereby  authorized  and  empowered  to  fill  all  vacancies  which  may  occur 
by  reason  of  death,  declination  or  otherwise,  in  the  ticket  nominated  by 
this  Convention,  or  it  may  in  its  judgment  call  a  National  Convention 
for  said  purpose. 

And  the  resolution  was  agreed  to. 

THANKS  TO  CONVENTION  OFFICERS 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  now  recognizes  Mr.  Freder- 
ick Hale,  of  Maine. 

MR.  FREDERICK  HALE,  of  Maine. — Mr.  Chairman,  and  Delegates  of  the 
Convention :  I  offer  the  following  resolution  and  move  its  adoption : 

Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  this  Convention  are  tendered  to  the 
Chairman,  the  Secretary,  the  Sergeant-at-Arms,  and  the  other  officers  and 
deputies  for  their  faithful  and  effective  services  in  the  conduct  of  the 
Convention 

And  the  resolution  was  agreed  to. 

THANKS  TO  ENTERTAINMENT  COMMITTEE 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  recognizes  Mr.  Will  H. 
Hays,  of  Indiana. 

MR.  WILL  H.  HAYS,  of  Indiana. — Mr.  Chairman,  and  Ladies  and  Gen- 
tlemen of  the  Convention :  I  offer  the  following  resolution  and  move  its 
adoption : 


RALPH    E.    WILLIAMS,    of    Oregon 
Member   of  Committee   on   Arrangements 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN   NATIONAL  CONVENTION  215 

Be  It  Resolved  by  this  Convention,  that  our  hearty  and  sincere  thanks 
are  due,  and  are  hereby  tendered  to  the  Hon.  William  Hale  Thompson, 
Mayor  of  Chicago,  and  the  members  of  the  Mayor's  Entertainment  Com- 
mittee for  the  splendid  hospitality  shown  during  our  stay  in  this  city. 

And  the  resolution  was  agreed  to. 

NATIONAL    COMMITTEEMAN    FOR   MINNESOTA 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  refers  for  one  moment  again 
to  the  selection  of  a  National  Committeeman  for  the  State  of  Minnesota, 
in  order  to  comply  with  and  conform  to  the  laws  of  that  State.  The  Sec- 
retary will  read  a  certificate  furnished  by  the  delegation  from  that  State. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Convention  read  as  follows : 

The  delegation  of  the  Delegates  and  Alternates  from  Minnesota  at 
a  meeting  after  the  nomination  of  President  and  Vice-President  as  re- 
quired by  law  unanimously  adopted  the  following  resolution : 

Resolved,  That  the  election  of  Chester  A.  Congdon  of  Duluth  as  a 
member  of  the  National  Committee  for  the  State  of  Minnesota  is  hereby 
ratified  and  confirmed.  S.  R.  VAN  SANT. 

The  election  of  Mr.  Congdon  was  approved  by  the  Convention. 

THANKS  TO  CITIZENS  OF  CHICAGO 

The  Permanent  Chairman. — The  Chair  now  recognizes  Mr.  Earle  S. 
Kinsley,  of  Vermont. 

MR.  EARLE  S.  KINSLEY,  of  Vermont. — Mr.  Chairman,  and  Delegates 
to  the  Convention :  I  offer  the  following  resolution  and  move  its  adop- 
tion : 

Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  this  Convention  are  hereby  tendered 
to  Mr.  Fred  W.  Upham,  Chairman  of  the  Chicago  Committee  on 
Arrangements,  and  the  other  members  of  his  Committee,  to  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Sub-Committee  on  Arrangements  of  the  National  Committee, 
and  to  the  citizens  of  Chicago,  for  the  provision  made  by  them,  which  re- 
sulted in  such  excellent  accommodation  and  comfort  for  the  delegates, 
the  alternates,  and  the  guests. 

The  resolution  was  agreed  to. 

COMMITTEES   TO    NOTIFY   NOMINEES 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — The  Chair  requests  the  Chairman 
of  each  delegation  to  submit  in  writing  the  name  of  its  member  of  the 
Committee  to  notify  Hon.  Charles  Evans  Hughes  of  his  nomination  for 
President,  and  also  the  name  of  its  member  of  the  Committee  to  notify 
Hon.  Charles  Warren  Fairbanks  of  his  nomination  for  Vice-President. 

The  list  when  completed  was  as  follows : 


216  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

COMMITTEE    TO    NOTIFY    CANDIDATE    FOR    PRESIDENT. 
HON.    WARREN    G.    HARDING,    Chairman. 

Alabama     P.    D.    Barker 

Arizona Edward  Kent 

Arkansas     A.    C.    Remmel 

California    J.    O.    Hayes 

Colorado     Spencer  Penrose 

Connecticut    Francis  T.   Maxwell 

Delaware     D.  Mifflin  Wilson 

Florida    Henry  S.   Chubb 

Georgia     John  M.   Barnes 

Idaho     E.  H.  Dewey 

Illinois    Walter  A.   Rosenfield 

Indiana     Geo.   B.   Lockwood 

Iowa     Luther  A.   Brewer 

Kansas     A.   H.   Denton 

Kentucky     R.    C.   Stoll 

Louisiana    Clarence  S.   Hebert 

Maine     .'. . .  Harold  M.   Sewall 

Maryland Felix   Agnus 

Massachusetts     Edward  A.  Thurston 

Michigan    John    Q.    Ross 

Minnesota    Herbert   P.    Keller 

Mississippi    W.    S.    Ligon 

Missouri    \Vm.  P.   Sullivan 

Montana     Joseph   M   Dixon 

Nebraska     Gould  Dietz 

Nevada    W.   A.   Kiddie 

New    Hampshire    W.  D.  Swart 

New  Jersey  . . . .  N. Thos.    L.   Raymond 

New    Mexico    A.    B.   Fall 

New   York    George   W.   Aldridge 

North    Carolina    Thos.  J.  Harkins 

North   Dakota C.    C.    Turner 

Ohio    Oscar   M.    Gottschall 

Oklahoma     S.  G.  Victor 

Oregon      C.   P.   Bishop 

Pennsylvania    John  Wanamaker 

Rhode   Island R.   Livingston  Beeckman 

South    Caralina    Dr.  J.  L.  Levy 

South    Dakota    James   G.    Stanley 

Tennessee     J.  S.  Beasley 

Texas    Dr.  E.  P.  Wilmot 

Utah    Reed  Smoot 

Vermont     George  H.  Prouty 

Virginia    John   C.    Noel 

Washington     Scott  Bone 

West    Virginia    W.  H.  Thomas 

Wisconsin    Christian   Doerfler 

Wyoming    Patrick   Sullivan 

Alaska Louis  P.  Shackelford 

Hawaii     Jonah   K.    Kalanianaole 

Philippines     ; Newton  W.   Gilbert 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL   CONVENTION  217 

COMMITTEE   TO    NOTIFY    CANDIDATE   FOR   VICE-PRESIDENT. 
HON.    WM.    E.    BORAH,    Chairman. 

Alabama      J.  M.  Atkins 

Arizona     Ph.    FreudenthaJ 

Arkansas     R.  S.  Granger 

California    Sirs.    Abbie   E.   Krebs 

Colorado     H.    E.    Perkins 

Connecticut    Oliver    G.    Jennings 

Delaware     Edward   G    Bradford,   Jr. 

Florida    Joseph  E.   Lee 

Georgia     J.   H.    Watson 

Idaho     E.    R.    Whitla 

Illinois    O.    F.    Berry 

Indiana     Richard   Lieber 

Iowa     Geo.   C.   Call 

Kansas     J.   N.   Tichner 

Kentucky     Ed.    C.   O'Rear 

Louisiana    Edward  J.  Rodrigue 

Maine     John    Huston 

Maryland     A.    H.   Doub 

Massachusetts     George  B.  Wason 

Michigan     Stewart    B.    Gordon 

Minnesota     D.   M.   Gunn 

Mississippi    P.    W.    Howard 

Missouri    David  W.    Peters 

Montana     J.   Albright 

Nebraska    J.  Reid  Green 

Nevada    Mrs.   W.  A.    Moran 

New    Hampshire    Philip   N.    Faulkner 

New     Jersey     Daniel   E.   Pomeroy 

New    Mexico     B.   C.  Hernandez 

New   York    Jacob   Sloat  Fassett 

North    Carolina    W.    S.    O'B.    Robinson 

North   Dakota E.    A.    Bowman 

Ohio R,   C.  Heddleston 

Oklahoma     Jno.   R.   Hadley 

Oregon      Newton  Burgess 

Pennsylvania    Edwin    B.    Jermyn 

Rhode   Island    Harry   P.    Cross 

South    Caralina    W.  S.  Dixson 

South    Dakota    Hans   Demuth 

Tennessee     Duke    C.    Bowers 

Texas    L.    S.    McDowell 

L'tah     Harry   S.   Joseph 

Vermont     John    Gushing 

Virginia     J.   p.   Brady 

Washington     Millard   T.    Hartson 

West    Virginia    W.  E.  Heskitt 

Wisconsin    A.  A.  Porter 

Wyoming    Thos.  Snedden 

Alaska     \Vm.    A.    Gilmore 

Hawaii     Henry  J.   Lyman 

Philippines     W.  H.  Lawrence 


218  OFFICIAL  PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE 

HONORARY    VICE-PRESIDENTS 

Alabama     Ase  E.  Stratton 

Arizona Le   Roy   Anderson 

Arkansas     S.    R.    Young 

California     Amiel   Hochheimer 

Colorado     Bulkeley  Wells 

Connecticut     Frank    B.    Weeks 

Delaware    Alfred  I.  Du  Punt 

Florida      W.   P.    O'Neal 

Georgia       B.  W.   S.  Daniels 

Idaho    James    F.    Ailshie 

Illinois     Fred  W.  Upham 

Indiana     Benton    E.    Gates 

Iowa     George   W.    French 

Kansas    E.    L.    Fulton 

Kentucky    Phil    Brown 

Louisiana     Alvin  C.   Carpenter 

Maine Guy   P.    Gannett 

Maryland     Henry    C.    Wilcox 

Massachusetts     George  H.  Doty 

Michigan George   W.    Cook 

Minnesota     J.   F.   Jacobson 

Mississippi     D.  W.  Sherrod 

Missouri     George   W.    Duncan 

Montana     Louise   Lusk 

Nebraska     Howard   H.    Baldrige 

Nevada     Herbert  C.  Humphreys 

New     Hampshire     Walter    M.    Parker 

New    Jersey    Wm.     Barbour 

New    Mexico     Charles   Springer 

New    York    Wm.    Berri 

North  Carolina Wm.    P.    Bynum 

North     Dakota     H.    P.    Halverson 

Ohio      Wm.    Cooper    Proctor 

Oklar  oma     Arthur   H.    Geissler 

Oregon      C.    R.    Hotchkiss 

Pennsylvania     Wm.   W.   Griest 

Rhode   Island    Frank  P.   Comstock 

South    Carolina    John  H.   Goodwyn 

South  Dakota    Samuel  H.    Elrod 

Tennessee     B.    W.    Hooper 

Texas    R.  A.  Harvin 

Utah    Wm.   D.   Caudland 

Vermont     Geo.  E.  Moody 

Virginia      • .  . .  Clarence   G.    Smithers 

Washington     E.   A.    Sims 

West    Virginia     Henry  S.   White 

Wisconsin     Henry    Krumrey 

Wyoming     Thos.  Snedden 

Alaska     W.   A.    Gilmore 

Hawaii     J.    K.    Kalanianaole 

Philippines     W.   H.    Lawrence 


SIXTEENTH    REPUBLICAN    NATIONAL   CONVENTION  219 

FINAL  ADJOURNMENT 

THE  PERMANENT  CHAIRMAN. — I  now  have  the  satisfaction  of  recog- 
nizing Air.  Charles  D.  Hilles,  of  New  York,  for  the  closing  motion  of  our 
session.  (Great  applause  as  Mr.  Hilles  came  to  the  front  of  the  platform.) 

MR.  CHARLES  D.  HILLES,  of  New  York. — Mr.  Chairman,  and  Ladies 
and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention :  Before  submitting  a  motion  I  wish 
to  make  an  announcement.  The  new  Republican  National  Committee 
will  meet  for  organization  in  the  room  of  the  Committee  in  the  Coliseum 
annex  this  afternoon  at  five  o'clock.  I  now  move  that  this  Convention 
adjourn  without  day. 

The  motion  was  agreed  to;  and  (at  2  o'clock  and  2  minutes  p.  m.)  the 
Convention  adjourned  without  day. 


Republican ,  National  Committee 

1916 
STATE  NAME  P.  O.  ADDRESS 

Alabama     OLIVER   D.    STREET Guntersville 

Arizona     ALLAN    B.   JAYNES Tucson 

Arkansas     H.  L.  REMMEL Little  Rock 

California     WILLIAM  H.  CROCKER San    Francisco 

Colorado     HUBERT    WORK Pueblo 

Connecticut     JOHN  T.  KING Bridgeport 

Delaware     COLEMAN   DU   PONT Wilmington 

Florida     HENRY    S.    CHUBB Princeton 

Georgia     HENRY  S.  JACKSON Atlanta 

Idaho     JOHN   W.    HART Mcnan 

Illinois     WILLIAM  HALE  THOMPSON . . .  Chicago 

Indiana     JAMES  A.  HEMENWAY Booneville 

Iowa     JOHN  T.  ADAMS Dubuque 

Kansas    FRED    STANLEY Wichita 

Kentucky     A.  T.  HERT Louisville 

Louisiana    ARMAND  ROMAIN New  Orleans 

Maine    FREDERICK    HALE Portland 

Maryland     WILLIAM  P.  JACKSON Salisbury 

Massachusetts    W.  MURRAY  CRANE Dalton 

Michigan     CHAS.   B.  WARREN Detroit 

Minnesota     CHESTER  A.   CONGDON Duluth 

Mississippi     L.  B.  MOSELEY Jackson 

Missouri     *. . .  JACOB    L.    BABLER St.   Louis 

Montana    THOMAS  A.  MARLOW Helena 

Nebraska    R.  B.  HOWELL Omaha 

Nevada     H.   G.   HUMPHREY Reno 

New    Hampshire    FRED  W.  ESTABROOK Nashua 

New  Jersey    FRANKLIN   MURPHY Newark 

New  Mexico    CHARLES  A.  SPIESS East  Las  Vegas 

New  York    HERBERT    PARSONS New  York  City 

North    Carolina    JOHN   M.   MOREHEAD Charlotte 

North    Dakota    GUNDER  OLSON Grafton 

Ohio    RUDOLPH  K.  HYNICKA Cincinnati 

Oklahoma    JAMES    J.    McGRAW Ponca  City 

Oregon    RALPH   E.  WILLIAMS Portland 

Pennsylvania    BOIES    PENROSE Philadelphia 

Rhode  Island WILLIAM  P.  SHEFFIELD Newport 

South   Carolina    J-  W.  TOLBERT Greenwood 

South    Dakota     WILLIS  C.  COOK Sioux  Falls 

Tennessee     

Texas     H.   F.   MxcGREGOR Houston 

Utah     REED  SMOOT Provo 

Vermont    EARLE   S.    KINSLEY Rutland 

Virginia     ALVAH   H.   MARTIN Norfolk 

Washington    '. S.   A.    PERKINS Tacoma 

West  Virginia   V.  L.   HIGHLAND Clarksburg 

Wisconsin     ALFRED  T.  ROGERS Madison 

Wyoming    GEORGE  E.  PEXTON Evanstown 

Alaska CORNELIUS  S.  MURANE Juneau 

Dist.   of  Columbia    

Hawaii     R.  W.  BRECKONS Honolulu 

Philippines     HENRY  B.  McCOY Manila 

Porto  Rico   

220 


Republican   National   Committee 

CAMPAIGN    1916 

WILLIAM  R.  WILLCOX,  Chairman. 
JAMES  B.  REYNOLDS,  Secretary. 
CORNELIUS  N.  BLISS,  Jr.  Treasurer. 
BEVERLEY  R.  ROBINSON,  Assistant  Treasurer. 
FRED  W.  UPHAM,  Assistant  Treasurer. 
WILLIAM  F.  STONE,  Sergeant-at-Arms. 


Campaign    Committee 

JOHN  T.  ADAMS,  Iowa. 

EVERETT  COLBY,  New  Jersey. 

WILLIAM  H.  CROCKER,  California. 

FRED  W.  ESTABROOK,  New  Hampshire. 
JAMES   A.   GARFIELD,   Ohio. 

JAMES  A.  HEMENWAY,  Indiana. 
A.  T.  HERT,  Kentucky. 

R.  B.  HOWELL,  Nebraska. 

HAROLD  L.  ICKES,  Illinois. 

ALVAH  H.  MARTIN,  Virginia. 

HERBERT  PARSONS,  New  York. 

GEORGE  W.  PERKINS,  New  York. 
S.  A.  PERKINS,  Washington. 

CHESTER  H.  ROWELL,  California. 
OSCAR  S.  STRAUS,  New  York 

CHARLES  B.  WARREN,  Michigan. 
RALPH   E,  WILLIAMS,  Oregon. 


Executive    Committee 

JOHN  T.  ADAMS,  Iowa. 

WILLIAM  H.  CROCKER.  California. 

FRED  W.  ESTABROOK,  New  Hampshire. 
JAMES  A.  HEMENWAY,  Indiana. 
A.  T.  HERT,  Kentucky. 

R.   B.   HOWELL,  Nebraska. 
ALVAH  H.  MARTIN,  Virginia. 

HERBERT  PARSONS,  New  York. 
S.  A.  PERKINS,  Washington. 

CHARLES  B.  WARREN,  Michigan. 
RALPH  E.  WILLIAMS,  Oregon. 
221 


CHARLES  EVANS  HUGHES 

BY  ROBERT  H.  FULLER 


Charles  Evans  Hughes,  who  was  nominated  for  President  by  the 
Republican  National  Convention,  was  chosen  by  the  Convention  not  only 
without  his  consent,  but  against  his  wishes.  It  was  the  first  time  that  a 
candidate  for  the  Presidency  had  ever  been  so  chosen.  Not  a  delegate 
in  the  Convention  knew  when  he  was  nominated  whether  he  would 
accept  or  not 

Strong  efforts  had  been  made  before  the  Convention  met  to  get  from 
him  an  indication  of  whether,  if  nominated,  he  would  take  the  nomina- 
tion. Persistent  attempts  were  also  made  to  obtain  some  expression  of 
his  views  upon  the  issues  that  were  under  discussion.  These  brought 
no  result.  In  Nebraska,  where  Mr.  Hughes'  name  was  placed  in  the 
primary  ballot,  he  asked  that  it  be  withdrawn  and  the  request  was 
granted.  The  same  thing  happened  in  the  primaries  of  other  States ; 
but  the  Republicans  of  Vermont  declared  for  him,  and  in  Oregon,  where 
his  name  remained  in  the  primary  ballot  against  his  protest,  he  was  made 
the  favorite  over  two  eminent  Republican  aspirants  for  the  nomination 
who  made  a  canvass  of  the  State. 

NEVER  SOUGHT  OFFICE 

This  unwillingness  to  seek  office  is  characteristic  of  Mr.  Hughes. 
He  has  always  held  the  view  that  nomination  should  seek  the  man,  but 
that,  on  the  other  hand,  no  citizen  has  the  right  to  refuse  a  call  to  public 
service  if  it  is  possible  for  him  to  accept  it.  He  was  nominated  by  the 
Republicans  for  Mayor  of  New  York  City  in  1906  when  he  was  in  the 
midst  of  the  insurance  investigation  and  he  refused  because  he  believed 
he  could  be  of  more  service  by  completing  the  investigation.  He  was 
nominated  for  Governor  late  in  the  same  year,  accepted  and  was  elected. 
He  permitted  admirers  to  urge  his  nomination  for  President  in  1908,  when 
he  was  Governor  of  New  York,  though  he  announced  when  he  consented 
to  the  use  of  his  name  that  he  would  neither  ask  any  delegate  to  vote  for 
him  nor  seek  to  influence  the  action  of  the  Convention  by  the  use  of  his 
power  as  Governor.  He  adhered  strictly  to  this  programme.  He  was 
nominated  for  Governor  a  second  time  without  any  request  for  renomi- 
nation,  and  he  was  re-elected.  While  he  has  never  criticized  the  open 
seeking  of  nominations  by  others,  he  himself  has  never  sought  one,  and 
his  attitude  in  this  respect  has  been  scrupulously  consistent. 

222 


CHARLES  EVANS  HUGHES  223 

CONFIDENCE  IN  THE  PEOPLE 

Governor  Hughes  has  always  shown  complete  reliance  upon  the  ability 
of  the  mass  of  the  people  to  decide  what  is  best  for  them.  He  summed 
up  his  political  faith  in  the  first  speech  which  he  delivered  in  the  Presi- 
dential campaign  of  1908  when  he  was  supporting  the  candidacy  of 
William  Howard  Taft  for  the  Presidency. 

"I  have  an  abiding  confidence  in  the  progress  of  the  people,"  he  said 
at  Youngstown,  Ohio.  "Resistlessly  they  move  forward  to  the  attainment 
of  their  goal.  Every  privilege  maintained  at  the  expense  of  the  common 
interest  will  finally  go  the  way  of  despotism  and  ancient  tyranny.  But 
in  our  progress  one  must  seek  to  avoid  false  steps.  Ours  must  be  the 
rule  of  reason,  clear-eyed,  calm,  patient  and  steadfast ;  defeating  the 
conspiracies  of  intrigue  and  escaping  the  pitfalls  of  folly.  Supreme 
must  be  the  sense  of  justice,  with  its  recognition  of  our  mutual  depend- 
ence. We  cannot  change  human  nature  or  bring  about  a  state  of  society 
or  of  administration  of  government  which  does  not  reflect  its  failings. 
We  rejoice  in  the  measure  of  success  which  has  already  been  attained, 
and  we  must  resolve  to  devote  ourselves  more  loyally  than  ever  to  the 
general  good,  counting  our  partisan  opportunities  and  victories  as  gain 
only  as  they  give  us  chance  to  serve  our  common  country." 

This  confidence  in  the  people  made  it  natural  for  Mr.  Hughes,  while 
he  was  Governor,  to  appeal  to  them  when  he  found  the  Legislature  reluc- 
tant to  execute  plans  which  he  believed  to  be  for  public  benefit.  His 
"appeals  to  the  people"  were  a  feature  of  his  administrations,  and  they 
contributed  most  effectively  to  the  accomplishment  of  the  long  list  of 
achievements  which  distinguished  his  tenure  of  the  office  of  Governor. 

Among  lawyers,  Mr.  Hughes  was  known  as  a  leader  of  the  bar  when 
the  insurance  investigation  first  revealed  to  the  public  in  general  the 
rare  combination  of  intellectual  abilities  and  capacity  for  work  .which  he 
possessed.  Since  that  investigation,  he  has  been  kept  constantly  in  the 
public  service,  and  he  has  willingly  devoted  all  his  energies  to  that  serv- 
ice, despife  the  very  material  monetary  sacrifice  which  it  has  entailed. 
He  was  called  from  his  private  law  practice  just  as  he  was  beginning  to 
reap  the  financial  rewards  of  the  place  he  had  won. 

The  dominant  characteristics  of  Governor  Hughes'  record  are  his 
sincerity  and  his  consistency.  In  his  statements  he  has  always  promised 
less  than  he  meant  to  perform,  and  he  has  never  proposed  a  public  prob- 
lem for  solution  without  having  in  mind  a  practical  remedy.  In  executive 
office,  it  has  always  been  his  aim  to  confine  himself  to  the  discharge  of 
the  duties  imposed  upon  him  by  law  and  to  accept  full  responsibility  for 
them.  Only  in  this  way,  he  believes,  can  Republicanism  have  a  chance  to 
work  properly. 

Governor  Hughes  was  endorsed  by  the  Progressive  National  Com- 
mittee on  June  26. 


224  BIOGRAPHY    OF 

THE  CHIEF  DATES  OF  MR.   HUGHES*  CAREER 

The  chief  dates  in  the  life  of  Charles  E.  Hughes,  the  Republican 
nominee  for  President,  may  be  given  as  follows : 

Born  at  Glens  Falls,  New  York,  April  n,  1862; 

Studied  in  Colgate  University,  1876-8; 

Was  graduated  from  Brown  University,  1881 ; 

Was  graduated  from  the  Columbia  Law  School,  1884; 

Was  admitted  to  the  New  York  Bar,  1884; 

Married  Miss  Antoinette  Carter,  December  5,  1888, 

Practiced  law  in  New  York  City,  1884-91 ; 

Was  Professor  of  Law,  Cornell  University,  1891-3 ; 

Practiced  law  in  New  York  City,  1893-1906; 

Was  special  lecturer  on  law,  Cornell  University,   1893-5 ; 

Was  special  lecturer  on  law,  New  York  Law  School,  1893-1900; 

Was  counsel  of  the  Stevens  Gas  Committee,   1905 ; 

Was  counsel  of  the  Armstrong  Insurance  Committee,  1905-6; 

Declined  Republican  nomination  for  Mayor  of  New  York  City,  1905 ; 

Was  appointed  special  assistant  to  the  United  States  Attorney 
General,  Anthracite  Coal  Investigation,  1906; 

Was  elected  Governor  of  New  York,  November,  1906; 

Began  his  first  term  as  Governor,  January  i,  1007; 

Re-elected  Governor  of  New  York,  November,  1908; 

Was  appointed  Associate  Justice  of  the  United  States  Supreme 
Court,  May  2,  1910; 

Resigned  the  office  of  Governor  of  New  York,  October  6,  1910; 

Took  the  oath  of  office  as  Associate  Justice  of  the  United  State  Su- 
preme Court,  October  10,  1910; 

Was  nominated  for  President  by  the  Republican  National  Convention 
and  resigned  from  the  United  States  Supreme  Court,  June  10,  1916; 

Was  endorsed  for  President  by  the  National  Committee  of  the  Pro- 
gressive Party,  June  26,  1916. 

ANCESTRY 

Mr.  Hughes  is  a  typical  product  of  American  evolution.  His  father, 
David  Charles  Hughes,  was  born  in  Monmouthshire  on  the  borders  of 
Wales.  He  was  a  son  of  Nathan  Hughes,  a  publisher  in  South  Wales, 
who  died  when  he  was  thirteen  years  old.  His  life  reads  like  a 
romance.  He  was  one  of  a  large  family  of  children,  studious,  imaginative 
and  filled  with  the  earnest  enthusiasm  which  is  characteristic  of  the 
Welsh  blood.  Among  the  books  which  he  read  when  he  was  a  boy 
was  the  Autobiography  of  Benjamin  Franklin.  The  career  of  this  great 
man  filled  the  lad  with  a  determination  to  come  to  America  and  take 
advantage  of  the  opportunities  which  Franklin  had  known  so  well  how 
to  use. 


CHARLES   EVAXS   HUGHES  22.J 

The  fulfillment  of  this  ambition  was  deferred  until  the  boy  had 
reached  the  age  of  twenty-three  and  had  become  a  preacher.  He  then 
took  passage  for  America  where  he  had  neither  friends  nor  acquaint- 
ances, delighted  with  the  realization  at  last  of  his  boyhood  dreams. 

Mr.  Hughes  was  in  many  respects  a  remarkable  man.  Although  his 
life  was  confined  to  restricted  channels,  like  the  lives  of  most  men,  he 
always  made  warm  and  sincere  friendships.  He  possessed  great  energy 
and  unquestioning  faith  in  the  religious  doctrines  which  he  expounded. 
His  indomitable  spirit  was  never  subdued  or  discouraged  by  disap- 
pointment. Worldly  advancement  and  his  own  comfort  made  no  appeal 
to  him  when  they  interfered  with  service  to  others.  There  are  hundreds 
of  men  and  women  who,  as  children,  attended  the  churches  in  which  he 
ministered,  and  who  now  hold  his  memory  in  affectionate  regard. 
Although  his  salary  as  minister  was  always  small,  he  never  turned  away 
an  appeal  for  help  and  in  his  later  life  he  laughed  over  stories  that  were 
told  of  generosity  so  imprudent  that  it  sometimes  left  him  without  an 
overcoat  in  Winter  because  he  had  given  away  the  only  one  he  possessed. 

Mr.  Hughes  had  been  only  three  days  in  this  country  when  in  1855, 
he  received  an  assignment  to  preach  at  Vails  Gate,  in  the  vicinity  of 
Xewburgh.  This  gave  him  a  foothold ;  but  he  felt  the  need  of  more 
study  and  in  order  to  obtain  money  to  satisfy  this  need  he  taught  in  an 
academy  near  Baltimore.  He  thus  obtained  funds  which  enabled  him  to 
attend  Wesleyan  University  for  two  years.  Mr.  Hughes  married  Miss 
Mary  Catherine  Connelly  in  1860,  and  in  the  same  year  was  ordained  as 
a  Baptist  Minister  and  became  pastor  of  the  church  at  Glen  Falls. 
There  his  only  child,  Charles  Evans  Hughes,  was  born  in  April,  1862. 
Mr.  Hughes  was  admitted  to  citizenship  in  Kingston,  Ulster  County,  New 
York.  He  affiliated  himself  with  the  Republican  party.  With  his  usual 
enthusiasm  he  upheld  Republican  principles,  always  working  for  and 
voting  for  the  Republican  candidate.  He  was  a  fervent  Abolitionist  and 
no  man  did  more  than  he  to  maintain  the  Union  cause  in  northern  New  * 
York. 

Mr.  Hughes  served  churches  in  Sandy  Hill — now  Hudson  Falls — 
and  Oswego,  New  York ;  Newark  and  Jersey  City,  New  Terse}' ;  Brook- 
lyn and  Manhattan,  New  York  City ;  and  Scranton,  Pennsylvania ;  after 
his  retirement  he  continued  to  preach  while  his  strength  permitted  him 
to  do  so.  He  lived  to  see  his  son  Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
and  he  died  in  the  Executive  Mansion  in  Albany. 

While  Governor  Hughes'  father  was  of  foreign  birth,  his  descent 
on  his  mother's  side  is  American  to  Pre-Revolutionary  days.  Mrs. 
Hughes  was  a  product  of  two  lines  of  descent,  one — the  Connelly  side — 
Scotch  Irish,  and  the  other — the  Jan  Burhans  and  Terpenning  lines — 
Dutch  stock.  Jan  Burhans  settled  in  Kingston,  New  York,  as  early 
as  1660. 

Mrs.  Hughes  was  a  quiet,  slender  little  woman,  of  marked  mental 


226  BIOGRAPHY    OF 

ability,  whose  cheerful  and  patient  fortitude  and  good  management  kept 
going  a  household  which  her  husband's  impulsive  generosity  might  have 
scattered  had  it  been  in  less  competent  hands  than  hers.  She  was  a 
graduate  of  Claverack  College  and  prior  to  her  marriage  had  engaged  in 
teaching.  She  had  special  aptitude  for  mathematics.  Her  grandmother 
on  her  father's  side  was  from  Connecticut — a  Yankee  of  English  descent. 
Her  great  grandfather,  a  Scotch-Irishman,  who  lived  in  Ulster  County, 
New  York,  served  on  the  staff  of  George  Clinton,  the  first  Governor  of 
the  State  of  New  York.  In  recognition  of  the  service  that  he  rendered, 
Governor  Clinton  obtained  from  General  Washington  a  commission  for 
him  in  the  Revolutionary  Army,  where  he  made  a  record  which  brought 
him  high  recommendation.  On  the  Dutch  side,  also,  Mrs.  Hughes'  Ulster 
County  ancestry  was  of  Revolutionary  stock. 

Her  Connelly  grandfather,  also  of  Ulster  County,  New  York,  was  a 
physician  of  reputation.  His  son,  William  Connelly,  who  was  Mr. 
Hughes'  grandfather  on  his  mother's  side,  was  a  contractor.  He  em- 
ployed a  considerable  number  of  men  in  the  construction  of  tanneries, 
mills  and  similar  structures  under  contract.  At  the  time  of  his  mar- 
riage, William  Connelly  held  a  building  contract  in  Middletown,  Dela- 
ware County,  New  York.  Delaware  County  was  at  that  time  little  better 
than  a  wilderness.  He  took  his  gang  of  men,  his  teams  and  other  para- 
phernalia, and  accompanied  by  his  bride,  he  went  into  the  woods  to 
execute  his  contract.  It  was  there,  in  1830,  that  Mrs.  Hughes,  the 
Governor's  mother,  was  born. 

EDUCATION 

Charles  Evans  Hughes,  who  was  named  after  his  father,  and  his 
father's  mother  (Jane  Evans)  had  an  excellent  constitution,  but  on 
account  of  early  illness  was  in  delicate  health  as  a  boy.  His  early  edu- 
cation and  training  were  in  care  of  his  father  and  mother  and,  save  for 
a  brief  time  in  Oswego,  he  did  not  attend  school  until  he  was  ten  years 
old.  In  Newark  he  was  graduated  at  the  Oliver  Street  Public  School  in 
1873  and  then  entered  the  Newark  High  School.  On  removing  to  New 
York,  he  became  a  pupil  of  Grammar  School  No.  35,  in  West  Thirteenth 
Street,  and  in  June,  i87s,  when  he  was  thirteen  years  old,  he  was  gradu- 
ated from  that  school  and  delivered  the  salutatory  address  in  the  Academy 
of  Music. 

Despite  the  disadvantage  of  attending  different  schools,  Mr.  Hughes 
made  rapid  progress  in  his  studies  and  he  was  only  fourteen  years  old 
when  he  entered  Madison  University,  now  Colgate  University,  in  Hamil- 
ton, New  York.  After  remaining  there  two  years,  he  entered  Brown 
University,  in  the  Sophomore  class.  He  was  nominated  as  a  Phi  Delta 
Kappa  man  in  his  junior  year  and  he  won  the  Dunn  Premium  for  the 
highest  standing  in  English  literature.  He  was  a  member  of  the  editorial 
staff  of  the  Brunonian,  the  College  newspaper. 


CHARLES  EVANS  HUGHES  227 

He  was  graduated  from  Brown  University  in  1881,  when  he  was 
nineteen  years  old.  He  stood  third  in  his  class,  a  rank  which  entitled 
him  to  deliver  the  classical  oration.  He  also  took  one  of  the  two 
Carpenter  Premiums  which  were  assigned  to  the  two  members,  already 
on  scholarships,  of  the  Senior  class  who  "shall,  in  the  judgment  of  the 
faculty,  unite  in  the  highest  degree  the  three  most  important  elements 
of  success  in  life — ability,  character  and  attainment." 

As  Mr.  Hughes  grew  older,  he  gained  slowly  in  strength.  He  was 
always  a  great  worker.  After  his  graduation  from  Brown  University,  he 
taught  Greek  and  mathematics  in  Delaware  Academy  at  Delhi,  New  York, 
and  studied  law  in  the  office  of  Judge  Gleason  there.  He  was  able  to 
enter  the  Columbia  Law  School  in  1882,  and  while  there  he  spent  a  por- 
tion of  his  time  for  a  year  in  the  office  of  General  Stewart  L.  Woodford, 
who  was  then  United  States  District  Attorney  for  the  Southern  District 
of  New  York  and  who  afterwards  became  Minister  to  Spain. 

AS  A  LAWYER 

Mr.  Hughes  obtained  a  position  as  clerk  in  the 'law  firm  of  Chamber- 
lain, Carter  and  Hornblower  during  a  part  of  his  last  year  in  the  Law 
School.  This  firm  afterward  became  Carter,  Hornblower  and  Byrne. 
He  was  graduated  from  the  Law  School  in  1884,  receiving  the  Prize 
Fellowship  in  his  class,  and  he  was  admitted  to  the  Bar  in  the  same  year. 
In  1887,  Mr.  Hornblower  and  Mr.  Byrne  withdrew  from  the  firm  in 
which  Mr.  Hughes  had  been  employed  and  he  became  a  member  of  the 
new  firm  of  Carter,  Hughes  and  Cravath. 

Miss  Antoinette  Carter,  whom  Mr.  Hughes  married  in  December, 
1888,  was  the  daughter  of  the  senior  member  of  the  firm,  Walter  S. 
Carter. 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Hughes  have  four  children,  one  son  and  three  daughters 
— the  oldest  Charles  E.  Hughes,  Jr.,  is  married  and  has  two  children  of 
his  own.  He  is  a  graduate  of  Brown  University  and  of  the  Harvard  Law 
School  and  practices  law  in  New  York  City.  The  eldest  daughter,  Helen, 
was  graduated  at  Vassar  College  in  1914,  the  second  daughter  Catherine 
enters  Wellesley  College  next  fall.  The  youngest,  Elizabeth,  was  born  in 
the  Executive  Mansion  in  Albany  in  1907. 

Mr.  Hughes  practiced  law  until  1891  when,  his  health  feeling  the 
strain  of  work,  he  accepted  an  appointment  as  Professor  of  Law  in 
Cornell  University.  He  remained  in  Ithaca  from  1891  to  1893  and  after 
his  return  to  New  York  City,  he  continued  to  give  a  special  course  of 
lectures  on  law  at  Cornell  University  until  1895,  a°d  in  the  New  York 
Law  School  until  1900. 

When  he  returned  from  Ithaca  in  1893,  ne  joined  his  old  firm,  which 
became  Carter,  Hughes  and  Kellogg,  and  later  Carter,  Hughes  and 
Dwight.  It  retained  this  name  until  Mr.  Dwight's  death  in  1903.  Mr. 


228  BIOGRAPHY    OF 

Dwight  was  succeeded  in  his  firm  by  George  VV.  Schurman,  a  brother 
of  Jacob  Gould  Schurman,  President  of  Cornell  University. 

Mr.  Carter  died  in  1904  and  Mr.  Hughes  then  became  head  of  the 
firm,  the  name  once  more  changing  to  Hughes,  Rounds  and  Schurman. 

Hitherto  Mr.  Hughes  had  been  little  known  excepting  as  a  lawyer. 
He  had  always  been  a  Republican  in  politics,  enrolling  with  his  party 
and  voting  at  the  primaries.  In  the  legal  profession,  he  was  regarded  as 
one  of  the  foremost  counsel  in  the  City.  He  retained  complete  personal 
independence,  enjoying  a  general  practice.  Although  without  political 
ambition  at  that  time,  or  even  any  thought  of  entering  politics,  it  was 
natural  for  him  to  avoid  any  connection  that  he  could  not  justify  to 
his  own  conscience. 

THE  STEVENS  COMMITTEE 

Mr.  Hughes'  entry  into  public  life  occurred  when  he  was  appointed 
counsel  to  the  Stevens  Gas  Investigating  Committee  in  1905.  Before 
that  year  there  had  been  much  complaint  at  the  cost  of  gas  in  New  York 
City,  where  the  price  was  one  dollar  a  thousand  feet.  The  gas  company, 
which  enjoyed  a  virtual  monopoly  in  the  city,  declared  that  it  could  not 
reduce  the  price  and  still  make  money.  The  Legislature  appointed  a 
joint  committee  with  Senator  Frederick  C.  Stevens,  of  Attica,  as  its 
Chairman,  to  investigate  the  lighting  companies  and  report.  Mr.  Stevens 
selected  Mr.  Hughes  as  counsel  to  the  Committee. 

The  investigation,  which  was  much  less  spectacular  than  the  insur- 
ance investigation  which  followed  it,  showed  that  the  price  of  gas  could 
be  reduced  to  eighty  cents  a  thousand  feet  and  still  leave  the  gas  com- 
pany a  fair  margin  of  profit.  Mr.  Hughes  wrote  the  report  of  the  Com- 
mittee and  prepared  bills  lowering  the  price  of  gas  to  eighty  cents  a  thou- 
sand feet  and  providing  remedies  for  a  number  of  minor  grievances  of 
consumers. 

When  he  had  finished  the  report  and  the  bills  had  been  introduced, 
Mr.  Hughes'  connection  with  the  matter  ceased.  There  was  strong 
opposition  in  the  Legislature  to  the  passage  of  the  bills.  The  gas 
company  declared  that  they  were  confiscatory  and  fought  them  to  the 
United  States  Supreme  Court,  where  they  were  finally  upheld. 

THE  LIFE   INSURANCE   INVESTIGATION 

Meanwhile  the  Legislature  had  appointed  another  joint  Committee 
to  investigate  the  management  of  the  great  life  insurance  companies, 
located  in  the  State.  This  Committee  was  headed  by  Senator  W.  W. 
Armstrong,  of  Rochester.  Mr.  Hughes  had  gone  to  Switzerland  to  spend 
his  vacation,  but  the  success  of  the  Gas  Investigating  Committee  con- 


CHARLES  EVANS  HUGHES  229 

vinced  the  Armstrong  Committee  that  it  must  have  him  as  its  counsel. 
He  was  asked  by  cable  to  take  this  position  and  he  accepted.  He  cut 
short  his  stay  abroad  and  immediately  went  to  work. 

The  disclosures  made  by  the  insurance  investigation  as  to  the 
practices  of  a  small  group  of  men  who  were  entrusted  with  the  manage- 
ment of  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars  paid  in  premiums  to  the  com- 
panies, created  a  nation-wide  sensation.  Mr.  Hughes,  day  by  day,  turned 
the  light  of  the  investigation  upon  shadowy  corners  and  intricate  wind- 
ings of  the  insurance  business,  the  existence  of  which  had  until  then 
been  unknown  outside  a  small  circle.  The  use  of  the  "Yellow  Dog 
Fund,"  the  existence  of  the  "House  of  Mirth"  in  Albany,  huge  contribu- 
tions to  political  campaign  funds,  excessive  payments  for  obtaining  new 
business,  the  use  by  insiders  of  life  insurance  money  in  speculations  from 
which  they  reaped  the  profit,  and  arbitrary  and  autocratic  methods  in 
a  business  whose  growth  had  outstripped  the  wildest  dreams  were  all 
brought  into  public  view  during  the  investigation. 

Throughout  the  inquiry,  Mr.  Hughes  was  careful  not  to  asperse  any 
man's  character  without  warrant.  He  never  indulged  in  conjecture  or 
inuendo.  His  manner  of  conducting  the  inquiry  showed  him  to  possess 
a  keen  analytical  mind  and  a  marvellous  capacity  for  work. 

NOMINATED   FOR   MAYOR 

The  municipal  campaign  for  the  election  of  a  Mayor  of  the  City  of 
New  York  came  on  in  the  Fall  of  1905  before  the  investigation  of  the 
insurance  companies  had  been  completed.  The  disclosures  made  in  the 
investigation  had  reached  many  of  the  financial  leaders  and  some  of  the 
best  known  men  in  the  country. 

As  might  have  been  expected,  efforts  were  made  to  halt  the  investiga- 
tion, at  least  along  lines  which  were  likely  to  prove  damaging.  When 
suggestions  that  he  might  ease  up  a  little  were  made  to  Mr.  Hughes,  he 
informed  the  committee  that  if  any  attempt  were  made  to  interfere  with 
him,  he  would  resign  and  tell  the  public  why  he  had  done  so.  He  was 
not  troubled  again. 

The  Republican  organization  of  New  York  City  determined  to  make 
Mr.  Hughes  its  candidate  for  Mayor.  When  this  intention  became 
known,  he  declined  to  permit  the  use  of  his  name  and  stated  he  would 
not  accept  a  nomination. 

Despite  Mr.  Hughes'  reluctance,  the  Republican  City  Convention 
insisted  upon  putting  him  in  the  field.  He  was  formally  notified  of  his 
nomination  on  October  9,  1905.  He  declined  to  accept  and  in  declining 
he  made  a  statement  to  the  Notification  Committee  in  which  he  said : 

"You  summon  me   to  what   you  believe  to  be   a  public 
duty,  and  I  shall  not  answer  that  summons  by  referring  to 


230  BIOGRAPHY  OF 

considerations  merely  personal,  however  important  they 
might  be  if  the  question  was  one  of  personal  preference. 

"You  and  the  many  others  who  have  urged  me  to  accept 
the  nomination  have  not  rested  the  request  upon  the  basis  of 
partisan  obligation,  but  upon  the  more  secure  foundation  of 
duty  to  the  community.  *  *  * 

"I  am  not  insensible  to  this  appeal  and  I  fully  appreciate 
the  responsibility  of  the  position  in  which,  against  my  will,  I 
have  been  placed.  *  *  * 

"In  this  dilemma,  I  have  simply  to  do  my  duty  as  I  see  it. 
In  my  judgment,  I  have  no  right  to  accept  the  nomination. 
A  paramount  public  duty  forbids  it.  It  is  not  necessary  to 
enlarge  upon  the  importance  of  the  insurance  investigation. 
That  is  undisputed.  It  is  dealing  with  questions  vital  to  the 
interests  of  millions  of  our  fellow  citizens  throughout  the  land. 
It  presents  an  opportunity  for  public  service  second  to  none 
and  involves  a  correlative  responsibility.  I  have  devoted 
myself  unreservedly  to  this  work.  It  commends  all  my 
energies.  It  is  imperative  that  I  continue  in  it.  *  *  * 

"I  do  not  believe  that  the  man  lives,  and  certainly  I  am 
not  the  man,  who,  while  a  candidate  for  the  mayoralty,  could 
perform  with  proper  efficiency  that  part  of  the  work  which 
has  devolved  upon  me  in  the  pending  inquiry.  If  I  were  to 
accept  the  nomination  for  the  high  office  of  Mayor  of  this 
city,  I  should  be  compelled  to  curtail  this  work,  and  this  I 
have  no  right  to  do. 

"For  your  expressions  of  confidence  I  thank  }rou.  The 
honor  you  would  confer  upon  me  I  most  highly  esteem. 
Your  genuine  approval  and  the  unanimity  and  enthusiasm 
with  which  the  nomination  was  made  I  warmly  appreciate. 
But  I  have  assumed  obligations  of  the  first  importance  which 
make  it  impossible  for  me  to  meet  your  wishes.  I  must, 
therefore,  respectfully  decline  the  nomination." 

THE  INSURANCE  REFORM   BILLS 

Mr.  Hughes  performed  an  almost  incredible  amount  of  labor  during 
the  investigation  of  the  insurance  companies  and  the  preparation  of  the 
report  and  the  bills  which  followed  the  investigation.  This  report  was 
presented  to  the  Legislature  in  the  Spring  of  1906,  and  the  bills  which 
it  recommended  were  enacted  without  change. 

These  bills  regulated  the  entire  business  of  life  insurance.  In  the 
course  of  the  investigation,  Mr.  Hughes  had  mastered  every  detail  of 
the  complicated  machinery  through  which  the  business  was  conducted. 
The  bills  provided  methods  by  which  the  policy-holders  of  mutual  com- 


CHARLES  EVANS  HUGHES  23] 

panics  might  elect  the  officers  of  the  companies,  limited  and  safe- 
guarded the  use  of  surplus  and  reserve  funds,  made  the  officers  person- 
ally responsible,  changed  the  form  of  reports  so  as  to  make  them  more 
truly  portray  conditions,  protected  policy-holders  by  providing  standard 
forms  of  policies,  limited  the  amounts  which  might  be  paid  to  agents 
for  new  business,  increased  the  powers  of  the  Superintendent  of  Insur- 
ance and  in  other  respects  abolished  the  abuses  which  had  grown  up  with 
or  crept  into  the  business.  In  order  to  put  an  end  to  the  contribution 
of  life  insurance  funds  for  political  campaign  purposes,  one  of  the  bills 
made  it  unlawful  for  any  corporation  in  the  State  to  make  a  political 
contribution.  This  was  the  first  law  containing  such  a  prohibition.  Simi- 
lar laws  are  now  on  the  Federal  statute  books  and  on  the  statute  books 
of  many  States. 

THE   ANTHRACITE  COAL   INQUIRY 

Mr.  Hughes'  fame  as  an  investigator  was  established  throughout  the 
United  States  by  the  insurance  investigation.  As  soon  as  it  closed  in 
1906,  the  United  States  Department  of  Justice  made  him  an  Assistant 
United  States  Attorney-General  for  the  purpose  of  conducting  an  inquiry 
to  ascertain  whether  the  United  States  should  bring  an  action  against 
the  anthracite  railroads  which  owned  and  carried  coal,  for  violation  of 
the  Sherman  Anti-Trust  Law. 

NOMINATED    FOR    GOVERNOR 

Mr.  Hughes  had  begun  the  work  of  preparation  for  this  inquiry 
when  a  demand  arose  throughout  the  State  for  his  nomination  by  the 
Republican  party  as  its  candidate  for  Governor.  President  Roosevelt 
sent  word  to  the  party  leaders  that  he  favored  Mr.  Hughes  and  he  was 
nominated  by  acclamation  at  the  Convention  held  in  Saratoga.  He  imme- 
diately sent  a  telegram  to  the  Convention  in  which  he  said : 

"I  shall  accept  the  nomination  without  pledge  other  than 
to  do  my  duty  according  to  my  conscience.  If  elected,  it  will 
be  my  ambition  to  give  the  State  the  same  efficient  and  honor- 
able administration,  free  from  taint  of  bossism  or  of  servi- 
tude to  any  private  interest.  A  united  party  making  an  appeal 
to  good  citizenship  must  win." 

Mr.  Hughes  outlined  the  issue  of  the  campaign  in  the  address  which 
he  made  to  the  Committee  appointed  to  notify  him  of  his  nomination. 
In  this  address,  referring  to  the  issue,  he  said : 

"It  is  not  an  issue  of  Republican  principles  or  of  Demo- 
cratic principles.  It  is  not  a  partisan  issue  at  all.  It  is  the 
vital  issue  of  decent  government.  It  is  an  issue  which  shall 


232  BIOGRAPHY  OF 

array  on  one  side  all  lovers  of  truth,  of  sobriety  and  of  honest 
reform,  be  they  Republicans,  Democrats  or  Independents. 

"I  promise  an  honest  administration. 

"No  interest,  however  prominent,  will  receive  any  con- 
sideration except  that  to  which,  upon  the  merits  of  the  case, 
it  may  be  entitled,  when  viewed  in  the  light  of  the  supreme 
interest  of  the  people. 

"It  will  be  my  aim  to  make  the  administration  of  the 
government  efficient  and  economical. 

"I  shall  spare  no  effort  to  make  effective  the  reforms  in 
the  business  of  life  insurance  so  essential  to  the  interests  of 
the  policy-holders. 

"I  promise  the  enforcement  of  the  law  with  equal  severity 
and  with  equal  justice  to  all,  rich  and  poor,  corporations  and 
individuals. 

"We  desire  to  enforce  the  laws  we  have,  and  to  enact 
such  additional  laws  as  may  be  required  to  secure  equal  privi- 
leges and  opportunities  and  to  prevent  any  one  person  or 
class  of  persons  from  being  made  the  victim  of  oppression. 
We  believe  in  open  discussion  and  responsible  criticism.  But 
efforts  to  make  discontent  serve  self  interest,  to  create  class 
hatred,  to  distort  the  good  and  to  exaggerate  the  evil,  are 
subversive  of  our  free  institutions  and  tend  to  anarchy. 

"We  make  our  appeal  to  the  common  sense  of  the 
American  people,  which  has  never  failed  to  express  itself 
decisively  in  a  great  crisis.  We  are  pledged  to  achieve  re- 
forms in  the  American  manner,  in  accordance  with  the  genius 
of  our  institutions  and  with  love  of  truth  and  even-handed 
justice. 

"It  is  in  this  spirit  and  with  these  pledges  alone  that  I 
accept  the  nomination." 

THE    ONLY    REPUBLICAN    ELECTED 

Although  he  had  never  made  political  speeches,  Mr.  Hughes  plunged 
vigorously  into  his  campaign  and  soon  became  one  of  the  most  effective 
of  political  orators.  His  canvass  extended  to  every  large  city  and  to 
nearly  all  the  rural  Counties.  The  Democrats  and  the  Independence 
League  had  united,  nominating  William  R.  ^Hearst  to  oppose  him.  His 
canvass  was  exceedingly  difficult,  but  he  was  elected  by  a  plurality  of 
57,897  votes  over  Mr.  Hearst,  receiving  749,002  votes  against  691,105  for 
his  opponent.  He  was  the  only  candidate  on  the  Republican  State  ticket 
to  be  elected.  He  went  into  office  with  a  Democratic  Lieutenant  Governor, 
Comptroller,  Secretary  of  State,  Treasurer  and  Attorney-General. 


CHARLES  EVANS  HU.GHES  233 

In  his  first  inaugural  address,  after  pledging  himself  to  devote  the 
best  of  his  ability  to  the  duties  of  his  office,  he  said : 

"We  have  reason  to  congratulate  ourselves  that  coinci- 
dent with  our  prosperity,  there  is  an  emphatic  assertion  of 
popular  rights  and  a  keen  resentment  of  public  wrongs.  There 
is  no  panacea  in  executive  or  legislative  action  for  all  the 
ills  of  society  which  spring  from  the  frailties  and  defects  of 
the  human  nature  of  its  members.  But  this  furnishes  no  ex- 
cuse for  complacent  inactivity  and  no  reason  for  the  toleration 
of  wrongs  made  possible  by  defective  or  inadequate  legislation 
or  by  administrative  partiality  or  inefficiency.  *  *  * 

"The  proper  confines  of  legislative  action  are  not  to  be 
determined  by  generalities.  Slowly  but  surely  the  people 
have  narrowed  the  opportunities  for  selfish  aggression,  and  • 
the  demand  of  this  hour,  and  of  all  hours,  is  not  allegiance 
to  phrases,  but  sympathy  with  every  aspiration  foi  the  bettei- 
ment  of  conditions  and  a  sincere  and  patient  effort  to  under- 
stand every  need  and  to  ascertain  in  the  light  of  experience 
the  means  best  adapted  to  meet  it.  Each  measure  proposed 
must  ultimately  be  tested  by  critical  analysis  of  the  particular 
problem — the  precise  mischief  alleged  and  the  adequacy  of 
the  proffered  remedy.  It  is  the  capacity  for  such  close  ex- 
amination without  heat  or  disqualifying  prejudice  which  dis- 
tinguishes the  constructive  effort  from  vain  endeavors  to 
change  human  nature  by  changing  the  forms  of  government. 
*  *  * 

"\Ye  are  a  government  of  laws  and  not  of  men.  We 
subordinate  individual  caprice  to  defined  duty.  The  essen- 
tials of  our  liberties  are  expressed  in  constitutional  enact- 
ments removed  from  the  risk  of  temporary  agitation.  But 
the  security  of  our  government  despite  its  constitutional 
guaranties  is  found  in  the  intelligence  and  public  spirit  of 
its  citizens  and  in  its  ability  to  call  to  the  work  of  adminis- 
tration men  of  single-minded  devotion  to  the  public  interests, 
who  make  unselfish  service  to  the  State  a  point  of  knightly 
honor. 

"If  in  administration  we  make  the  standard  efficiency 
and  not  partisan  advantage,  if  in  executing  the  laws  we  deal 
impartially,  if  in  making  the  laws  there  is  fair  and  intelligent 
action  with  reference  to  each  exigency,  we  shall  disarm  reck- 
less and  selfish  agitators  and  take  from  the  enemies  of  our 
peace  their  vantage  ground  of  attack. 

"It  is  my  intention  to  employ  my  constitutional  powers 
to  this  end.  I  believe  in  the  sincerity  and  good  sense  of  the 
people.  I  believe  that  they  are  intent  on  having  government 


234  BIOGRAPHY  OF 

which  recognizes  no  favored  interests  and  which  is  not  con- 
ducted in  any  part  for  selfish  ends." 

Governor  Hughes,  in  accordance  with  the  promise  made  in  his 
inaugural  address,  devoted  his  entire  time  while  he  was  Governor  to  the 
duties  of  his  office.  He  severed  relations  with  his  law  firm,  gave  up  his 
home  in  New  York,  and  moved  his  family  to  Albany.  He  was  sent  to 
Albany  at  a  time  of  political  change.  Some  of  the  leaders  of  his  party 
organization  had  not  yet  conformed  to  the  new  spirit  which  was  becoming 
manifest  in  many  directions.  He  earnestly  desired  to  work  with  them 
in  harmony  and  to  co-operate  with  the  Legislature  in  framing  laws  which 
might  benefit  the  people  of  the  State.  While  he  accomplished  much 
during  his  two  terms  with  the  support  of  the  Legislative  majority,  there 
were  certain  points  of  difference  between  them  which  made  his  work  more 
difficult  than  it  would  otherwise  have  been. 

He  took  the  stand  that  he  would  confine  his  official  activity  to  the 
discharge  of  the  responsibilities  imposed  upon  him  by  law  and  that  he 
would  not  use  his  powers  as  Governor  either  to  coerce  the  Legislature 
or  to  interfere  with  political  organization  or  any  of  its  branches.  He 
assumed  his  responsibilities  and  did  not  seek  to  interfere  in  the  per- 
formance of  duties  which  the  law  imposed  upon  the  Legislature  and 
the  other  State  officers.  He  never  tried  to  "play  politics."  To  use  a 
homely  phrase,  he  minded  his  own  business. 

While  this  attitude  was  to  a  certain  extent  made  necessary  during 
his  first  term  by  the  fact  that  he  was  the  only  candidate  elected  on  the 
Republican  ticket,  he  adhered  to  it  while  he  remained  Governor. 

He  not  only  gave  all  his  energies  to  the  gubernatorial  office,  but  he 
introduced  innovations  which  proved  popular.  The  Executive  Chamber 
in  the  State  Capitol  consists  of  a  large  room  where  the  Governor's  desk 
is  placed.  This  room  is  open  to  the  public.  Behind  it  is  a  smaller  room 
to  which  the  Governor  may  retire  when  he  wishes  to  be  uninterrupted. 
This  inner  room  is  connected  with  the  corridor  by  a  back  door.  It  had 
been  customary  for  Governors  to  admit  the  political  legislative  leaders 
by  this  rear  door  and  to  consult  with  them  regarding  legislation  or  other 
measures  in  private  in  the  rear  room.  Governor  Hughes  refused  to 
continue  this  custom.  In  popular  phrase,  he  "closed  the  back  door"  to 
the  Executive  Chamber,  and  conducted  the  State's  business  in  the  large 
room,  without  concealment. 

Toward  the  close  of  his  first  year  as  Governor,  in  1907,  a  demand 
sprang  up  that  he  be  made  the  candidate  of  the  Republicans  of  the  State 
of  New  York  in  the  Republican  National  Convention  for  President.  This 
demand  was  not  pleasing  to  the  Governor,  who  did  not  feel  there  \\as 
any  urgent  reason  why  he  should  run  for  President  and  who  did  not 
wish  to  leave  unfinished  the  work  he  had  begun  in  Albany.  Nevertheless, 
he  felt  that  he  had  no  right  absolutely  to  forbid  the  use  of  his  name  or  to 


CHARLES  EVANS  HUGHES  235 

prevent  those  citizens  who  believed  he  ought  to  be  nominated  from  con- 
ducting a  campaign  in  his  behalf. 

Accordingly,  he  permitted  his  name  to  be  used.  He  declined,  how- 
ever, to  work  for  his  own  nomination,  and  he  never  asked  any  one  to 
work  for  him  or  to  support  him.  He  did  not  aid  the  advocates  of  his 
nomination  by  making  any  appointment  or  by  any  other  official  act  that 
might  have  increased  his  following.  The  only  recognition  that  he  gave  his 
own  candidacy  was  to  make  two  or  three  speeches  in  which  he  defined  his 
attitude  upon  the  issues  of  the  campaign.  One  of  these  speeches  was  made 
before  the  Republican  Club  of  New  York  City,  which  had  passed  resolu- 
tions advocating  his  nomination,  on  January  31,  1908.  Another  was  made 
in  Boston  in  March,  1908.  He  also  made  a  Washington  Birthday  address 
before  the  Union  League  Club  in  Chicago. 

LETTER   TO   JAMES    S.    LEHMAIER 

He  defined  his  attitude  toward  his  candidacy  in  a  letter  to  James  S. 
Lehmaier,  who  notified  him  of  the  resolution  adopted  by  the  Republican 
Club.  In  this  letter  he  said : 

"It  is  my  desire  that  the  sentiment  of  the  party  shall 
have  the  freest  expression,  and  that  such  action  shall  be  taken 
as  will  be  for  its  best  interests. 

"I  do  not  seek  office  nor  shall  I  attempt  to  influence  the 
selection  or  vote  of  any  delegate.  The  State  administration 
must  continue  to  be  impartial  and  must  not  be  tributary  to 
any  candidacy. 

"I  have  no  interest  in  any  factional  controversy,  and 
desire  above  all  things  that  there  shall  be  deliberation,  honest 
expression  of  the  party  will,  and  harmony  of  effort. 

"I  cannot  fail  to  recognize  the  great  honor  which  the 
nomination  would  confer  or  the  obligation  of  service  which 
it  would  impose.  Nor  should  I  care  to  be  thought  lacking  in 
appreciation  of  the  confidence  and  esteem  which  prompt  the 
efforts  of  those  who  sincerely  desire  to  bring  it  about.  The 
matter  is  one  for  the  party  to  decide,  and  whatever  its  de- 
cision, I  shall  be  content." 

In  addition  to  the  work  of  the  Regular  Republican  organization  in 
many  parts  of  the  State,  Mr.  Hughes'  friends  formed  the  Hughes  Alliance 
to  foster  sentiment  in  his  favor.  Members  of  all  political  parties  joined 
the  Alliance. 

In  the  Chicago  Convention  of  1908,  Mr.  Hughes  received  67  votes. 
When  it  was  seen  that  his  nomination  was  exceedingly  improbable,  the 
organization  leaders  asked  him  to  withdraw  his  name,  or  to  "release"  the 
delegates  who  had  been  instructed  to  vote  for  him,  so  that  the  State 
might  obtain  the  nomination  for  Vice-President.  Mr.  Hughes  declined 


236  BIOGRAPHY  OF 

to  send  any  message  to  the  National  Convention,  pointing  out  that  he 
could  not  "release"  delegates  who  had  been  instructed  to  vote  for  him, 
because  the  instructions  had  been  given  not  by  him  but  by  the  constitu- 
ents of  the  delegates.  Nor  did  he  feel  that  he  had  any  right  to  withdraw 
his  name  having  permitted  its  use.  An  effort  was  made  to  induce  him  to 
accept  the  nomination  for  Vice-President,  but  he  refused  to  consider  the 
suggestion.  James  S.  Sherman  was  nominated  for  Vice-President. 

At  the  request  of  William  H.  Taft,  the  nominee  for  President,  Mr. 
Hughes  gladly  took  the  stump  in  the  national  campaign.  He  delivered 
his  first  speech  at  Youngstown,  Ohio,  riddling  the  programme  advanced 
by  William  J.  Bryan,  who  was  the  Democratic  candidate.  Mr.  Hughes 
afterwards  made  a  trip  through  the  West,  speaking  for  Mr.  Taft. 

Although  some  of  the  leaders  of  his  own  part}-  in  the  State  were 
reluctant  to  nominate  him  for  Governor,  the  managers  of  the  national 
campaign  insisted  that  this  must  be  done,  so  that  the  national  ticket  would 
not  be  endangered,  and  he  was  nominated  to  succeed  himself.  To  a 
considerable  extent,  he  disregarded  his  own  campaign,  devoting  a  large 
part  of  his  time  to  speaking  for  the  Republican  national  ticket.  Because 
of  certain  hostilities  that  he  had  created  during  his  first  term,  he  ran 
behind  the  other  candidates  on  the  Republican  ticket,  but  he  received 
804,651  votes  against  735,189  cast  for  Lieutenant  Governor  Lewis  Stuy- 
vesant  Chanler,  the  candidate  of  the  Democratic  part,  making  his  plurality 
69,462,  an  increase  over  that  in  his  first  election. 

PRESIDENT  SCHURMAN'S  ESTIMATE 

President  Jacob  Gould  Schurman  of  Cornell  University,  who  came  to 
know  Governor  Hughes  well  during  the  two  years  that  he  taught  law  in 
Cornell,  gave  his  impressions  of  Mr.  Hughes'  personality  and  character  in 
an  introductory  chapter  for  a  volume  of  "Addresses  and  Papers  of  Charles 
Evans  Hughes,"  published  in  1908  by  G.  P.  Putnam  and  Sons.  The  fol- 
lowing extracts  are  made  from  what  President  Schurman  wrote : 

"I  may  here  record  some  of  the  impressions  made  by  Mr. 
Hughes  on  those  who  knew  him  at  Cornell  University  and 
have  since  known  him  as  a  lawyer  in  New  York  City.  In  his 
physical  build  he  was  about  six  feet  in  height,  slender  rather 
than  stout,  but  sturdy,  tough  and  wiry.  Then,  as  now  and 
always,  he  was  a  most  indef agitable  worker;  in  this  respect 
indeed  he  excels  any  man  I  have  ever  known.  His  mental 
outfit  is  not  less  remarkable.  To  understand  things  is  a 
necessity  of  his  nature.  Like  Lord  Bacon  he  must  have  the 
'dry  light'  of  reason  on  whatever  he  deals  with — the  truth,  the 
whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth,  unaffected  by  any  dis- 
torting or  discoloring  rays  of  passion,  prejudice,  or  emotion. 
He  possesses  a  powerful  intellect,  which  is  at  once  acute  in 


CHARLES  EVANS  HUGHES  23? 

action  and  comprehensive  in  range.  Analysis  is  the  mark  of 
a  great  lawyer,  and  Mr.  Hughes  has  this  faculty  in  its  highest 
potency.  Not  less  admirable  is  his  ability  to  grasp  quickly 
a  complicated  mass  of  facts  and  arrange  them  in  logical  order. 
I  have  seen  him  work  himself  into  new  questions,  feel  his  way 
to  the  heart  of  them,  then  gradually  marshal  the  facts  with 
reference  to  some  fundamental  principle  or  some  significant 
circumstance  until  the  whole  situation  became  luminous  even 
to  the  mind  of  a  layman ;  and  all  this  time  the  speaker  talked 
literally  'like  a  book,'  and  what  he  said  might  have  been  printed 
almost  without  change  in  a  treatise  on  law  or  a  commentary  on 
cases.  But  this  gift  of  intellectual  divination  and  synthesis 
marks  the  creative  mind.  Air.  Hughes  is  not  only  analytic  and 
critical  but  creative  and  constructive.  His  friends,  his  as- 
sociates at  the  bar,  and  the  judges  of  the  courts  have  long 
admired  this  remarkable  combination  of  gifts.  And  the 
general  public  have  become  aware  of  them  also  since  Mr. 
Hughes  followed  up  his  wonderful  gas  and  insurance  in- 
vestigations with  drafting  remedial  legislation,  and  especially 
since  as  Governor  he  framed  his  Public  Utilities  Bill  as  a  so- 
lution of  the  gravest  question  of  public  policy  now  before 
our  people. 

"Quite  as  remarkable  as  his  intellectual  gifts  is  his 
sense  of  justice  and  fair  play.  This  was  impressively  rec- 
ognized the  other  day  by  Mr.  Ahearn  when,  at  the  close  of 
his  examination,  he  said  that,  whatever  the  finding  of  the 
Governor,  he  desired  to  thank  him  for  the  courtesy  and  fair- 
ness of  the  examination.  Similarly,  Mr.  Hughes'  fearlessness 
and  independence  have  for  many  years  been  well  understood 
by  those  who  know  him.  And  his  firm  attitude  toward  hostile 
politicians  and  legislators  since  he  became  Governor  has  given 
open  proof  of  these  characteristics  to  the  public.  Indeed,  the 
moral  attributes  of  the  man  are  quite  on  a  par  with  his  intel- 
lect, powerful  and  capacious  as  that  is,  even  if  they  do  not 
surpass  integrity  of  character  and  fidelity  to  duty.  It  is  no 
accident,  but  the  deepest  instinct  and  conviction  of  his  nature, 
that  has  made  him  the  exponent  and  champion  of  the  sacred- 
ness  of  fiduciary  obligations  alike  in  business  and  in  politics. 
His  own  personal  life  is  built  on  that  foundation  and  his 
own  professional  practice  as  a  lawyer  has  been  regulated  by 
that  principle.  It  meant  fidelity  to  all  his  clients,  but  subservi- 
ency to  none.  He  never  accepted  general  retainers  involving 
his  commitment  to  any  and  every  kind  of  service.  Both  his 
integrity  and  his  sense  of  independence  forbade  truckling  to 
any  client  and  condoning  dubious  or  crooked  ways. 


238  BIOGRAPHY  OF 

"I  have  said  that  Mr.  Hughes  is  a  marvellous  worker; 
he  also  becomes  absorbed  in  his  work  so  that  for  the  time 
being  nothing  outside  the  range  of  his  duties  can  greatly 
interest  much  less  excite  him.  It  is  not  merely  power  of 
voluntary  concentration,  but  involuntary  absorption  in  the 
object  of  his  activity.  His  work  literally  takes  possession 
of  him  and  has  at  command  the  best  that  is  in  him.  It  is  con- 
sequently impossible  for  him  to  do  anything  he  undertakes  in 
a  half-hearted  or  slipshod  manner.  Whether  teaching  law, 
defending  a  client,  or  administering  the  affairs  of  the  State 
of  New  York,  he  gives  himself  to  the  duty  in  hand  with  such 
whole-souled  earnestness  and  devotion  that  no  energy  or 
interest  is  left  for  outside  matters  which  do  not  concern  him. 
And  this  circumstance,  along  with  a  large  natural  endowment 
of  common  sense  and  excellent  practical  judgment  will  ex- 
plain why  his  course  as  a  public  servant  has  been  so  sure- 
footed and  unerring.  Few  men  have  entered  on  public  office 
surrounded  by  so  many  dangerous  pitfalls;  I  recall  no  man 
who  has  made  fewer  mistakes.  In  view  of  it  all  one  might  say 
that  he  is  not  only  safe  and  sane,  but  almost  infallibly  sa- 
gacious. *  *  * 

"In  the  Latin  language  ambition  meant  a  candidate's  going 
about  to  solicit  office.  Of  such  a  quality  Mr.  Hughes  is  abso- 
lutely devoid.  It  is  one  thing  to  fill  an  office  and  another 
thing  to  get  an  office.  To  get  an  office  has  never  been  Mr. 
Hughes'  aim  or  desire.  His  opportunities  of  public  service 
have  come  to  him  unsought.  It  is  not  that  he  regards  himself 
as  superior  to  other  men  or  that  he  does  not  value  the  good 
opinion  of  his  fellow  citizens.  He  does  appreciate  the  con- 
fidence and  esteem  of  his  fellows.  But  if  they  want  him  for 
public  service  he  feels  that  the  call  should  come  from  them ; 
and  if  they  do  not  want  him  he  does  not  desire  the  office ;  so 
that  in  any  event  there  is  absolutely  nothing  for  him  to 
do.  *  *  * 

"As  he  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  getting  the  nomina- 
tion, as  the  coming  of  the  nomination  to  him  was  no  concern 
of  his,  so  there  remained  open  to  him  only  one  way  of  show- 
ing his  appreciation  of  the  confidence  which  had  been 
vouchsafed  to  him  by  the  people  of  the  State,  namely,  by  dis- 
charging the  high  duties  to  which  they  had  called  him  with  all 
the  ability,  wisdom  and  virtue  he  could  command.  To  thank 
any  person,  or  persons,  for  the  nomination  would  have  been 
tantamount  to  the  confession  that  these  persons  had  done  him 
a  favor.  But  from  Mr.  Hughes'  way  of  looking  at  a  nomina- 
tion as  a  call  of  the  people  to  serve  them,  with  which  he  had 


CHARLES  EVANS  HUGHES  239 

no  concern,  it  will  be  obvious  that  such  a  procedure  would 
have  been  a  stultifying  of  himself.  On  the  other  hand,  inclina- 
tion, duty,  pride,  and  self-respect  all  conspire  to  move  him  to 
make  a  record  as  Qiief  Executive  which  shall  amply  justify 
the  wisdom  of  the  convention  and  the  confidence  of  the 
people.  *  *  * 

THE  PUBLIC   SERVICE  COMMISSIONS   LAW 

The  chief  legislation  of  Governor  Hughes'  first  year  in  the  Execu- 
tive Chamber  was  the  Public  Service  Commissions  Law.  The  manage- 
ment and  control  of  the  public  service  corporations,  and  especially  of  the 
street  railways,  had  been  a  leading  issue  of  the  State  campaign.  The  great 
surface  railway  system  of  New  York  City  had  just  fallen  to  pieces  and 
gone  into  the  hands  of  receivers.  Attempts  to  remedy  admitted  evils 
through  the  passage  of  separate  bills  caused  the  introduction  in  the 
Legislature  of  1906,  of  173  bills  dealing  with  railroad  matters,  fourteen 
with  electricity,  and  twenty-two  with  gas. 

Mr.  Hughes,  after  his  election  and  before  his  inauguration,  drew  the 
Public  Service  Commission  Bill.  He  strongly  recommended  the  measure 
in  his  first  annual  message  to  the  Legislature  and  the  bill  which  he  had 
defined  was  introduced  on  the  heels  of  his  message. 

An  outcry  was  immediately  raised  by  the  public  service  corporations 
and  their  attorneys  throughout  the  State.  They  declared  that  the  measure 
would  take  the  management  of  all  public  service  corporations  out  of  the 
hands  of  their  stockholders  and  place  it  in  the  hands  of  State  officials  who 
were  far  less  competent  to  manage  such  properties.  Governor  Hughes, 
while  the  bill  was  pending,  made  several  addresses  in  its  support.  These 
were  carefully  reasoned  statements  which  had  great  effect  upon  public 
opinion.  In  one  of  these,  at  Elmira,  he  uttered  a  sentence  which  was  often 
repeated  during  the  campaign  for  the  bill: 

"I  am  here  retained  by  the  people  of  the  State  of  New 
York,  to  see  that  justice  is  done,  and  with  no  disposition  to 
injure  any  investment,  but  with  every  desire  to  give  the  fullest 
opportunity  to  enterprise,  and  with  every  purpose  to  shield  and 
protect  every  just  property  interest.  I  stand  for  the  people 
of  the  State  of  New  York  against  extortion,  against  favorit- 
ism, against  financial  scandal  and  against  everything  that  goes 
to  corrupt  our  politics  by  interference  with  the  freedom  of 
our  Legislature  and  administration.  I  stand  for  honest  gov- 
ernment and  effective  regulation  by  the  State  of  public  service 
corporations." 

After  the  bill  went  through  the  Legislature  as  provided  by  the  Con- 
stitution, it  was  submitted  to  the  Mayor  of  New  York  City,  and  it  was 


240  BIOGRAPHY  OF 

vetoed  by  Mayor  McClellan.    The  Legislature  passed  it  over  his  veto  and 
it  became  a  law  just  as  it  had  been  drafted  by  the  Governor. 

This  law  remains  on  the  statute  books  practically  in  its  original  form. 
It  was  one  of  the  first  of  the  efficient  and  workable  State  laws  for  the 
control  of  public  service  corporations,  and  it  has  served  as  a  model  for 
similar  laws  in  many  States.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  passage 
of  the  Governor's  Public  Utilities  law  put  an  end  to  the  mismanagement, 
wildcat  financing  and  poor  service  of  public  service  corporations.  The  cor- 
porations themselves,  which  had  sincerely  dreaded  the  application  of  the 
law  and  had  fought  it  by  every  means  in  their  power,  soon  found  that  it 
protected  them  as  well  as  the  public  and  ceased  to  inveigh  against  it. 

New  York  had  a  Railroad  Commission,  a  Rapid  Transit  Commission 
and  a  State  Commission  of  Gas  and  Electricity  before  this  law  was  en- 
acted ;  but  these  officials  were  compelled  to  work  under  statutes  which  gave 
them  no  real  authority  over  the  corporations  which  they  were  expected 
to  supervise.  Disobedience  to  their  orders  involved  no  penalties,  and  the 
corporations  might  freely  appeal  to  the  courts  to  relieve  them  of  any  ob- 
ligation that  they  might  feel  bound  to  obey.  In  his  first  message  to  the 
Legislature,  in  advocating  the  passage  of  his  bill,  Governor  Hughes 
enumerated  the  evils  which  then  existed.  He  said : 

"Pernicious  favoritism  has  been  practised.  Secret  rebates 
have  been  allowed,  and  there  have  been  unjust  discriminations 
in  rates,  and  in  furnishing  facilities  for  transportation.  Those 
who  have  sought  to  monopolize  trade  have  thus  been  enabled 
to  crush  competition  and  to  grow  in  wealth  and  power  by 
crowding  out  their  rivals  who  have  been  deprived  of  access 
to  market  upon  equal  terms.  These  Abuses  are  not  to  be 
tolerated." 

The  Public  Utilities  Bill  framed  by  the  Governor  abolished  the  Board 
of  Railroad  Commissioners,  the  Rapid  Transit  Commission  and  the  office 
of  Commissioner  of  Gas  and  Electricity  and  created  two  State  Commis- 
sions, the  jurisdiction  of  one  of  which  covered  the  City  of  New  York, 
where  subway  construction  was  being  planned,  while  the  jurisdiction  to 
the  other  extended  throughout  the  rest  of  the  State.  These  two  Com- 
missions, by  the  terms  of  the  bill,  had  authority  over  all  public  service  cor- 
porations with  the  exception  of  telephone  and  telegraph  companies.  This 
authority  extended  to  the  regulation  of  service,  rates,  and  the  issue  of  se- 
curities. The  abuses  which  had  been  prevalent  were  prohibited  under 
severe  penalties,  the  companies  were  made  liable,  free  passes  were  forbid- 
den, stock- watering  was  prevented  and  the  appeal  to  the  courts  was  taken 
away. 

When  the  new  law  was  safely  on  the  statute  books,  Governor  Hughes, 
in  1908,  recommended  that  the  telephone  and  telegraph  companies  be 
brought  under  the  authority  of  the  Public  Service  Commissions  and  this 
was  accomplished  in  1910. 


CHARLES  EVANS  HUGHES  241 

The  Public  Service  Commissions  Law,  which  the  State  of  New  York 
owes  to  Governor  Hughes,  is  looked  upon  as  one  of  the  most  successful 
pieces  of  constructive  State  legislation  ever  enacted  in  this  country. 

THE  TWO-CENT  FARE  VETO 

Governor  Hughes'  veto  of  the  Two-Cent  Fare  Bill  on  June  n,  1907, 
during  his  first  year  in  office,  attracted  attention  throughout  the  country. 
Similar  statutes  had  been  passed  in  many  States  in  response  to  an  agitation 
to  reduce  passenger  fares  upon  railroads  to  the  uniform  rate  of  two  cents 
a  mile.  There  was  supposed  to  be  a  strong  public  opinion  behind  this  agi- 
tation. Governor  Hughes  was  the  first  Governor  to  veto  one  of  these  bills. 

The  bill  presented  to  the  Governor  provided  for  a  maximum  passenger 
fare  of  two  cents  a  mile  upon  railroads  more  than  150  miles  long.  Gover- 
nor Hughes  pointed  out  that  the  bill  had  not  been  preceded  by  any  investi- 
gation or  suitable  inquiry  and  that  the  rate  of  two  cents  a  mile  was  not 
based  upon  official  reports  or  statistics  which  demonstrated  its  justice. 
The  memorandum  filed  with  the  veto  continued: 

"The  bill  represents  a  policy  seriously  mistaken  and  preg- 
nant with  disaster.  It  is  of  the  utmost  importance  that  the 
management  of  our  railroad  corporations  should  be  subject  to 
strict  supervision  by  the  State  and  that  regulations  compelling 
the  observance  of  the  law  and  proper  and  adequate  service 
should  be  rigidly  enforced.  It  is  the  duty  of  these  corpora- 
tions to  provide  transportation  of  passengers  and  goods  at 
reasonable  rates,  and  the  State  should  compel  the  performance 
of  this  obligation. 

"But  injustice  on  the  part  of  railroad  corporations  toward 
the  public  does  not  justify  injustice  on  the  part  of  the  State 
toward  the  railroad  corporation.  The  action  of  government 
should  be  fair  and  impartial,  and  upon  this  every  citizen,  what- 
ever his  interest,  is  entitled  to  insist.  We  shall  make  matters 
not  better  but  worse  if  to  cure  one  wrong  we  establish  another. 
The  fact  that  those  in  control  of  railroad  corporations  have 
been  guilty  of  grossly  improper  financiering  and  of  illegal  and 
injurious  discriminations  in  charges  points  clearly  to  the  neces- 
sity of  effective  State  action,  but  does  not  require  or  warrant 
arbitrary  reprisals.  In  dealing  with  these  questions  democ- 
racy must  demonstrate  its  capacity  to  act  upon  deliberation  and 
to  deal  justly. 

"It  is  of  the  greatest  importance  not  only  that  railroad 
corporations  should  be  compelled  to  respect  their  public  obli- 
gations, but  also  that  they  should  be  permitted  to  operate 
under  conditions  which  will  give  a  fair  return  for  their  service. 


242  BIOGRAPHY  OF 

Upon  this  depends  not  simply  the  security  of  investors,  but 
the  security  of  their  employees  and  the  protection  of  every 
form  of  industry  and  commerce  through  the  maintenance  and 
extension  of  necessary  transportation  facilities.  Nothing 
could  be  more  opposed  to  the  interests  of  the  community  as 
a  whole  than  to  cripple  transportation  corporations  by  arbi- 
trary reduction  of  earnings.  It  may  be  said  that  a  two-cent 
passenger  rate  is  not  so  extreme  as  to  have  a  very  injurious 
result.  But  this  is  a  debatable  question.  Large  and  prosper- 
ous suburban  communities  have  been  built  up  through  the 
offer  of  commutation  rates  much  less  than  the  proposed  maxi- 
mum. Upon  the  maintenance  of  these  rates  many  thousands 
of  our  citizens  rely.  Considerable  differences  exist  between 
the  railroad  corporations  with  respect  to  the  territory  they 
serve  and  the  cost  of  service,  and  it  is  manifest  that  what 
would  be  fair  for  one  might  be  far  from  fair  for  another.  An 
arbitrary  dislocation  of  tariffs  by  the  fiat  of  the  Legislature 
without  investigation  is  a  matter  of  serious  concern.  The 
best  that  could  be  said  for  such  legislation  would  be  that  it 
should  be  regarded  as  an  isolated  case  and  not  as  a  precedent. 
For  if  flat  freight  rates,  either  for  all  commodities  or  for 
different  kinds  of  commodities,  were  similarly  to  be  fixed  by 
the  Legislature  without  investigation  or  proper  ascertainment 
of  their  justice,  our  railroad  business  and  our  industrial  and 
commercial  interests  would  be  thrown  into  confusion. 

"I  do  not  mean  to  be  understood  as  saying  that  a  maxi- 
mum two-cent  passenger  rate  would  be  unreasonably  low.  It 
might  be  high  enough  in  many  cases.  Possibly  it  would  be 
high  enough  in  many  cases.  I  fully  appreciate  the  fact  that 
those  who  have  promoted  this  bill  believe  that  such  a  rate 
would  be  fair.  But  I  deem  it  most  important  that  the  policy 
of  dealing  with  matters  of  this  sort  arbitrarily,  by  legislative 
rule  of  general  application  without  reference  to  the  demands 
of  justice  in  particular  cases,  should  be  condemned.  Every 
workingman,  every  tradesman,  and  every  citizen  believing 
himself  to  have  aught  at  stake  in  the  prosperity  of  the  country 
should  determinedly  oppose  it.  For  it  not  only  threatens  the 
stability  of  business  enterprise  which  make's  our  prosperity 
possible,  but  it  substitutes  unreason  for  sound  judgment,  the 
ill-considered  demands  of  resentment  for  the  spirit  of  fair 
play,  and  makes  impossible  patient  and  honorable  effort  to 
correct  abuses." 

Governor  Hughes  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  there  was  a  better 
way  of  dealing  with  the  question — through  the  Public  Service  Commis- 
sions, which  had  just  been  established  He  said  that  the  Commissions 


CHARLES  EVANS  HUGHES  243 

were  able  to  investigate,  to  obtain  expert  assistance  and  to  deal  sum- 
marily with  the  question  through  orders.  If  the  Commissions  should  find 
a  passenger  rate  of  two  cents  a  mile  to  be  just  and  reasonable,  they  could 
order  it  into  effect. 

THE  FULL  CREW  BILL  VETO 

During  his  first  year  as  Governor,  on  June  15,  1907,  Governor  Hughes 
vetoed  a  bill  providing  for  additional  brakemen  on  freight  trains,  known 
as  the  "Full-Crew  Bill."  This  measure  was  urged  by  labor  organizations 
and  had  attracted  a  good  deal  of  attention  at  the  time  of  its  passage.  It 
provided  that  railroads  in  the  State  which  ran  more  than  four  freight 
trains  in  twenty-four  hours  must  have  a  "full  crew"  of  six  persons,  in- 
cluding one  engineer,  one  fireman,  one  conductor  and  three  brakemen  on 
every  train  of  twenty  cars.  The  practice  of  the  railroads  was  to  give 
two  brakemen  only  to  such  trains. 

The  Governor  pointed  out  the  fact  that  the  bill  made  no  account  of  dif- 
ference between  the  different  roads  and  that  its  advocates  admitted  that 
the  employment  of  a  third  brakeman  on  the  New  York  Central  Railroad, 
for  instance,  was  unnecessary,  and  that  the  bill  would  entail  an  enormous 
outlay  for  which  there  was  no  need.  "The  bill  does  not  refer  its  re- 
quirements to  any  proper  standard  of  necessity  or  provide  any  criterion 
by  which  its  proper  application  under  varying  conditions  is  to  be  deter- 
mined," Governor  Hughes  said.  "It  contains  an  absolute  requirement 
which,  upon  the  facts  conceded  before  me,  cannot  be  justified."  Governor 
Hughes  pointed  out  that  whenever  there  was  inadequate  train  service 
complaint  could  be  made  to  the  Public  Service  Commissions. 

THE   FEDERAL   INCOME   TAX 

Governor  Hughes  in  a  special  message  to  the  Legislature  on  January 
5,  1910,  opposed  the  ratification  of  the  Income  Tax  amendment  to  the 
Federal  Constitution. 

The  Governor  was  required  by  law  to  transmit  to  the  Legislature  a 
certified  copy  of  the  resolution  adopted  by  Congress  containing  the 
amendment  and  he  made  this  the  occasion  of  his  message. 

The  amendment  reads  as  follows : 

"Article  XVI.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  lay 
and  collect  taxes  on  incomes,  from  whatever  source  derived, 
without  apportionment  among  the  several  States,  and  without 
regard  to  any  census  or  enumeration." 

Congress  exercised  the  power  to  tax  incomes,  without  apportionment 
among  the  States,  until  1895  when  the  United  States  Supreme  Court  de- 
cided that  taxes  on  the  rents  or  income  of  real  estate,  and  taxes  on  per- 
sonal property,  or  on  the  income  of  personal  property,  were  direct  taxes 


244  BIOGRAPHY  OF 

and,  therefore,  under  the   Constitution,  must  be  apportioned  among  the 
several  States  according  to  their  respective  populations. 

Governor  Hughes  declared  himself  to  be  in  favor  of  a  Federal  In- 
come Tax,  but  he  objected  to  the  words  "from  whatever  source  derived," 
which  were  contained  in  the  proposed  amendment.  He  pointed  out  that 
this  was  a  broad  grant  of  power  which  might  be  construed  as  subjecting 
to  Federal  taxation  incomes  derived  from  the  bonds  of  States  and  their 
municipal  corporations.  It  was  said  that  to  place  the  borrowing  capacity 
of  the  State  and  its  governmental  agencies  at  the  mercy  of  the  Federal 
taxing  power  would  be  an  impairment  of  the  essential  rights  of  the  State. 
To  the  argument  that  the  broad  words  of  the  amendment  would  be  limited 
by  construction,  it  was  answered  that  there  could  be  no  satisfactory  as- 
surance of  this. 

In  his  message  to  the  Legislature,  Governor  Hughes  said : 

"I  am  in  favor  of  conferring  upon  the  Federal  govern- 
ment the  power  to  lay  and  collect  an  income  tax  without  ap- 
portionment among  the  States  according  to  population.  I  be- 
lieve that  this  power  should  be  held  by  the  Federal  government 
so  as  properly  to  equip  it  with  the  means  of  meeting  na- 
tional exigencies. 

"But  the  power  to  tax  incomes  should  not  be  granted 
in  such  terms  as  to  subject  to  Federal  taxation  the  incomes 
derived  from  bonds  issued  by  the  State  itself,  or  those  issued 
by  municipal  governments  organized  under  the  State's  au- 
thority. To  place  the  borrowing  capacity  of  the  State  and  of 
its  governmental  agencies  at  the  mercy  of  the  Federal  tax- 
ing power  would  be  an  impairment  of  the  essential  rights  of 
the  State  which,  as  its  officers,  we  are  bound  to  defend. 

"You  are  called  upon  to  deal  with  a  specific  proposal  to 
amend  the  Constitution,  and  your  action  must  necessarily  be 
determined  not  by  a  general  consideration  of  the  propriety 
of  a  just  Federal  income  tax,  or  of  giving  to  the  Federal 
government  the  power  to  lay  such  a  tax,  but  whether  or  not 
the  particular  proposal  is  of  such  a  character  as  to  warrant 
your  assent. 

"This  proposal  is  that  the  Federal  government  shall  have 
the  power  to  lay  and  collect  taxes  on  incomes  'from  whatever 
source  derived.' 

"It  is  to  be  borne  in  mind  that  this  is  not  a  mere  statute 
to  be  construed  in  the  light  of  constitutional  restrictions,  ex- 
press or  implied,  but  a  proposed  amendment  to  the  Constitu- 
tion itself  which,  if  ratified,  will  be  in  effect  a  grant  to  the 
Federal  government  of  the  power  which  it  defines. 

"The  comprehensive  words,  'from  whatever  source  de- 
rived,' if  taken  in  their  natural  sense,  would  include  not  only 


CHARLES  EVANS  HUGHES  245 

incomes   from   ordinary  real   or  personal  property,   but  also 
incomes  derived  from  State  and  municipal  securities. 

"It  may  be  urged  that  the  amendment  would  be  limited  by 
construction.  But  there  can  be  no  satisfactory  assurance  of 
this.  The  words  in  terms  are  all-inclusive.  An  amendment 
to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  is  the  most  im- 
portant of  political  acts,  and  there  should  be  no  amendment 
expressed-  in  such  terms  as  to  afford  the  opportunity  for 
Federal  action  in  violation  of  the  fundamental  conditions 
of  State  authority. 

"I  am  not  now  referring  to  the  advantage  which  the 
States  might  derive  from  the  exclusive  power  to  tax  incomes 
from  property,  or  to  the  argument  that  for  this  reason  the 
power  to  tax  such  incomes  should  be  withheld  from  the  Fed- 
eral government.  To  that  argument  I  do  not  assent. 

"I  am  referring  to  a  proposal  to  authorize  a  tax  which 
might  be  laid  in  fact  upon  the  instrumentalities  of  State  gov- 
ernment. In  order  that  a  market  may  be  provided  for  State 
bonds,  and  for  municipal  bonds,  and  that  thus  means  may  be 
accorded  for  State  and  local  administration,  such  securities 
from  time  to  time  are  excepted  from  taxation.  In  this  way 
lower  rates  of  interest  are  paid  than  otherwise  would  be  pos- 
sible. To  permit  such  securities  to  be  the  subject  of  Federal 
taxation  is  to  place  such  limitations  upon  the  borrowing  power 
of  the  State  as  to  make  the  performance  of  the  functions  of 
local  government  a  matter  of  Federal  grace." 
In  concluding  his  message,  Governor  Hughes  said : 

"We  cannot  suppose  that  Congress  will  not  seek  to  tax 
incomes  derived  from  securities  issued  by  the  State  and  its 
municipalities.  It  has  repeatedly  endeavored  to  lay  such 
taxes  and  its  efforts  have  been  defeated  only  by  implied  con- 
stitutional restriction  which  this  amendment  threatens  to 
destroy.  While  we  may  desire  that  the  Federal  government 
may  be  equipped  with  all  necessary  powers  in  order  that  it 
may  perform  the  natural  function,  we  must  be  equally  solici- 
tous to  secure  the  essential  bases  of  State  Government. 

"I  therefore  deem  it  my  duty,  as  Governor  of  the  State, 
to  recommend  that  this  proposed  amendment  should  not  be 
ratified. 

The  Legislature  adopted   Governor  Hughes'  view  of  the  danger  ot 
the  amendment  and  its  ratification  was  defeated  in  1910. 

PRIMARY  LAW   REFORM 

Throughout  his  three  and  a  half  years  as  Governor  of  the  State  of 
New  York,  Mr.  Hughes  fought  for  the  reform  of  the  primary  election 


246  BIOGRAPHY  OF 

machinery.  New  York  had  fallen  far  behind  other  States  in  its  primary 
laws.  The  State  had  no  direct  primary  law  in  the  modern  sense  of  the 
term.  This  condition,  Mr.  Hughes  believed,  favored  boss  rule  and  the 
nomination  of  unfit  candidates  for  office.  It  was  not  an  uncommon  thing 
in  the  State  for  delegates  who  had  been  honestly  chosen  to  be  unseated 
and  excluded  from  nominating  conventions  because  they  refused  to  carry 
out  the  programme  that  had  been  laid  out  by  a  group  of  leaders  or  even  a 
single  leader  for  the  convention  to  ratify.  A  flagrant  instance  of  such 
arbitrary  exclusion  had  been  offered  in  the  Democratic  Convention  which 
was  held  in  Buffalo,  in  1906,  for  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Hughes'  opponent 
in  his  first  campaign  for  Governor. 

In  his  first  and  second  messages  to  the  Legislature,  Governor  Hughes 
recommended  the  enactment  of  a  direct  primary  law  in  permissive  form, 
so  that  any  County  organization  might  make  use  of  it  if  it  chose  to  do  so. 
After  his  re-election,  in  his  annual  message  of  1909,  Governor  Hughes 
asked  the  Legislature  to  pass  a  mandatory  direct  nominations  law.  The 
chief  points  which  he  believed  such  a  law  should  contain  were  set  forth 
in  his  message  as  follows : 

"I  therefore  recommend  a  system  of  direct  nominations 
by  all  parties  for  all  elective  offices,  other  than  those  of 
presidential  electors,  filled  at  the  November  election  or  at 
special  elections  called  to  fill  vacancies  in  such  offices.  Here- 
tofore I  have  suggested  that  it  be  made  permissive,  because  it 
was  believed  that  such  a  provision  would  rapidly  lead  to  its 
general  extension.  But  the  objections  urged  to  this  course  and 
the  strength  which  the  movement  for  direct  nominations  has 
gathered  have  produced  the  conviction  that  we  should  decide 
upon  a  policy  binding  upon  all  parties.  In  this  State  the  way 
has  been  prepared  for  this  course  by  the  method  of  party  en- 
rollment now  in  use  in  portions  of  the  State  and  by  our  fa- 
miliarity with  provisions  designed  to  prevent  corrupt  prac- 
tices and  frauds  at  elections.  While  I  do  not  desire  unduly  to 
elaborate  detail,  I  further  recommend: 

"(i)  That  provision  be  made  for  the  enrollment  of  party 
voters  throughout  the  State,  and  that  participation  in  pri- 
mary elections  be  limited  to  the  enrolled  party  voters,  with 
stringent  measures  to  prevent  fraud.  The  enrollment  may  be 
made  in  substantially  the  same  manner  as  is  provided  for 
with  regard  to  registration. 

"(2)  That  the  expense  of  holding  primary  elections  in- 
cluding the  printing  of  official  ballots,  provision  of  polling 
places  and  the  like,  be  borne  by  the  public. 

"(3)  That  the  Corrupt  Practices  act  be  extended  so  as  to 
prescribe  the  expenses  which  may  lawfully  be  incurred  in  con- 


CHARLES  EVANS  HUGHES  247 

nection  with  candidacies  for  nomination  and  to  ensure  the 
publicity  of  all  expenses. 

"(4)  That  the  amount  which  may  be  expended  by  candi- 
dates for  nomination  be  limited. 

"(5)  That  generally,  with  such  changes  as  may  be  neces- 
sary for  adaptation,  the  safeguards  of  the  law  governing  gen- 
eral elections  be  extended  to  primary  elections. 

"\Ye  may  thus,  in  perfecting  the  plan,  avoid  such  mistakes 
as  may  have  been  made  in  other  States  while  securing  the 
benefits  of  a  system  which  by  virtue  of  its  appeal  to  the  senti- 
ment of  liberty  has  rapidly  won  its  way  in  the  favor  of  the 
people  throughout  the  country." 

In  order  to  carry  out  his  ideas  he  drew  a  primary  election  bill  which 
became  known  as  the  Hinman-Green  bill  and  which  created  an  entirely 
original  form  of  machinery  which  many  experienced  political  leaders  be- 
lieved would  prove  effective  in  practice.  It  provided  for  the  enrollment 
of  the  party  voters,  an  official  primary  ballot,  separate  primary  elections 
for  the  choice  of  State  Committees,  containing  one  Committeeman  from 
each  of  the  150  Assembly  districts  in  the  State,  and  for  meetings  of  the 
State  Committees  to  suggest  the  names  of  candidates  for  nominations,  to 
be  voted  for  on  primary  day.  It  provided  for  the  designation  of  rival 
candidates  by  petition,  and  it  threw  around  the  voting  on  primary  day, 
for  the  first  time,  practically  all  the  safeguards  adopted  to  prevent  ballot 
frauds  on  election  day. 

This  bill  was  defeated  in  1909,  and  again  in  1910.  In  an  extraordinary 
session  called  by  the  Governor  in  1910  to  reconsider  the  question,  another 
bill,  known  as  the  Cobb  bill,  was  introduced.  This  bill  was  called  a 
"compromise  bill"  from  the  fact  that  it  made  certain  concessions  to  some 
of  the  opponents  of  the  Hinman-Green  bill. 

Colonel  Roosevelt  returned  from  his  trip  to  Africa  while  the  Cobb 
bill  was  pending  in  Albany  and  went  to  Cambridge  to  attend  the  com- 
mencement exercises  at  Harvard  University.  Both  sides  in  the  primary 
bill  controversy  appealed  to  him.  Governor  Hughes  was  about  to  re- 
ceive a  degree  from  Harvard  University  and  he  met  Colonel  Roosevelt  at 
Cambridge.  He  asked  Colonel  Roosevelt  to  throw  his  influence  in  favor 
of  the  bill  and  this  Colonel  Roosevelt  did  in  a  telegram  addressed  to 
Lloyd  C.  Griscom,  Chairman  of  the  Republican  County  Committee  of 
New  York  County,  which  he  sent  from  Cambridge  on  June  29,  1910,  as 
follows : 

"It  seems  to  me  that  the  Cobb  bill  with  the  amendments 
proposed  by  you  meets  the  needs  of  the  situation.  I  believe 
the  people  demand  it.  I  most  earnestly  hope  that  it  may  be 
enacted  into  law." 

President  Taft  also  sent  a  telegram  favoring  the  Cobb  bill.  Despite 
these  appeals  the  bill  was  beaten  in  both  houses  of  the  Legislature,  the 


24:8  BIOGRAPHY  OF 

vote  in  the  Assembly  being  sixty-three  ayes  to  eighty  noes — seventy-six 
being  the  vote  required  for  passage — and  in  the  Senate,  nineteen  ayes  to 
twenty-five  noes,  twenty-six  affirmative  votes  being  necessary  for  passage. 
The  contest  waged  by  Governor  Hughes  for  direct  nominations  started 
an  agitation  which  led  to  the  passage  of  the  present  Direct  Primary  Law. 
This  law  does  not  in  the  least  resemble  the  plan  proposed  by  the  Governor 
in  the  Hinman-Green  bill  and  it  has  failed  to  give  the  party  voters  the 
control  which  Mr.  Hughes  believed  to  be  essential.  Many  persons  think 
that,  while  bowing  to  the  popular  demand,  the  Democratic  Legislature 
which  passed  the  law  purposely  made  it  as  ineffective  as  possible  so  that 
the  direct  nominations  idea  might  be  discredited. 

During  this  contest  to  change  the  primary  election  machinery,  the  cry 
was  raised  that  he  was  seeking  to  destroy  party  organization  and  that  he 
was  "an  anti-organization  man." 

This  criticism,  however,  was  a  part  of  the  opposition  campaign.  Gov- 
ernor Hughes  then,  as  always,  recognized  the  necessity  for  party  organi- 
zation and  its  desirability.  He  insisted  that  his  only  endeavor  was  to 
make  the  party  organization  stronger  and  more  effective  than  it  had  ever 
been  before  by  giving  the  party  voters  themselves  a  voice  in  its  manage- 
ment. He  made  this  clear  in  his  message  to  the  Legislature. 

Frederick  M.  Davenport,  the  Progressive  candidate  for  Governor  in 
New  York  State  in  1914,  recently  made  a  tour  through  the  West  for  the 
purpose  of  noting  the  effect  of  radical  legislation  there.  The  results  of 
his  observations  were  published  in  the  Outlook.  The  issue  of  that  publi- 
cation for  July  12,  1915,  contains  comments  upon  several  new  laws,  includ- 
ing the  Direct  Primary.  In  that  article,  Mr.  Davenport  said: 

"The  preliminary  'unofficial'  conferences  which  are  now 
held  under  the  Direct  Primary  from  New  York  to  the  Pacific 
Coast  by  all  parties  are  the  direct  descendants  of  the  garret 
and  subterranean  gatherings  of  both  the  earlier  and  the  later 
periods  of  popular  government  in  America.  And  the  instinct 
cannot  be  stifled.  It  should  rather  be  legalized  and  made 
responsible  and  open;  otherwise  a  secret  cabal,  whether  be- 
nevolent or  malevolent,  is  sure  to  flourish  and  be  a  continuing 
source  of  irritation  in  a  democracy.  Governor  Hughes  met 
this  problem  squarely  while  he  was  the  Executive  in  New 
York.  He  proposed,  as  an  essential  part  of  the  democracy 
of  his  Direct  Primary  plan,  that  representative  State  leaders, 
freely  chosen  by  voters  in  the  local  assembly  districts,  and 
without  power  legally  to  perpetuate  themselves,  should  in  the 
most  open  manner  and  with  the  most  careful  legal  restrictions, 
make  the  initial  suggestions  of  State  candidates  for  office.  But 
the  final  determination  upon  these  suggestions  and  upon  all 
other  suggestions  which  might  likewise  be  freely  made  by 
petition,  should  lie  within  the  whole  body  of  enrolled  voters 


CHARLES  EVANS  HUGHES  249 

in  each  party  on  Primary  day,  with  this  open  and  responsible 
and  legalized  leadership  at  the  top,  through  a  popularly  elected 
committee  or  a  popularly  elected  State  committee,  and  with 
the  town  meeting  re-established  everywhere  at  the  bottom, 
the  Direct  Primary  would  fulfill  the  needs  of  both  repre- 
sentative and  direct  democracy  far  better  than  it  does  at 
present.  The  Direct  Primary  at  present  drives  leadership  to 
cover  and  makes  no  place  for  those  splendid  mass  gatherings 
and  discussions  in  the  small  units  of  the  Nation  which 
formerly  cleared  the  air  and  informed  and  trained  the  elect- 
orate, not  only  in  New  England,  but 'in  many  other  parts  of 
the  country." 

REFORM    OF   THE   ELECTION    LAWS 

Governor  Hughes  throughout  his  two  terms  urged  reform  in  the 
election  laws  of  the  State  and  particularly  a  simplified  form  of  ballot  under 
which  the  names  of  candidates  for  each  office  should  appear  but  once, 
grouped  under  the  name  of  that  office.  This  form  is  generally  known  as 
the  "Massachusetts  ballot." 

The  contest  which  was  waged  when  David  B.  Hill  was  Governor  of 
the  State  in  1889-90  had  resulted  in  a  ballot  containing  party  columns, 
with  emblems  which  enabled  the  most  ignorant  and  careless  of  voters  to 
vote  the  straight  party  ticket  by  making  a  single  cross-mark  at  the  head 
of  the  party  column.  There  was  no  limitation  as  to  the  number  of  times 
the  name  of  the  candidate  nominated  by  several  party  organizations  might 
appear  on  the  ballot.  While  this  form  of  ballot  made  it  easy  for  the 
voter  who  desired  to  vote  for  his  party  rather  than  candidates,  it  practi- 
cally disfranchised  the  voter  who  desired  to  vote  for  candidates  rather 
than  for  a  party. 

In  his  first  message  to  the  Legislature,  in  1007,  Mr.  Hughes  said : 

"It  is  not  impossible  to  have  a  simple  form  of  ballot  which 
will  put  parties,  candidates  and  voters  respectively  on  an  en- 
tirely equal  footing.    I  believe  that  the  best  form  of  ballot  is 
that  in  which  the  names  of  the  candidates  for  the  respective 
offices  appear  but  once  grouped  under  the  names  of  the  of- 
fices.   I  recommend  that  such  a  ballot,  with  appropriate  desig- 
nation   of    party,    opposite   the   candidate's   name,    should   be 
adopted.     The  fact  that  we  are  accustomed  to  another  form 
of  ballot  in  New  York  has  given  rise  to  objections  which  ex- 
perience in  other  States  has   shown  to  be  without  weight." 
Although  Governor  Hughes  renewed  this  recommendation  each  year, 
it   was   not  until  after  he  had  left  the  office  of   Governor  that  it  was 
finally  adopted.     The  ballot  which  he  proposed  is  now  the  official  ballot 
of  the  State. 

Campaign  contributions  from  corporations  were  forbidden  by  a  law 


250  BIOGRAPHY  OF 

resulting  from  the  insurance  investigations.    This  made  an  enormous  dif- 
ference in  elections,  greatly  reducing  the  amount  of  money  spent. 

The  Corrupt  Practices  Law  was  strengthened  in  several  important 
particulars  during  Mr.  Hughes'  term  at  his  insistence.  In  his  first 
message  to  the  Legislature  he  said : 

"The  laws  relating  to  Corrupt  Practices  should  be  rein- 
forced by  amendment  as  experience  reveals  defects.    There  is 
no  better  way  of  putting  an  end  to  bribery  and  corruption 
than  by  compelling  full  publicity  as  to  campaign  expenditures, 
and  this  was  the  intent  of  the  legislation  of  last  year." 
Governor  Hughes  also   recommended  that  the  amount   a   candidate 
might  spend  to  procure  his  election  should  be  limited.    Other  recommenda- 
tions proposed  limitation  of  the  number  of  poll-workers  who  might  be 
employed,  and  provision  for  the  better  identification  of  voters  wherever 
fraudulent  practices  existed. 

LABOR   LEGISLATION 

Many  labor  laws  were  enacted  during  Governor  Hughes'  admin- 
istration. 

The  Labor  Department  was  made  more  effective  by  provisions  for 
additional  inspectors.  The  Bureau  of  Mercantile  Inspection  was  created 
and  the  inspection  of  mercantile  establishments  was  taken  from  the  health 
officers  of  cities  of  the  first  class  and  given  to  the  Department  of  Labor. 

The  Child  Labor  Law  was  made  more  stringent.  Proper  ventilation 
and  suitable  washrooms  in  factories  were  provided  for.  Protection  was 
given  to  tunnel  workers. 

The  limitation  of  hours  of  labor  of  employees  on  street  surface  rail- 
roads was  extended  to  cities  of  the  second  class. 

The  employment  of  railroad  employees,  except  in  specified  cases  of 
accident  or  unexpected  delay,  for  more  than  sixteen  consecutive  hours  was 
prohibited. 

An  eight-hour  day  for  railroad  telephone  and  telegraph  operators  was 
provided. 

The  payment  of  wages  semi-monthly  to  employees  of  steam  surface 
railroads  was  provided  for 

Ice-harvesting   companies   were   required   to   pay  wages   in   cash. 

These  are  samples  of  the  labor  legislation  which  distinguished  Gov- 
ernor Hughes'  term  of  office. 

The  most  important  labor  enactment  for  which  he  was  responsible, 
however,  was  the  Employers'  Liability  and  Workmen's  Compensation  Law. 
In  order  to  open  the  way  for  the  passage  of  this  law,  the  Governor  brought 
about  the  appointment  of  a  Commission,  of  which  Senator  J.  M.  Wain- 
wright  of  Westchester  County  was  Chairman.  This  Commission  made 
a  thorough  study  of  the  laws  of  other  States  and  countries  and  their 


CHARLES  EVANS  HUGHES  251 

operation.  As  a  result,  the  first  Workmen's  Compensation  Law  in  the 
State  of  New  York  was  enacted  in  1910,  in  accordance  with  the  Governor's 
recommendations. 

This  law  was  afterwards  declared  unconstitutional  by  the  Court  of 
Appeals  and  it  was  necessary  to  amend  the  Constitution  in  order  to  make 
effective  legislation  of  this  character. 

The  verdict  of  labor  upon  Mr.  Hughes'  administration  was  given, 
after  he  had  resigned  the  office  of  Governor,  in  an  editorial  in  the 
Legislative  News,  the  organ  of  the  New  York  State  Federation  of  Labor : 

"HE  WAS  A  GREAT  GOVERNOR 

"Now  that  Governor  Hughes  has  retired  from  politics  and 
ascended  to  a  place  on  the  highest  judicial  tribunal  in  the 
world,  the  fact  can  be  acknowledged  without  hurting  anybody's 
political  corns,  that  he  was  the  greatest  friend  of  labor  laws 
that  ever  occupied  the  Governor's  chair  at  Albany.  During  his 
two  terms  he  has  signed  56  labor  laws,  including  among  them 
the  best  labor  laws  ever  enacted  in  this  or  any  other  State. 
He  also  urged  the  enactment  of  labor  laws  in  his  messages  to 
the  Legislature,  even  going  so  far  as  to  place  the  demand  for 
a  labor  law  in  one  of  his  messages  to  an  extra  session  of  the 
Legislature. 

"Only  162  Labor  Laws  have  been  enacted  in  this  State 
since  its  creation  in  1777 — in  133  years.  One-third  of  these, 
exceeding  in  quality  all  of  the  others,  have  been  enacted  and 
signed  during  Governor  Hughes'  term  of  three  years  and  nine 
months. 

"With  such  a  record  of  approval  and  suggestion  of  pro- 
gressive legislation  in  the  interest  of  humanity  to  his  credit, 
it  is  easy  to  believe  that  human  rights  will  have  a  steadfast 
and  sympathetic  upholder  in  the  new  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States." 

RACE  TRACK  GAMBLING  AND  THE  CONSTITUTION 

The  Constitutional  Convention  of  1894  proposed  an  amendment  to  the 
State  Constitution  to  prohibit  pool-selling  and  book-making  on  race 
tracks.  The  prohibition  was  contained  in  Section  9  of  Article  I  of  the 
Constitution  in  the  following  language : 

"nor  shall  any  lottery  or  the  sale  of  lottery  tickets,  pool-selling, 
book-making,  or  any  other  kind  of  gambling  hereafter  be  au- 
thorized or  allowed  within  this  State ;  and  the  Legislature  shall 
pass  appropriate  laws  to  prevent  offenses  against  any  of  the 
provisions  of  this  section." 

This  provision  was  adopted  as  a  part  of  the  revised  Constitution  in 
1895.  The  Legislature  passed  a  law  making  pool-selling  or  book-making 


252  BIOGRAPHY  OF 

a  felony  excepting  where  an  exclusive  penalty  was  otherwise  provided.  It 
then  passed  the  Percy-Gray  Law,  which  provided  that  the  exclusive  penalty 
for  pool-selling  or  book-making  on  authorized  race  tracks,  provided  no 
memorandum  or  token  of  the  bet  was  delivered,  should  be  forfeiture  of 
the  amount  wagered,  to  be  recovered  in  a  civil  action. 

Under  this  disingenous  law,  conditions  at  the  race  tracks  operated  in 
the  State  had  gone  from  bad  to  worse.  Gambling  was  carried  on 
openly  and  on  a  tremendous  scale  in  the  betting  rings  which  were  con- 
ducted with  no  pretense  of  concealment  and,  in  fact,  under  the  protection 
of  the  authorities.  In  his  judgment  these  demoralizing  conditions  en- 
couraged thefts  and  defalcations,  ruined  many  business  men,  and  fostered 
vice  and  crime. 

Governor  Hughes  in  his  annual  message  of  1908  pointed  out  to  the 
Legislature  the  conflict  between  the  plain  mandate  of  the  Constitution  and 
the  Percy-Gray  Law  under  which  book-making  and  pool-selling  were  per- 
mitted to  flourish,  and  he  asked  the  Legislature  to  repeal  the  Percy-Gray 
Law.  This  recommendation  led  to  a  bitter  struggle.  Vast  interests  and 
enormous  profits  were  at  stake.  The  racing  men  succeeded  in  enlisting 
the  support  of  many  influential  members  of  the  Legislature  of  both  politi- 
cal parties  and  the  Governor  was  compelled  to  take  his  case  to  the  people 
of  the  State. 

In  his  last  message,  sent  to  the  special  session  of  the  Legislature,  Gov- 
ernor Hughes  said : 

"Nor  can  the  question  be  finally  disposed  of  save  by 
vindicating  the  honor  of  the  State  and  by  demonstrating  that 
there  is  no  power,  however  strong  or  unscrupulous,  which  can 
be  permitted  to  override  the  will  of  the  people  as  expressed  in 
the  fundamental  law." 

The  Governor's  racing  bills  passed  the  Assembly  and  as  the  time 
drew  near  for  a  final  vote  on  them  in  the  Senate,  the  racing  men  exerted 
all  the  pressure  they  could  command.  The  bills  were  finally  lost  in  the 
regular  session  by  a  tie  vote;  but  a  vacancy  existed  in  the  Forty-seventh 
Senate  district  in  the  western  part  of  the  State.  Governor  Hughes  called 
a  special  election  in  that  district  on  May  12.  The  campaign  turned  upon 
the  race  track  bills.  The  Governor  stumped  the  district  in  support  of 
them  and  a  Senator  was  elected  who  favored  their  passage.  The  Gover- 
nor then  called  a  special  session  of  the  Legislature  to  meet  on  June  12. 
The  bills  -were  finally  passed  by  one  vote. 

Much  bitterness  was  engendered  by  this  contest  and  for  several  years 
racing  was  suspended.  The  race-track  men,  and  with  them  many  friends 
of  sport  in  general  who  had  been  induced  to  believe  that  the  Governor 
was  opposed  to  horse  racing  and  to  all  sports,  did  their  best  to  defeat  him 
when  he  ran  for  re-election.  This  feeling  has  now  utterly  disappeared. 


CHARLES  EVANS  HUGHES  253 

The  opinion  of  racing  men  is  shown  by  the  following  extract  from  the 
Rider  and  Driver,  the  organ  of  horse  breeders,  for  July,  1916 : 

"The  nomination  of  Justice  Charles  E.  Hughes  for  the 
Presidency  has  brought  many  inquiries  from  our  readers  as  to 
the  probable  attitude  of  horsemen  for  or  against  his  election. 
Naturally,  the  question  is  based  upon  his  activities  in  regard 
to  the  so-called  anti-racing,  but  really  anti-gambling  legis- 
lation in  New  York  State  when  he  was  Governor.  On  first 
thought,  the  impression  was  that  his  record  would  militate 
against  him,  but  on  mature  reflection  we  feel  that  time  has 
healed  much  of  the  bitterness  of  that  struggle  and  that  the 
improved  conditions  of  racing  would  seem  to  justify  his  course, 
which  was  undoubtedly  based  upon  a  high  moral  sense  of 
righteousness.  In  looking  back,  now,  one  readily  sees  that 
the  Governor  was  the  inflexible  agent  of  a  State-wide  senti- 
ment to  put  down  a  condition  that  had  fastened  itself  upon 
the  splendid  sport  of  racing,  which,  although  drastic,  has 
undoubtedly  proven  to  be,  like  the  eradication  of  slavery  and 
other  evils,  for  the  best  good  not  only  of  the  people  at 
large,  but  for  horse  lovers  and  racing  interests  in  particular." 

CONSERVATION   OF    NATURAL   RESOURCES 

The  conservation  of  natural  resources  was  being  much  discussed 
when  Mr.  Hughes  was  elected  Governor.  New  York  State  had  no  laws 
for  the  protection  of  public  property  of  this  class.  At  Niagara  Falls  it 
had  given  away  in  perpetuity  the  most  valuable  rights  in  the  world  and 
electric  power  companies  were  eagerly  seeking  new  water  powers. 

To  the  preservation  of  these  water  powers  as  a  part  of  the  public 
property,  as  well  as  to  the  preservation  and  extension  of  the  State's  forest 
preserves,  Mr.  Hughes  gave  much  attention. 

It  had  been  the  custom  when  grants  of  water  power  rights  belonging 
to  the  State  were  made,  to  require  no  payment  in  return,  or  at  best  only 
a  nominal  one.  The  Governor  insisted  that  the  State  should  obtain 
suitable  compensation  for  the  use  of  its  water  powers.  In  accordance 
with  his  usual  custom  of  ascertaining  the  facts  before  attempting  to 
legislate,  he  recommended  that  the  State  Water  Supply  Commission 
make  an  investigation  of  available  water  powers  in  the  State  and  report 
to  the  Legislature. 

The  investigation  was  completed  and  the  report  was  made  in  1910. 
The  Governor  commended  it  to  the  careful  consideration  of  the  Legis- 
lature and  made  the  following  recommendations : 

"The  investigation  has  proceeded  far  enough  to  raise  the 
question  as  to  the  action  which  should  be  taken  by  the  State, 


254  BIOGRAPHY  OF 

and  I  commend  this  subject  to  your  most  careful  consideration. 
The  following  principles  should,  I  believe,  be  accepted : 

"(i)  That  the  flow  of  water  in  our  rivers  should  be 
regulated  and  our  water  powers  developed  to  the  fullest 
extent  that  may  be  practicable. 

"This  is  essential  to  prevent  unnecessary  damage  from 
floods  and  to  ensure  our  industrial  progress  and  the  future 
prosperity  of  our  people. 

"(2)  That  with  respect  to  streams  having  their  head- 
waters within  the  boundaries  of  the  forest  parks,  all  plans 
of  regulation  or  power  development  should  be  executed  only 
by  the  State,  and  all  reservoirs  and  their  appurtenances  and 
the  impounded  waters  should  be  the  property  of  the  State 
and  under  exclusive  State  control,  and  not  be  permitted  to 
pass  into  private  hands. 

"Any  such  plan  should  embrace  all  necessary  safeguards 
to  ensure  the  proper  protection  of  the  forests. 

"(3)  That  with  respect  to  any  other  streams  flowing 
through  any  other  public  park  or  reservation  of  the  State, 
such  plans  should  likewise  be  executed  by  the  State  and  it 
should  retain  exclusive  ownership  and  control  in  order  ade- 
quately to  safeguard  the  State's  interests. 

"(4)  That  further,  as  it  is  of  great  public  importance 
that  the  water  powers  of  the  State  should  be  developed  in  a 
comprehensive  manner  and  that  these  natural  sources  of 
industrial  energy  should  not  become  the  subject  of  an 
injurious  private  control,  such  development  should  be  under- 
taken by  the  State  whenever  such  action  appears  to  be 
feasible  and  for  the  general  interest. 

"(5)  That  in  any  case  of  State  development  of  water 
power  provision  should  be  made  for  the  granting  of  such 
rights  as  may  be  proper,  to  use  the  power  so  developed  upon 
equitable  terms  and  conditions. 

"(6)  That  the  State  should  not  undertake  any  plan  of 
regulation  or  water-power  development  save  upon  a  basis 
which  would  make  its  investment  a  fair  and  reasonable  one 
from  the  public  standpoint  by  virtue  of  practicable  measures 


CHARLES  EVANS  HUGHES  255 

for  ensuring  such  a  return  upon  the  State's  outlay  as  would 
be  equitable  in  the  particular  circumstances. 

"(7)     That  any  amendment  of  the  Constitution  at  this 
time  for  the  purpose  of  permitting  any  portion  of  the  forest 
preserve   to  be   used   for   any   such  purpose   should,   by   its 
terms,  or  by  appropriate  reference,  suitably  define  the  property 
within  the  preserve  which  is  to  be  used  and  the  manner  of 
its  use.     No  amendment  and  no  plan  of  development  should 
meet  with  any  favor  which,  after  the  most  rigid  scrutiny,  does 
not  afford  absolute  assurance  that  in  no  way  will  the  public 
interest  in  the  forests  be  parted  with  or  jeopardized." 
The    Legislature    passed    a    bill    providing    for    the    development    of 
water  powers;  but  it  failed  to  comply  with  the  Governor's  recommenda- 
tions and  the  result  was  so  unsatisfactory  that  he  vetoed  it. 

THE   STATE   PARK   SYSTEM 

The  Governor  took  great  interest  throughout  his  term  in  the  exten- 
sion of  the  State  park  system.  In  his  first  year,  the  Hon.  William  Pryor 
Letchworth  conveyed  to  the  State  a  tract  of  1,000  acres  of  land  in 
Wyoming  County,  including  the  Genesee  Falls,  one  of  the  most  beautiful 
waterfalls  in  the  State.  Threats  had  been  made  to  appropriate  these  falls 
for  the  purpose  of  water  power  development,  and  Mr.  Letchworth  pre- 
vented this  by  his  gift,  which  the  State  accepted  upon  the  Governor's 
recommendation. 

Another  large  extension  of  the  State  park  system  was  the  gift  of 
10,000  acres  of  land  in  Orange  and  Rockland  Counties,  together  with 
$1,000,000,  which  was  made  by  Mrs.  Mary  \Y.  Harriman,  widow  of 
Edward  H.  Harriman,  in  accordance  with  his  wishes.  With  this  gift,  the 
State  received,  as  a  result  of  the  activity  of  the  Palisades  Park  Com- 
mission, of  which  George  W.  Perkins  was  President,  the  sum  of  $1,625,000 
from  public  spirited  citizens  to  be  used  for  the  purchase  of  land  adjoining 
the  Harriman  tract  for  the  formation  of  a  reservation,  to  be  developed 
in  connection  with  Palisades  Park.  In  consideration  of  this  gift,  the 
State  appropriated  $2,500,000  and  agreed  to  move  the  new  State  prison 
away  from  the  west  side  of  the  Hudson  to  another  site. 

In  addition  to  these  gifts,  the  firm  of  Witherbee,  Sherman  and 
Company,  ac  Port  Henry,  in  the  Governor's  last  year  conveyed  to  the 
State  the  historic  ruins  of  Crown  Point  on  Lake  Champlain.  The  name 
of  Crown  Point  has  been  identified  with  the  history  of  the  State  from 
the  earliest  times.  Upon  the  recommendation  of  the  Governor,  the  gift 
was  accepted  and  Crown  Point  was  converted  into  a  State  reservation. 


256  BIOGRAPHY  OF 

NEW  BANKING  LAWS 

The  panic  of  1907  checked  prosperity  and  brought  about  the  failure 
of  many  financial  institutions.  The  events  of  that  year  showed  the 
need  for  a  revision  of  the  banking  laws  of  the  State.  Governor  Hughes 
invited  six  well-known  bankers,  representing  all  the  classes  of  institutions 
involved,  to  act  as  an  unpaid  Commission  to  examine  into  the  situation 
and  make  recommendations  to  him  for  the  reform  of  the  laws.  A. 
Barton  Hepburn  was  Chairman  of  this  Commission. 

Just  as  the  evils  which  had  crept  into  the  business  of  life  insurance 
were  eradicated  by  the  legislation  framed  by  Mr.  Hughes  and  recom- 
mended by  the  Armstrong  Committee,  so  the  chief  evils  which  made  the 
banking  situation  unsafe  were  eradicated  by  the  legislation  evolved  from 
the  recommendations  of  the  Committee,  the  Superintendent  of  Banks, 
and  the  Governor.  This  legislation  was  regulative  and  restrictive  and, 
like  the  insurance  legislation,  it  made  the  officers  and  directors  responsible. 
Among  other  provisions  of  the  new  law  was  one  which  extended  the 
authority  of  the  Superintendent  of  Banks  to  private  banks  in  which  large 
amounts  of  money  were  deposited  by  immigrants  unfamiliar  with  American 
institutions.  Failures  among  these  banks,  which  had  hitherto  been  with- 
out supervision,  had  furnished  frequent  scandals.  This  law  was  attacked 
as  unconstitutional  but  it  was  finally  upheld  by  the  United  States  Supreme 
Court. 

EFFICIENCY  IN  OFFICE 

Governor  Hughes  always  insisted  upon  efficiency  in  office.  No 
project  attracted  him  unless  it  was  practical.  In  his  first  inaugural 
address,  delivered  in  January,  1007,  he  said : 

"Each  measure  proposed  must  ultimately  be  tested  by 
critical  analysis  of  the  particular  problem — the  precise  mischief 
alleged  and  the  adequacy  of  the  proffered  remedy.  It  is  the 
capacity  for  such  close  examination  without  heat  or  disquali- 
fying prejudice  which  distinguishes  the  constructive  effort 
from  vain  endeavors  to  change  human  nature  by  changing 
the  forms  of  government." 

Believing  that  too  many  laws  were  passed  by  the  Legislature,  he 
refused  to  consider  bills  that  were  unnecessary  or  the  purpose  of  which 
could  not  be  met  without  special  legislation,  and  in  this  way  he  materially 
reduced  the  volume  of  new  statutes.  The  Legislature  had  been  accustomed 
to  pass,  and  Governors  to  sign,  a  great  quantity  of  bills  fixing  the 
salaries  of  local  officers,  cancelling  tax  sales,  validating  acts  of  notaries 
and  commissioners  of  deeds,  extending  franchises  of  railways,  amending 
the  Forest,  Fish  and  Game  Law,  authorizing  the  presentation  of  claims 
against  the  State  or  its  municipalities,  reinstating  public  officers  who  had 


CHARLES  EVANS  HUGHES  257 

been  dismissed,  and  the  like.  Governor  Hughes  insisted  that  all  these 
matters  should  be  taken  care  of  under  general  laws  and  that  if  existing 
general  laws  were  found  to  be  insufficient,  they  should  be  amended. 

Governor  Hughes  was  much  interested  in  seeing  that  the  new  insur- 
ance laws  were  faithfully  executed.  In  his  speech  accepting  the  nomina- 
tion for  Governor,  he  had  said: 

"I  shall  spare  no  effort  to  make  effective  the  reforms 
in  the  business  of  life  insurance  so  essential  to  the  interests 
of  the  policy-holders." 

With  regard  to  public  office,  the  Governor  held  a  high  opinion.  Like 
President  Cleveland,  he  looked  upon  the  duty  of  filling  such  offices  as 
a  public  trust  and  he  used  the  greatest  care  to  obtain  the  men  whom 
he  regarded  as  best  fitted  to  discharge  the  duties  of  the  offices  which  he 
was  called  upon  to  fill.  He  never  appointed  a  friend  to  office  as  a 
reward,  or  did  he  ever  for  revenge  remove  from  office  an  opponent,  or  the 
friends  and  supporters  of  an  opponent.  In  order  that  he  might  be  the 
better  able  to  secure  efficiency  in  office,  he  obtained  from  the  Legis- 
lature in  1907  the  passage  of  a  law,  known  as  the  Moreland  Act,  which 
authorized  the  Governor  to  investigate  State  administrative  departments 
in  order  to  ascertain  the  conditions  which  existed  therein.  This  law 
has  proved  of  much  benefit. 

THE   SHORT  BALLOT,    STATE  BUDGET,   CIVIL   SERVICE   LAWS 

Governor  Hughes  was  always  an  advocate  of  the  short  ballot  as 
the  most  effective  means  of  centralizing  responsibility  and  encouraging 
efficient  administration.  He  also  advocated  the  adoption  of  a  State 
budget  system  and  he  gave  especial  attention  to  upholding  and  extending 
the  State  Civil  Service  Laws. 

PROBLEMS   OF   STATE   GOVERNMENT 

In  his  annual  message  to  the  Legislature  of  1909,  Mr.  Hughes  indi- 
cated "lines  of  progress"  as  follows : 

"While  we  may  hesitate  to  forecast  the  future,  it  would 
seem  that  progress  in  solving  the  problems  of  State  govern- 
ment will  involve : 

"(i)  The  concentration  of  responsibility  with  regard  to 
executive  powers  in  order  to  promote  efficiency  of 
administration ; 

"(2)  Direct  accountability  to  the  people  by  those 
charged  with  this  executive  control  over  administrative 
agencies ; 


258  BIOGRAPHY  OF 

"(3)  Such  provision  with  regard  to  electoral  machinery 
as  will  aid  in  focusing  the  attention  of  the  people  upon  the 
officers  so  accountable; 

"(4)  Adequate  means  to  secure  the  effective  expression 
of  the  will  of  the  people  in  the  selection  of  such  officers." 

APPOINTED  TO  THE   SUPREME  COURT 

Mr.  Hughes  was  nominated  to  be  an  Associate  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States  by  President  Taft  on  May  2,  1910.  He 
resigned  the  office  of  Governor  on  October  6,  1910,  and  took  his  seat 
on  the  bench  of  the  Supreme  Court  on  October  loth.  There  was  talk  in 
1912  of  nominating  Mr.  Hughes  for  the  Presidency,  but  he  absolutely 
forbade  the  use  of  his  name,  announcing  that  if  nominated  he  would 
decline  the  nomination. 

NOMINATED  FOR  PRESIDENT 

When  his  name  was  again  brought  forward  this  year,  he  declared 
that  he  was  not  a  candidate  for  the  nomination  and  declined  to  give 
the  slightest  encouragement  to  the  campaign  that  was  made  on  his  behalf 
in  various  parts  of  the  country.  He  refused  even  to  consider  the  possi- 
bility of  his  nomination,  declining  to  state  his  position  upon  any  of  the 
issues,  forbidding  the  use  of  his  name  wherever  it  was  possible  for  him 
to  do  so,  and  refusing  even  to  say  whether  he  would  accept  if  he  should 
be  nominated.  He  continued  to  discharge  his  duties  as  an  Associate  Jus- 
tice of  the  Supreme  Court  and  he  completed  writing  an  opinion  while  the 
National  Convention  was  in  session. 

MESSAGE  TO  THE  NATIONAL  CONVENTION 

When  the  result  of  the  third  ballot  had  been  announced  Chairman 
Harding  sent  the  following  message  to  Mr.  Hughes : 

The    Coliseum,    Chicago,    111., 

June  10,  1916. 
To  Hon.  Charles  E.  Hughes, 

Washington,  D.  C. 

With  deliberation  and  enthusiasm  under  circumstances  which  could 
not  have  been  more  complimentary,  and  with  a  unanimity  never  excelled 
in  past  conventions,  you  have  been  nominated  by  the  Republicans  of  the 
nation  as  our  candidate  for  President  of  the  United  States.  Your  eminent 
fitness  for  this  high  office,  your  sterling  integrity  and  unsullied  private 
character  are  understood  and  appreciated  by  your  countrymen.  Voicing 
the  sentiments  of  the  Convention  over  which  I  have  presided  and  by  the 
courtesy  of  my  fellow  delegates,  I  congratulate  you  and  the  country  upon 
the  outcome  of  this  Convention. 

WARREN  G.  HARDING. 


CHARLES  EVANS  HUGHES  259 

Upon  receipt  of  this  message  Mr.  Hughes'  first  act  was  to  send  his 
resignation  from  the  Supreme  Court  to  the  President.  This  was  promptly 
accepted  and  Mr.  Hughes  then  wrote  and  dispatched  the  following  letter 
to  the  Republican  National  Convention : 

"WASHINGTON,  June  10,  1916. 
"MR.  CHAIRMAN  AND  DELEGATES  : 

"I  have  not  desired  the  nomination.  I  have  wished  to 
remain  on  the  bench.  But  in  this  critical  period  in  our 
national  history,  I  recognize  that  it  is  your  right  to  summon 
and  that  it  is  my  paramount  duty  to  respond.  You  speak  at 
a  time  of  national  exigency,  transcending  merely  partisan 
considerations.  You  voice  the  demand  for  a  dominant,  thor- 
oughgoing Americanism  with  firm  protective  upbuilding  poli- 
cies, essential  to  our  peace  and  security;  and  to  that  call,  in 
that  crisis,  I  cannot  fail  to  answer  with  the  pledge  of  all  that 
is  in  me  to  the  service  of  our  country.  Therefore  I  accept 
the  nomination. 

"I  stand  for  the  firm  and  unflinching  maintenance  of  all 
the  rights  of  American  citizens  on  land  and  sea.  I  neither 
impugn  motives  nor  underestimate  difficulties.  But  it  is 
most  regrettably  true  that  in  our  foreign  relations  we  have 
suffered  incalculably  from  the  weak  and  vacillating  course 
which  has  been  taken  with  regard  to  Mexico — a  course 
lamentably  wrong  with  regard  to  both  our  rights  and  our 
duties.  We  interfered  without  consistency;  and  while  seeking 
to  dictate  when  we  were  not  concerned,  we  utterly  failed  to 
appreciate  and  discharge  our  plain  duty  to  our  own  citizens. 

"At  the  outset  of  the  Administration  the  high  responsi- 
bilities of  our  diplomatic  intercourse  with  foreign  nations 
were  subordinated  to  a  conception  of  partisan  requirements, 
and  we  presented  to  the  world  a  humiliating  spectacle  of 
ineptitude.  Belated  efforts  have  not  availed  to  recover  the 
influence  and  prestige  so  unfortunately  sacrificed;  and  brave 
words  have  been  stripped  of  their  force  by  indecision. 

"I  desire  to  see  our  diplomacy  restored  to  its  best 
standards  and  to  have  these  advanced;  to  have  no  sacrifices  of 
national  interest  to  partisan  expediencies;  to  have  the  first 
ability  of  the  country  always  at  its  command  here  and  abroad 
in  diplomatic  intercourse ;  to  maintain  firmly  our  rights  under 
international  law;  insisting  steadfastly  upon  all  our  rights 
as  neutrals,  and  fully  performing  our  international  obligations ; 
and  by  the  clear  correctness  and  justness  of  our  position  and 
our  manifest  ability  and  disposition  to  sustain  them  to  dignify 
our  place  among  the  nations. 


260  BIOGRAPHY  OF 

"I  stand  for  an  Americanism  that  knows  no  ulterior 
purpose;  for  a  patriotism  that  is  single  and  complete. 
Whether  native  or  naturalized,  of  whatever  race  or  creed,  we 
have  but  one  country,  and  we  do  not  for  an  instant  tolerate 
any  division  of  allegiance. 

"I  believe  in  making  prompt  provision  to  assure  abso- 
lutely our  national  security.  I  believe  in  preparedness,  not 
only  entirely  adequate  for  our  defense  with  respect  to  numbers 
and  equipment  in  both  army  and  navy,  but  with  all  thorough- 
ness, to  the  end  that  in  each  branch  of  the  service  there  may 
be  the  utmost  efficiency  under  the  most  competent  administra- 
tive heads. 

"We  are  devoted  to  the  ideals  of  honorable  peace.  We 
wish  to  promote  all  wise  and  practicable  measures  for  the  just 
settlement  of  international  disputes. 

"In  view  of  our  abiding  ideals,  there  is  no  danger  of 
militarism  in  this  country.  We  have  no  policy  of  aggression; 
no  lust  for  territory,  no  zeal  for  strife.  It  is  in  this  spirit 
that  we  demand  adequate  provision  for  national  defense, 
and  we  condemn  the  inexcusable  neglect  that  has  been  shown 
in  this  matter  of  national  importance.  We  must  have  the 
strength  which  self-respect  demands,  the  strength  of  an  effi- 
cient ready  for  every  emergency. 

"Our  preparation  must  be  industrial  and  economic  as  well 
as  military.  Our  severest  tests  will  come  after  the  war  is 
over.  We  must  make  a  fair  and  wise  readjustment  of  the 
tariff,  in  accordance  with  sound  protective  principle,  to  insure 
our  economic  independence  and  to  maintain  American  stand- 
ards of  living.  We  must  conserve  the  just  interests  of  labor, 
realizing  that  in  democracy  patriotism  and  national  strength 
must  be  rooted  in  even-handed  business.  Preventing,  as  we 
must,  unjust  discriminations  and  monopolistic  practices,  we 
must  still  be  zealous  to  assure  the  foundations  of  honest 
business.  Particularly  should  we  seek  the  expansion  of  for- 
eign trade.  We  must  not  throttle  American  enterprise  here 
or  abroad,  but  rather  promote  it  and  take  pride  in  honorable 
achievements. 

"We  must  take  up  the  serious  problems  of  transportation, 
of  interstate  and  foreign  commerce,  in  a  sensible  and  candid 
manner,  and  provide  an  enduring  basis  for  prosperity  by  the 
intelligent  use  of  the  constitutional  powers  of  Congress,  so 
as  adequately  to  protect  the  public  on  the  one  hand,  and  on  the 
other,  to  conserve  the  essential  instrumentalities  of  progress. 

"I  stand  for  the  principles  of  our  civil  service  laws.  In 
every  department  of  government  the  highest  efficiency  must 


CHARLES  EVANS  HUGHES  261 

be  insisted  upon.     For  all  laws  and  programs  are  vain  with- 
out efficient  and  impartial  administration. 

"I  cannot  within  the  limits  of  this  statement  speak  upon  all 
the  subjects  that  will  require  attention.  I  can  only  say  that 
I  fully  endorse  the  platform  you  have  adopted. 

"I  deeply  appreciate  the  responsibility  you  impose.  I 
should  have  been  glad  to  have  had  that  responsibility  placed 
upon  another.  But  I  shall  undertake  to  meet  it,  grateful  for 
the  confidence  you  express.  I  sincerely  trust  that  all  former 
differences  may  be  forgotten  and  that  we  may  have  united 
effort  in  a  patriotic  realization  of  our  national  need  and 
opportunity. 

"I  have  resigned  my  judicial  office  and  I  am  ready  to 
devote  1113  self  unreservedly  to  the  campaign. 

"CHARLES  E.  HUGHES." 

ENDORSED  BY  THE  PROGRESSIVES 

The  Progressive  National  Convention,  which  was  in  session  in 
Chicago  on  the  same  day  that  Mr.  Hughes  was  nominated,  named  Colonel 
Theodore  Roosevelt  for  President.  Air.  Roosevelt  sent  a  message  to  the 
Progressive  Convention,  saying  that  he  could  not  accept  the  nomination 
at  that  time  and  suggesting  that  the  Convention  authorize  its  National 
Committee  to  act  for  it.  This  suggestion  was  adopted  and  a  meeting  of 
the  National  Committee  was  appointed  for  June  26. 

In  an  interval  after  the  adjournment  of  the  Convention,  strong  senti- 
ment developed  in  favor  of  the  endorsement  of  Mr.  Hughes'  candidacy 
by  the  Progressives.  When  the  Progressive  National  Committee  met  in 
Chicago  on  June  26,  this  sentiment  had  become  so  strong  that  it  pre- 
vailed in  the  National  Committee  and  Mr.  Hughes  was  endorsed  by  a 
large  majority  of  the  Committee.  He  sent  at  once  the  following  telegram 
to  the  Committee: 

"I  welcome  the  support  of  Progressives.  We  make  com- 
mon cause  in  the  interest  of  national  honor,  of  national 
security,  of  national  efficiency.  We  unite  in  the  demand  for 
an  undivided  and  unwavering  loyalty  to  our  country;  for  a 
whole-hearted  patriotic  devotion  overriding  all  racial  differ- 
ences. We  want  a  revival  of  the  American  spirit — a  Nation 
restored.  We  insist  upon  prompt  and  adequate  provision  for 
the  common  defense;  upon  the  steadfast  maintenance  of  all 
the  rights  of  our  citizens,  and  upon  the  integrity  of  inter- 
national law. 

"The  most  serious  difficulties  the  present  administration 
has  encountered  have  been  due  to  its  own  weakness  and 
incertitude.  I  am  profoundly  convinced  that  by  prompt  and 


262  BIOGRAPHY  OF 

decisive  action,  which  existing  conditions  manifestly  called 
for,  the  Lusitania  tragedy  would  have  been  prevented.  We 
strongly  denounce  the  use  of  our  soil  as  a  base  for  alien 
intrigues,  for  conspiracies  and  the  fomenting  of  disorders  in 
the  interest  of  any  foreign  Nation,  but  the  responsibility  lies 
at  the  door  of  the  Administration.  The  moment  notice  is 
admitted,  responsibility  is  affixed.  For  that  sort  of  thing 
could  not  continue  if  the  Administration  took  proper  meas- 
ures to  stop  it.  That  responsibility  the  Administration  cannot 
evade  by  condemning  others.  It  was  officially  stated  by  the 
Secretary  of  State  in  the  Mexican  note  of  June  20,  1916,  that 
'for  three  years  the  Mexican  Republic  has  been  torn  with 
civil  strife ;  the  lives  of  Americans  and  other  aliens  have  been 
sacrificed;  vast  properties  developed  by  American  capital  and 
enterprise  have  been  destroyed  or  rendered  non-productive ; 
bandits  have  been  permitted  to  roam  at  will  through  territory 
contiguous  to  the  United  States  and  to  seize,  without  punish- 
ment, or  without  effective  attempt  at  punishment,  the  property 
of  Americans,  while  the  lives  of  citizens  of  the  United  States 
who  ventured  to  remain  in  Mexican  territory  or  to  return 
there  to  protect  their  interests  have  been  taken,  in  some 
cases  barbarously  taken,  and  the  murderers  have  neither  been 
apprehended  nor  brought  to  justice.'  What  an  indictment  by 
the  Administration  of  its  Mexican  policy!  And  still  we  are 
unprepared.  That  unpreparedness  in  the  midst  of  perils,  and 
after  the  experience  of  three  years,  is  a  demonstration  of  an 
unpardonable  neglect  for  which  the  Administration  is  respon- 
sible. 

"The  Government  now  has  and  must  have  most  emphatic- 
ally the  unstinted  and  patriotic  support  of  every  citizen  in 
the  existing  exigency.  But  unquestioning,  loyal  and  patriotic 
support  of  the  Government  is  one  thing;  approval  of  the 
fatuous  course  which  the  Administration  has  followed  is 
quite  another.  I  cannot  in  this  message  adequately  review 
that  course;  that  I  shall  do  later. 

"No  intelligent  man  is  deceived  by  the  temporary  pros- 
perity due  to  abnormal  conditions,  and  no  one  can  fail  to 
appreciate  the  gravity  of  the  problems  with  which  we  shall  be 
faced  when  the  war  ends.  We  are  alive  to  the  imperative 
necessity  of  assuring  the  bases  of  honest  business.  I  am  in 
deep  sympathy  with  the  effort  to  improve  the  conditions  of 
labor;  to  prevent  exploitation;  to  safeguard  the  future  of  the 
Nation  by  protecting  our  women  and  children.  I  believe  in 
Workmen's  Compensation  laws;  in  wise  conservation  of  our 
natural  resources  so  that  they  may  be  protected,  developed 


CHARLES  EVANS  HUGHES  263 

and  used  to  the  utmost  public  advantage.  But  underlying 
every  endeavor  to  promote  social  justice  is  the  indispensable 
condition  that  there  shall  be  9  stable  foundation  for  honorable 
enterprise.  American  industry  must  have  proper  protection  if 
labor  is  to  be  safeguarded.  We  must  rescue  our  instrumentali- 
ties of  interstate  and  foreign  commerce,  our  transportation 
facilities,  from  uncertainty  and  confusion.  We  must  show 
that  we  know  how  to  protect  the  public  without  destroying 
or  crippling  our  productive  energies. 

"To  what  agency  shall  we  look  for  the  essential  con- 
structive program  on  which  our  security  and  prosperity  must 
depend?  It  is  vain  to  expect  it  from  the  Democratic  Party. 
That  party  has  not  the  national  outlook.  Both  its  traditions 
and  dominating  influences  are  fatal  handicaps.  I  have  no  sec- 
tional word  to  utter.  We  are  to  elect  a  President  of  the  whole 
country,  not  of  a  part.  The  South,  as  well  as  the  North, 
East  and  West,  will  be  the  gainers  from  our  endeavors.  But 
it  is  sober  truth  as  I  see  it  that  as  we  go  forward  we  must 
make  the  Republican  Party  the  instrument  of  our  advance. 
We  want  deeds,  not  words;  far-reaching  national  policies. 
The  Progressives  have  insisted  on  responsible,  not  invisible, 
government;  on  efficient  administration.  I  yield  to  no  one  iti 
that  demand.  I  am  eager  to  call  the  Lest  ability  of  the  coun- 
try to  our  aid.  For  the  conduct  of  the  great  departments  the 
Executive  is  directly  responsible,  and  there  is  no  excuse  what- 
ever for  the  toleration  of  incompetence  in  order  to  satisfy 
partisan  obligations. 

"I  am  deeply  appreciative  of  your  endorsement,  I  find  no 
difference  in  platform  or  in  aim  which  precludes  the  most 
hearty  co-operation  and  the  most  complete  unity.  It  is 
within  the  party  that  the  liberalizing  spirit  you  invoke  can 
have  the  widest  and  most  effective  influence.  I  solicit  your 
earnest  effort  for  the  common  cause." 


CHARLES  WARREN  FAIRBANKS 

BY  HON.  GEORGE  B.  LOCKWOOD 


The  career  of  Charles  W.  Fairbanks  is  a  typical  American  story  of 
professional,  business  and  political  success ;  of  forging  forward  from  com- 
parative poverty  and  obscurity  to  national  prominence ;  of  gradual  growth 
and  advancement  through  the  patient  and  persistent  application  of  those 
mental  and  moral  qualifications  which  often  bring  large  achievement  in 
a  land  where  the  doors  of  opportunity  have  opened  to  so  many  possess- 
ing no  key  but  that  fashioned  by  courage  and  capacity. 

On  a  farm  in  Union  County,  Ohio,  Charles  W.  Fairbanks  was  born, 
May  II,  1852,  the  son  of  Loriston  M.  Fairbanks,  a  native  of  Vermont, 
who  in  his  youth  removed  to  Ware,  Mass.,  where  he  worked  in  a  woolen 
mill.  Afterward  he  emigrated  to  Ohio  to  engage  in  farming,  and  there 
he  married  Mary  Adelaide  Smith,  daughter  of  a  family  which  had  lately 
come  from  Columbia  County,  in  New  York  State.  To  this  couple,  while 
living  in  a  log  house  on  the  edge  of  the  forest  Charles  W.  Fairbanks  was 
born.  There  he  was  reared,  bearing,  as  he  grew  to  manhood,  his  part  in 
the  strenuous  toil  of  a  middle  west  farm  in  the  making.  The  Ohio  farm 
of  that  period  was  a  real  "university  of  hard  knocks;"  its  matriculates 
learned  industry,  self-reliance  and  frugality,  and  within  many  of  them 
was  stirred  the  desire  for  an  education  which  would  mean  an  enlarged 
horizon  of  life. 

The  parents  sympathized  with  their  son's  desire  for  a  college  educa- 
tion, and  at  the  age  of  fifteen,  having  exhausted  the  opportunities  of  the 
country  school  house,  the  boy,  with  a  few  dollars  saved  by  himself,  and 
a  few  more  contributed  by  the  father  whose  developing  farm  had  begun 
to  yield  something  more  than  a  bare  living,  entered  the  Ohio  Wesleyan 
University,  a  Methodist  college  not  far  from  his  home.  In  company 
with  a  neighbor  lad,  he  set  up  light  housekeeping  in  a  small  room.  The 
room  was  furnished,  and  the  larder  largely  supplied  from  home,  and 
the  expenses  of  the  pair,  all  told,  amounted  to  a  dollar  and  a  half  a  week. 
Yet  this  amount  represented  sacrifice  on  the  part  of  both  parents  and 
son;  the  young  man  supplemented  the  small  sum  with  which  he  came  to 
Delaware  by  working  as  a  carpenter's  assistant  on  Saturdays.  He  found 
time,  nevertheless,  to  take  part  in  general  college  activities  He  became 
one  of  the  three  editors  of  the  college  paper,  a  member  of  the  Phi  Gamma 
college  fraternity;  a  speaker  on  public  occasions  and  a  leader  in  student 
enterprises.  At  the  age  of  twenty,  a  towering,  raw-boned  youth,  he  gradu- 
ated and  returned  to  his  father's  house. 

264 


CHARLES  WARREN  FAIRBANKS  265 

With  his  mind  turned  toward  the  study  of  law,  young  Fairbanks 
employed  the  knowledge  of  reporting  he  had  gained  on  the  college  paper, 
as  a  means  of  getting  a  foothold  in  the  world.  Through  an  uncle, 
Wm.  Henry  Smith,  then  general  manager  of  the  Western  Associated 
Press,  he  secured  employment  as  a  representative  of  that  newsgathering 
organization,  first  at  Pittsburg  and  then  at  Cleveland.  At  Cleveland  he 
attended  a  law  school,  and  in  May,  1874,  was  admitted  to  the  bar.  In 
June  of  the  same  year  he  located  in  Indianapolis,  for  the  practice  of  his 
profession.  And  in  October  following  he  married  Miss  Cornelia  Cole, 
who  had  been  a  fellow  student  at  Ohio  Wesleyan  University. 

In  Indianapolis  Mr.  Fairbanks  gave  the  succeeding  period  of  twenty 
years  almost  exclusively  to  the  law.  At  a  bar  boasting  of  such  lawyers 
as  Benjamin  Harrison,  Joseph  E.  McDonald,  Thomas  A.  Hendricks  and 
others  of  similar  caliber,  Mr.  Fairbanks  won  the  respect  of  his  associates 
and  through  success  in  many  important  pieces  of  litigation,  the  confi- 
dence of  clients.  His  practice  extended  to  the  neighboring  states  of  Illi- 
nois and  Ohio  and  before  Mr.  Fairbanks  began  to  take  an  active  interest 
in  national  politics  he  enjoyed  a  law  practice  comparing  favorably  in 
extent  and  emoluments  with  that  of  any  lawyer  in  the  Middle  West. 
The  day  Mr.  Fairbanks  took  his  seat  in  the  United  States  Senate,  March 
4,  1897,  he  closed  the  door  of  his  law  office  and  never  accepted  employ- 
ment as  an  attorney  during  his  occupancy  of  public  office. 

Mr.  Fairbanks  has  always  been  deeply  interested  in  politics  and 
public  affairs ;  his  refusal  to  become  actively  engaged  in  public  life  prior 
to  1888  was  due  to  his  determination  to  first  win  a  place  for  himself  in 
his  profession.  At  the  age  of  21  he  made  his  first  Republican  speech  in 
his  old  home  county  in  Ohio,  and  in  a  modest  way  thereafter  took  a 
hand  in  the  affairs  of  his  party.  His  close  association  with  and  friend- 
ship for  Judge  Walter  Q.  Gresham,  of  the  federal  bench,  led  to  his  cham- 
pionship of  the  Gresham  presidential  candidacy  before  the  Republican 
national  convention  in  1888.  At  the  age  of  thirty-five  Mr.  Fairbanks  was 
managing  the  Gresham  campaign,  which,  for  a  time,  promised  to  be 
crowned  with  complete  success.  The  Republicans  of  Indiana,  however, 
expressed  a  preference  for  the  aspirations  of  General  Harrison,  and 
the  Gresham  canvass  proceeded  under  the  handicap  of  the  State's  adher- 
ence to  another  candidate.  On  the  first  ballot  General  Gresham  was 
second  only  to  Sherman  in  number  of  votes,  but  on  the  eighth  ballot  the 
Elaine  forces  went  to  Harrison,  nominating  him.  This  espousal  of  the 
Gresham  cause,  based  upon  strong  personal  regard  and  friendship,  did 
not  prevent  Mr.  Fairbanks  from  taking  an  active  part  in  behalf  of  General 
Harrison  in  the  two  succeeding  campaigns,  or  from  enjoying  the  confi- 
dence of  President  Harrison  while  in  office.  Mr.  Fairbanks  was  a  strong 
advocate  of  the  renomination  of  General  Harrison  in  1892,  and  Mr.  Fair- 
banks delivered  the  keynote  speech  for  the  Indiana  Republicans  at  their 
State  Convention.  At  that  early  date,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  attack  the 


266  BIOGRAPHY  OF 

cheap  money  fallacy  then  becoming  prevalent.  In  1894,  ^r-  Fairbanks 
stepped  easily  into  the  place  of  leadership  among  Indiana  Republicans. 
He  made  a  thorough  speaking  campaign  throughout  the  State  and  Indiana 
swung  into  the  Republican  column  by  an  unprecedented  plurality — and 
stayed  there  for  sixteen  years. 

Two  years  later  came  a  test  of  Mr.  Fairbanks'  qualities  of  leadership. 
It  was  generally  conceded  that  if  the  State  were  carried  by  the  Republicans 
in  1896,  Mr.  Fairbanks  would  be  elected  Senator  to  succeed  Mr.  Voor- 
hees.  Therefore  success  was  personally  important  to  the  Indiana  leader. 
The  free  silver  heresy  had  swept  the  country,  and  had  infected  Indiana 
Republicanism.  Many  of  the  Republican  papers  and  politicians  of  the 
Middle  West  believed  that  in  the  absence  of  either  surrender  to,  or  com- 
promise with  the  free  silver  advocates,  republican  success  was  impossible. 
At  a  meeting  of  the  Republican  State  Committee  called  early  in  1896, 
this  opinion  was  voiced  by  several  party  leaders.  Mr.  Fairbanks  listened 
to  the  prophecies  of  disaster,  and  then  declared  that  if  the  abandonment 
of  the  principle  of  honest  money  were  essential  to  Republican  success, 
it  would  be  far  better  for  the  party  to  go  down  in  defeat,  and  he  was 
personally  ready  to  go  down  with  it.  From  that  time  there  was  no  doubt 
as  to  the  position  of  Indiana  Republicanism,  and  the  May  convention  of 
the  party  spoke  in  a  decisive  way  against  the  free  silver  heresy.  This 
convention  also  instructed  the  State's  delegates  to  the  approaching  national 
convention  to  support  William  McKinley  for  President.  Mr.  Fairbanks 
had  long  been  a  personal  friend  of  McKinley  and  was  one  of  the  fore- 
most leaders  in  the  advancement  of  his  presidential  candidacy.  He  was 
chosen  by  McKinley  to  be  temporary  chairman  of  the  national  conven- 
tion of  1896. 

Mr.  Fairbanks'  speech  sounded  the  keynote  of  the  St.  Louis  Conven- 
tion. His  ringing  declarations  in  favor  of  protection  and  sound  money 
stirred  the  great  convention  crowd  to  demonstrations  of  enthusiasm, 
and  foreshadowed  the  decisive  declarations  of  the  party's  platform  in  one 
of  the  crucial  campaigns  of  the  nation's  history.  Speaking  of  this  deliver- 
ance, Maj.  John  W.  Carson  wrote:  "Fairbanks  was  placed  at  the  head 
of  the  Indiana  delegation  to  the  St.  Louis  Convention,  and  was  made 
temporary  chairman  of  that  body,  delivering  a  speech  that  attracted  wide 
attention  and  contributed  to  fix  the  status  of  the  party  on  the  money 
question.  The  convention  declared  against  the  free  coinage  of  silver, 
and  it  was  largely  due  to  the  persistent  efforts  of  Mr.  Fairbanks  and  a 
few  other  sagacious  and  conservative  men  that  that  declaration  was 
made." 

Mr.  Fairbanks  threw  all  his  energies  into  the  succeeding  campaign. 
Indiana  was  a  battle  ground,  and  he  took  an  active  part  in  the  management 
of  the  campaign,  speaking,  beside,  in  every  part  of  the  State,  and  in 


CHARLES  WARREN  FAIRBANKS  261 

other  States.  The  Legislature  elected  in  Indiana  in  1896  was  heav'ly 
Republican  and  it  elected  Mr.  Fairbanks  to  the  Senate.  He  took  his  seat 
the  day  his  friend  William  McKinley  was  inaugurated  President. 

Briefly  reviewing  his  career  as  a  Senator,  former  Secretary  of  State 
John  W.  Foster  writes : 

"He  came  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  at  the  same  time  that 
Mr.  McKinley  was  inaugurated  as  President.  They  had  long  been 
friends  ,and  the  President  had  a  high  estimate  of  the  Senator's  ability 
and  political  sagacity.  So  much  was  this  the  case  that  it  came  to  be 
understood  that  the  Senator's  acts  and  speeches  were  an  exposition  of  the 
views  of  the  President.  He  was  the  faithful  supporter  of  the  latter's 
policies  and  measures.  This  was  notably  the  case  in  respect  to  the  Spanish 
war.  He  stood  by  the  President  in  his  strenuous  efforts  to  find  peaceful 
settlement,  when  Congress  and  the  country  were  clamoring  for  war. 
But  when  the  issue  was  made  up  and  war  came,  the  Senator  promptly 
tendered  his  services  to  the  Governor  of  Indiana  for  military  duty,  which 
very  properly  was  not  accepted.  In  no  other  place  could  he  be  so  useful 
to  the  country  as  in  the  Senate. 

"His  record  in  the  Senate  is  so  fresh  to  the  public  mind  that  it  need 
hardly  be  recapitulated.  Almost  immediately  after  he  entered  that  body 
he  was  recognized  as  one  of  its  most  useful  and  influential  members. 
He  debated  many  of  its  most  important  measures  and  his  views  and  posi- 
tion were  known  on  all  of  them. 

"He  served  in  the  committees  on  foreign  relations  and  on  immigra- 
tions and  thus  had  to  deal  with  some  of  the  most  interesting  and  per- 
plexing questions  in  our  relations  with  foreign  governments.  I  have 
already  alluded  to  his  attention  to  the  complications  with  Spain,  in  which 
he  assumed  so  honorable  a  stand.  He  had  to  do  with  the  international 
questions  growing  out  of  the  construction  of  the  Panama  Canal.  I  quote 
one  of  his  declarations : 

"  'It  pays  nations,  as  well  as  individuals,  to  adhere  to  the  inflexible 
principles  of  fair  dealing.  No  doubt  the  United  States  could  have  ig- 
nored the  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty  and  proceeded  with  the  construction  of 
the  canal,  but  it  preferred,  as  it  always  prefers,  the  frank  and  honorable 
way.' " 

In  1898  a  protocol  was  signed  between  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain  for  the  appointment  of  a  joint  high  commission  for  the  adjust- 
ment of  Canadian  questions,  that  were  of  long  standing  and  of  great 
importance.  It  was  desired  by  the  two  countries  to  have  them  considered 
by  the  commission  and  finally  put  to  rest. 

The  commission  was  composed  of  twelve  members,  six  from  each 
country.  The  chairman  of  the  American  members  of  the  commission  was 
Senator  Fairbanks. 


268  BIOGRAPHY  OF 

Of  the  work  of  the  joint  high  commission  and  the  ability  displayed 
by  Senator  Fairbanks,  John  W.  Foster,  one  of  the  American  commission- 
ers, spoke  as  follows : 

"During  the  administration  of  President  McKinley  it  was  deemed 
desirable  to  make  an  earnest  effort  to  adjust  the  various  questions  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  Canada,  some  of  which  had  been  the  source 
of  controversy  between  the  two  neighboring  countries  for  generations,  and 
all  of  which  tended  to  disturb  the  harmony  of  their  relations. 

"Among  these  were  the  Northwestern  fisheries,  which  had  been  the 
fruitful  source  of  discussion  and  negotiations  for  a  hundred  years;  the 
Behring  sea  seal  industry,  which  had  at  one  time  threatened  war  with 
Great  Britain  and  had  been  the  subject  of  international  arbitration,  but 
was  still  a  vexed  and  unsettled  question;  the  Alaskan  boundary  dispute, 
a  topic  likely  any  time  to  bring  about  a  conflict  of  authorities;  com- 
mercial reciprocity,  a  subject  in  which  the  Canadians  and  certain  sec- 
tions of  the  United  States  took  deep  interest;  the  bounding  privilege,  in- 
timately connected  without  interstate  commerce  laws  and  the  unequal 
competition  of  the  Canadian  railroads;  and  several  other  questions,  as 
naval  armament  on  the  great  lakes,  reciprocal  mining  privileges,  immigra- 
tion and  the  labor  laws,  more  accurate  marking  of  the  international 
boundary,  etc.,  embracing  no  less  than  twelve  different  subjects. 

"It  was  determined  to  refer  all  these  matters  to  a  joint  high  commis- 
sion, and  six  persons  were  selected  by  the  United  States  and  an  equal 
number  by  Great  Britain.  For  members  of  this  commission  it  was  the 
desire  of  President  McKinley  to  name  statesmen  of  large  experience  and 
the  highest  standing,  as  it  was  known  that  the  British  members  would  be 
men  of  prominence  and  ability.  It  was  a  most  distinguished  honor  that 
Senator  Fairbanks  should  be  chosen  as  chairman  of  the  American  com- 
mission, especially  as  there  was  associated  with  him  men  of  much  longer 
experience  in  the  public  service.  The  British  commission  was  headed  by 
Lord  Herschel,  the  lord  chancellor,  and  the  recognized  head  of  the  English 
bar,  and  next  on  the  commission  was  Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier,  the  prime 
minister  of  Canada,  a  resourceful  and  brilliant  statesman. 

"During  the  years  1808  and  1899  the  commission  held  two  sessions  in 
Quebec  and  two  in  Washington,  and  went  very  fully  over  the  important 
subjects  committed  to  it  for  adjustment.  On  several  of  these  it  reached 
practically  satisfactory  conclusions,  which  would  have  taken  the  shape  of 
treaty  stipulations,  but  for  an  irreconcilable  difference  of  opinion  respect- 
ing the  Alaskan  boundary.  Because  of  a  failure  to  agree  to  an  adjust- 
ment of  this  matter  the  British  members  of  the  commission  refused  to 
come  to  an  agreement  of  any  of  the  other  questions  before  it,  and  the 
commission  adjourned  to  meet  again  whenever  convened  by  the  chairman 
of  the  two  sections. 

"The  Alaskan  boundary  controversy  has  happily  been  satisfactorily 
settled  by  the  London  joint  tribunal,  and  this  result,  so  gratifying  to  the 


CHARLES  WARREN  FAIRBANKS  269 

United  States,  was  largely  due  to  the  work  of  the  joint  high  commission. 
Senator  Fairbanks  was  a  member  of  the  sub-committee  having  the  Alaskan 
boundary  in  charge,  and  he  took  a  deep  interest  in  shaping  the  issues  which 
were  eventually  submitted  to  the  London  tribunal. 

"It  is  a  matter  of  pride  to  Americans  to  be  assured  that  in  all  the 
deliberations  of  the  commission,  when  he  was  confronted  by  the  ablest 
lawyers  and  statesmen  of  England  and  Canada,  Senator  Fairbanks  sus- 
tained the  cause  of  his  country  with  skill  and  success,  and  represented 
it  with  great  dignity  and  uniform  courtesy." 

As  a  member  of  the  Senate  Mr.  Fairbanks  assisted  in  framing  the 
tariff  and  currency  legislation  which  brought  to  the  nation  that  complete 
restoration  of  prosperity  with  which  the  name  of  President  McKinley 
will  ever  be  honorably  identified.  While  the  tariff  legislation  was  pending, 
the  relations  of  the  United  States  with  Spain  reached  an  acute  stage. 
President  McKinley  sought  by  diplomacy  to  avert  war,  while  pushing 
forward  preparations  for  hostilities  should  they  come.  Against  a  resolu- 
tion introduced  by  Senator  Morgan  recognizing  the  belligerency  of  the 
Cuban  insurgents  Senator  Fairbanks  made  a  strong  speech,  pleading  for 
harmony  of  action  with  the  president.  He  declared  that  he  believed  it 
to  be  the  duty  of  the  American  government  to  negotiate  with  Spain  for  the 
termination  of  the  war  and  the  independence  of  Cuba.  "If  these  peaceful 
and  honorable  methods  fail  and  the  war  should  continue,  I  would  have  ro 
hesitancy  in  reaching  out  the  mighty  arm  of  this  government,  and  saying: 
'This  war  should  cease.  "  Speaking  in  Apnl,  1898,  in  behalf  of  a  resolu- 
tion declaring  Cuba  independent,  demanding  the  withdrawal  of  Spain  from 
the  island  and  authorizing  the  President  to  use  the  army  and  navy  to 
make  the  resolution  operative,  Se.iator  Fairbanks  said : 

"Our  own  tranquility,  our  own  sense  of  security,  our  regard  for  our 
present  and  future  comfort  and  for  the  lives  of  her  helpless  and  hapless 
subjects,  demand  that  we  should  interpose  the  mighty  power  of  this  gov- 
ernment to  stop  the  carnival  of  crime  and  suffering  and  restore  peace  to 
the  Island  of  Cuba  until  some  suitable  government  may  be  formed  which 
shall  be  a  guaranty  to  us  and  to  the  other  nations  of  the  world,  that  it 
will  at  all  times  in  the  future  be  ready  and  willing  and  able  to  discharge  its 
domestic  and  international  obligations. 

"All  efforts  at  amicable  solution  have  failed,  and  all  that  remains  is 
to  invoke  the  power  of  this  government  in  behalf  of  enduring  peace  and 
imperiled  humanity.  We  shall  now  have  the  satisfaction  of  knowing 
that,  come  what  may  in  the  lottery  of  war,  we  have  let  undone  nothing 
which  could  be  done  consistently  with  honor  to  secure  a  pacific  settlement. 
To  the  high  and  holy  cause  of  humanity  and  the  vindication  of  our  na- 
tional honor,  we  dedicate  the  lives  and  fortune  of  the  people  of  this  Re- 
public." 

Senator  Fairbanks  delivered  a  notable  speech  against  the  Teller 
resolution  providing  for  the  payment  of  bonds  of  the  United  States,  prin- 


270  BIOGRAPHY  OF 

cipal  and  interest,  at  the  option  of  the  government,  in  silver  coin.  "There 
must  be  no  equivocation,"  he  declared,  "with  respect  to  the  character  of 
our  money  standard,  and  no  hesitancy  nor  divided  purpose  in  its  inflexible 
maintenance."  Senator  Fairbanks  supported  by  speech  and  vote  the  bill 
establishing  permanently  the  gold  standard  as  the  basis  of  American  mone- 
tary values. 

Other  notable  speeches  by  Senator  Fairbanks  were  upon  the  various 
constitutional  and  administrative  problems  arising  out  of  the  acquisition 
of  our  insular  possessions  as  the  result  of  the  Spanish-American  war, 
and  in  support  of  Chinese  exclusion  and  upon  other  immigration  problems. 
Senator  Fairbanks  introduced  the  bill  providing  for  the  financing  of  the 
Panama  canal  through  a  bond  issue  which  put  a  part  of  the  burden,  prop- 
erly, upon  succeeding  generations.  Senator  Fairbanks  made  a  number  of 
speeches  in  the  Senate  and  on  public  occasions  in  favor  of  international  ar- 
bitration. 

At  the  Republican  national  convention  of  1904  Senator  Fairbanks  was 
unanimously  nominated  for  Vice  President.  He  was  not  a  candidate  for 
this  preferment,  but  accepted  the  nomination  as  a  call  to  duty.  President 
Roosevelt  took  no  part  in  the  speaking  campaign,  and  Senator  Fairbanks 
made  a  country  wide  canvass,  traveling  25,000  miles,  making  hundreds  of 
speeches,  and  establishing  a  permanent  national  reputation  as  a  public 
speaker.  Following  his  election  as  Vice-President  Mr.  Fairbanks  re- 
sponded to  such  calls  for  his  services  as  a  speaker  on  public  occasions  as 
he  could  without  neglecting  his  duty  as  presiding  officer  of  the  Senate. 
Few  men  in  the  history  of  the  nation  have  spoken  to  so  many  people,  in 
so  many  localities ;  few  men  in  American  public  life  have  acquired 
so  wide  a  personal  acquaintance.  Democratic,  cordial  and  interested  in 
others,  Mr.  Fairbanks  commands  the  admiration  and  respect  of  vast 
numbers  of  people  to  a  degree  seldom  surpassed.  As  President  of  the 
Senate  Mr.  Fairbanks  gained  the  confidence  and  good  will  of  the  mem- 
bership of  that  body  to  an  extent  not  often  equalled  in  the  history  of  the 
office,  and  made  a  record  for  fidelity  in  the  performance  of  duty  which 
has  never  been  surpassed.  On  only  one  or  two  occasions  was  he  absent 
from  the  chair  during  an  entire  session  of  the  Senate. 

In  placing  Mr.  Fairbanks  in  nomination  for  Vice  President  at  Chicago 
in  1904  Senator  Dolliver  said :  "The  office  has  sought  the  man,  and  he 
will  bring  to  the  office  the  commanding  personality  of  a  statesman  equal 
to  any  of  the  great  responsibilities  which  belong  to  our  public  affairs. 
A  leader  of  the  Senate,  the  champion  of  all  the  great  policies  which  con- 
stitute the  invincible  record  of  the  Republican  party  during  the  past  ten 
years,  his  name  will  become  a  tower  of  strength  to  our  cause,  not  only 
in  his  own  state,  but  everywhere  throughout  the  country.  A  man  of 
affairs,  the  whole  business  community  shares  the  confidence  which  his 
political  associates  have  reposed  in  him  from  the  beginning  of  his  public 
life.  The  quiet,  undemonstrative  popular  opinion  which  has  given  the 


CHARLES  WARREN  FAIRBANKS 


271 


Republican  party  a  platform  upon  which  all  Republicans  can  stand  with 
no  dissenting  voice,  here  or  anywhere,  has  long  since  anticipated  the  action 
of  this  convention  in  adding  to  the  national  ticket  the  name  of  Senator 
Fairbanks." 

In  the  Republican  national  convention  of  1908,  Vice-President  Fair- 
banks was  presented  by  Indiana  Republicans  as  a  presidential  candidate. 
Mr.  Fairbanks  took  an  active  part  in  the  speaking  campaign  of  that  year 
in  behalf  of  Mr.  Taft  Upon  his  retirement  from  the  Vice-Presidency,  in 
March,  1909,  Mr.  Fairbanks,  in  company  with  Mrs.  Fairbanks,  started  on 
a  year's  trip  around  the  world.  Mr.  Fairbanks  was  personally  received 
by  the  Emperor  of  Japan,  the  Prince  Regent  of  China,  the  King  of 
Greece,  the  King  of  Italy,  the  Sultan  of  Turkey,  the  Emperor  of  Ger- 
many and  the  late  King  Edward  of  England.  Mr.  Fairbanks  had  pre- 
viously met  the  then  Prince  of  Wales,  now  King  George  of  England, 
when  he  represented  the  United  States  at  the  Quebec  tercentenary,  by 
appointment  of  President  Roosevelt. 

Upon  their  return  from  this  trip,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Fairbanks  were  re- 
ceived with  unusual  honors  at  Indianapolis.  They  were  greeted  by  an 
immense  crowd  as  they  passed  through  the  streets,  escorted  by  a  com- 
mittee of  representative  Indianapolis  business  men,  to  their  home.  Mr. 
Fairbanks  has  devoted  himself  since  to  semi-public  activities.  He  founded 
the  Indiana  Forestry  Association,  and  in  the  act  establishing  Arbor  Day 
the  Democratic  legislature  of  the  state  incorporated  in  the  measure  a  pro- 
vision that  one  of  the  objects  of  the  annual  celebration  by  Indiana  school 
children  should  be  the  honoring  of  Mr.  Fairbanks  and  others  active  in 
arousing  interest  in  the  reforestization  of  the  state.  He  became  Presi- 
dent of  the  Methodist  Hospital  of  Indiana,  a  trustee  of  DePauw  Uni- 
versity, and  has  been  active  in  other  similar  directions. 

Mrs.  Fairbanks  died  October  24,  1913.  She  was  prominent  and  in- 
fluential in  national  women's  affairs  and  had  served  as  President  General 
of  the  Daughters  of  the  American  Revolution.  Mr.  Fairbanks  has  five 
children,  four  sons  and  a  daughter;  Warren,  Richard,  Fred,  Robert  and 
Mrs.  John  W.  Timmons. 

By  the  united  voice  of  Indiana  republicanism  Mr.  Fairbanks  was  pre- 
sented to  the  Republican  National  Convention  of  1916,  as  a  candidate  for 
the  Presidency.  The  support  attracted  was  formidable,  and  the  enthu- 
siasm with  which  it  was  urged  was  notable.  Following  the  nomination  of 
Justice  Hughes,  an  almost  unanimous  call  to  the  Vice-Presidential  nomi- 
nation was  extended  to  Mr.  Fairbanks  by  the  convention.  Mr.  Fair- 
banks was  only  not  a  candidate,  but  did  not  desire  the  nomination,  and 
had  wired  the  chairman  of  the  Indiana  delegation  not  to  permit  the  use 
of  his  name.  When  the  nomination  was  tendered  with  such  unanimity 
and  earnestness,  however,  Mr.  Fairbanks  was  induced  to  regard  it  as  a 
call  to  further  duty  to  his  party,  and  soon  after  the  adjournment  of  the 
convention  he  indicated  his  acceptance. 


272  CHARLES  WARREN  FAIRBANKS 

What  was  said  by  the  late  John  L.  Griffiths  concerning  the  nomina- 
tion of  Mr.  Fairbanks  to  the  vice  presidency  in  1004,  constitutes  now  an 
even  more  appropriate  characterization  of  the  selection  and  the  man,  than 
it  did  then.  Speaking  at  a  meeting  of  Mr.  Fairbanks'  friends  and  neigh- 
bors, assembled  without  distinction  of  party  at  the  Fairbanks  home  in 
Indianapolis,  Mr.  Griffiths  said: 

The  nominee  of  the  Chicago  convention  for  the  Vice  Presidency  has 
not  been  the  favorite  of  fortune.  He  has  fairly  and  justly  earned  all  the 
honors  which  have  been  bestowed  upon  him.  He  comes  close  to  the 
people  because  his  life  has  been  rooted  in  their  lives. 

"His  nomination  is  a  recognition  of  the  growing  power  of  the  great 
middle  West — of  that  section  of  our  common  country  where  the  people 
are  peculiarly  frugal  and  resourceful,  industrious  and  thrifty,  with  sturdy 
notions  of  honesty,  where  they  care  less  for  cleverness  than  for  integrity 
and  place  a  higher  value  upon  character  than  they  do  upon  wealth. 

"Charles  W.  Fairbanks  was  made  one  of  the  standard  bearers  of  his 
party  because  he  has  always  had  'a  healthy  conscience'  in  public  matters 
and  has  been  actuated  by  an  overpowering  sense  of  duty.  He  has  felt  as 
Lincoln  did,  that  in  the  tides  of  feeling  which  sweep  and  surge  about  a 
public  man,  he  must  keep  some  consciousness  of  being  somewhere  near 
the  right.  He  must  keep  some  standard  or  principle  fixed  within  himself. 
He  has  been  diligent  in  the  business  of  his  Government.  He  has  never 
regarded  the  holding  of  an  office  as  a  pastime,  but  has  keenly  felt  the 
high  responsibility  which  a  lofty  trust  imposes.  He  has  always  had  'a 
sweet  and  just  tongue,'  speaking  what  he  had  to  say  temperately  but  for- 
cibly. No  public  utterance  of  his  can  be  recalled  in  which  he  ever 
abused  a  political  opponent.  He  has  won  his  way  into  the  hearts  of  men 
by  traveling  a  pathway  too  seldom  traversed — the  pathway  of  gentleness 
and  fairness  and  moderation. 

"His  nomination  is  a  reminder  that  the  early  traditions  of  the  Re- 
public have  not  entirely  disappeared.  Again  we  have  the  inspiring  spec- 
tacle of  the  office  seeking  the  man.  Whenever  this  occurs,  now  as  in  the 
days  of  Washington  and  Jefferson  and  the  elder  Adams,  it  is  the  capable 
man  that  is  sought — the  man  who  by  training,  education,  experience  and 
ability  is  best  equipped  for  the  office. 


Official  Notification  of  Candidates 


ADDRESS  OF  SENATOR  HARDING  OF  OHIO 

Notifying  Mr.  Hughes  of  His  Nomination 
for  the  Presidency. 

Mr.  Hughes,  the  Committee  here  assembled,  representing  all  of  the 
United  States  and  territories,  chosen  by  the  Republican  National  Con- 
vention which  met  in  Chicago  on  last  June  7,  is  directed  by  that  Conven- 
tion formally  to  notify  you  of  its  action  in  selecting  you  as  its  nominee 
for  the  Presidency  of  the  Republic. 

Speaking  for  the  Committee,  it  is  my  pleasure  to  say  directly  what 
was  conveyed  to  you  by  telegraph  while  the  Convention  was  yet  in  ses- 
sion— that  you  are  the  unanimous  choice  of  the  Republican  National  Con- 
vention for  the  party  standard-bearer. 

That  Convention  uttered  the  principles  of  a  confident,  determined  re- 
united and  enthusiastic  Republican  party,  which  turns  to  you,  in  highest 
respect  and  trust,  as  a  nominee  best  typifying  the  party's  purpose  and  the 
people's  desires. 

Inasmuch  as  the  unusual  circumstances  inspired  an  informal  notice  at 
the  time  of  the  Convention's  action  and  you  then  made  an  informal  ac- 
ceptance of  the  call  to  patriotic  duty  which  won  the  plaudits  of  our  people. 
I  shall  not  refer  in  detail  to  the  action  of  the  Convention  or  the  declared 
principles  to  which  the  Republican  party  is  committed.  But  it  is  fitting  that 
I  should  speak  the  congratulations  of  this  committee  on  your  most  ex- 
traordinary nomination.  It  has  no  parallel  in  the  history  of  the  Republi- 
can party.  As  the  whole  people  have  approvingly  witnessed,  you  have 
been  chosen  for  leadership  by  a  Convention  which  comprised  the  best 
thought,  the  highest  intention  and  deepest  consecration  of  a  great  and 
historic  party,  when  you  were  not  only  not  an  aspirant,  but  discouraged 
all  endeavors  in  your  behalf.  Notwithstanding  your  holding  aloof  from 
all  conference  and  participation,  that  unfailing  understanding  which  di- 
rects popular  sentiment  to  highest  victory  called  you  to  the  services  of  the 
party  and  the  nation.  Your  record  of  public  service,  your  well-known  and 
courageous  views  on  public  questions  when  in  executive  position,  your 
abiding  devotion  to  Republicanism,  your  possession  of  a  confidence  which 
has  united  all  believers  in  Republican  policies  under  our  party  banner, 

273 


274  NOTIFICATION 

your  unalterable  and  abiding  Americanism,  your  high  personal  character 
and  well-known  capacity — all  these  have  fixed  you  in  the  American  mind 
as  the  best  exponent  of  Republican  principles  and  the  wisest  leader  to  re- 
store American  prestige  and  efficient  government. 

We  bring  you  now  the  commission  to  that  leadership.  We  bring 
it  in  full  confidence  that  the  people  will  gladly  acclaim  the  Republican 
restoration  under  your  trusted  leadership.  We  bring  it  in  the  highest 
appreciation  of  that  peace  of  right  and  justice  which  your  unwavering 
Americanism  will  hold  secure  rather  than  endanger.  We  bring  it  in  the 
strong  belief  that  American  material  good  fortune,  under  Republican 
industrial  preparedness  will  be  the  glad  reflex  of  our  own  peace  and  the 
world's  peace  and  be  held  permanent  under  Republican  protection.  We 
bring  it  in  firm  conviction  that  you,  sir,  will  hold  that  platform  promises 
constitute  a  sacred  party  covenant,  and  the  expressed  will  of  the  people 
at  the  polls  must  find  response  in  capable  and  efficient  administration.  Aye, 
sir,  we  bring  it  believing  you  will  add  to  our  self-respect,  confidence,  and 
good  fortune  at  home,  and  to  that  respect  and  good  opinion  abroad  which 
meets  our  higher  American  aspirations. 


MR.  HUGHES'  REPLY 


Senator  Harding,  Members  of  the  Notification  Committee  and  Fellow 
Citizens : 

This  occasion  is  more  than  a  mere  ceremony  of  notification.  We 
are  not  here  to  indulge  in  formal  expressions.  We  come  to  state  in  a 
plain  and  direct  manner  our  faith,  our  purpose  and  our  pledge.  This 
representative  gathering  is  a  happy  augury.  It  means  the  strength  of 
reunion.  It  means  that  the  party  of  Lincoln  is  restored,  alert,  effective. 
It  means  the  unity  of  a  common  perception  of  paramount  national  needs. 
It  means  that  we  are  neither  deceived  nor  benumbed  by  abnormal  condi- 
tions. We  know  that  we  are  in  a  critical  period,  perhaps  more  critical 
than  any  period  since  the  Civil  War.  We  need  a  dominant  sense  of 
national  unity;  the  exercise  of  our  best  constructive  powers;  the  vigor 
and  resourcefulness  of  a  quickened  America.  We  desire  that  the 
Republican  Party  as  a  great  liberal  party  shall  be  the  agency  of  national 
achievement,  the  organ  of  the  effective  expression  of  dominant  American- 
ism. What  do  I  mean  by  that?  I  mean  America  conscious  of  power, 
awake  to  obligation,  erect  in  self-respect,  prepared  for  every  emergency, 
devoted  to  the  ideals  of  peace,  instinct  with  the  spirit  of  human  brother- 
hood, safeguarding  both  individual  opportunity  and  public  interest,  main- 
taining a  well-ordered  constitutional  system  adapted  to  local  self-govern- 


ACCEPTANCE  275 

ment  without  the  sacrifice  of  essential  national  authority,  appreciating 
the  necessity  of  stability,  expert  knowledge  and  thorough  organization  as 
the  indispensable  conditions  of  security  and  progress ;  a  country  loved  by 
its  citizens  with  a  patriotic  fervor  permitting  no  division  in  their  allegiance 
and  no  rivals  in  their  affection — I  mean  America  first  and  America  effi- 
cient. It  is  in  this  spirit  that  I  respond  to  your  summons. 

FOREIGN  RELATIONS — APPOINTMENTS 

Our  foreign  relations  have  assumed  grave  importance  in  the  past 
three  years.  The  conduct  of  diplomatic  intercourse  is  in  the  keeping  of 
the  Executive.  It  rests  chiefly  with  him  whether  we  shall  show  compe- 
tence or  incompetence;  whether  the  national  honor  shall  be  maintained; 
whether  our  prestige  and  influence  shall  be  lowered  or  advanced.  \Yhat 
is  the  record  of  the  Administration?  The  first  duty  of  the  Executive 
was  to  command  the  respect  of  the  world  by  the  personnel  of  our  State 
Department  and  our  representation  abroad.  No  party  exigency  could 
excuse  the  non-performance  of  this  obvious  obligation.  Still,  after 
making  every  allowance  for  certain  commendable  appointments,  it  is 
apparent  that  this  obligation  was  not  performed.  At  the  very  beginning 
of  the  present  Administration,  where  in  the  direction  of  diplomatic  inter- 
course there  should  have  been  conspicuous  strength  and  expertness  we 
had  weakness  and  inexpertness.  Instead  of  assuring  respect,  we  invited 
distrust  of  our  competence  and  speculation  as  to  our  capacity  for  firmness 
and  decision,  thus  entailing  many  difficulties  which  otherwise  easily  could 
have  been  escaped.  Then,  in  numerous  instances,  notably  in  Latin- 
America,  where  such  a  course  was  particularly  reprehensible,  and  where 
we  desire  to  encourage  the  most  friendly  relations,  men  of  long  diplo- 
matic experience  whose  knowledge  and  training  were  of  especial  value 
to  the  country  were  retired  from  the  service  apparently  for  no  other 
reason  than  to  meet  partisan  demands  in  the  appointment  of  inexperi- 
enced persons.  Where,  as  in  Santo  Domingo,  we  had  assumed  an  impor- 
tant special  trust  in  the  interest  of  its  people,  that  trust  was  shockingly 
betrayed  in  order  to  satisfy  "deserving  Democrats."  The  record  showing 
the  Administration's  disregard  of  its  responsibilities  with  respect  to  our 
representation  in  diplomacy  is  an  open  book  and  the  specifications  may 
easily  be  had.  It  is  a  record  revealing  professions  belied.  It  is  a  dismal 
record  to  those  who  believe  in  Americanism.  Take,  for  example,  the 
withdrawal  of  Ambassador  Herrick  from  France.  There  he  stood,  in 
the  midst  of  alarms,  the  very  embodiment  of  courage,  of  poise,  of  execu- 
tive capacity,  universally  trusted  and  beloved.  No  diplomat  ever  won 
more  completely  the  affections  of  a  foreign  people;  and  there  was  no 
better  fortune  for  this  country  than  to  have  at  the  capital  of  any  one 
of  the  belligerent  nations  a  representative  thus  esteemed.  Yet  the  Admin- 
istration permitted  itself  to  supersede  him.  The  point  is  not  that  the 


276  ACCEPTANCE 

man  was  Ambassador  Herrick,  or  that  the  nation  was  France,  but  that 
we  invited  the  attention  of  the  world  to  the  inexcusable  yielding  of 
national  interest  to  partisan  expediency.  It  was  a  lamentable  sacrifice  of 
international  repute.  If  we  would  have  the  esteem  of  foreign  nations 
we  must  deserve  it.  We  must  show  our  regard  for  special  knowledge 
and  experience.  I  propose  that  we  shall  make  the  agencies  of  our 
diplomatic  intercourse,  in  every  nation,  worthy  of  the  American  name. 

MEXICO 

The  dealings  of  the  Administration  with  Mexico  constitute  a  confused 
chapter  of  blunders.  We  have  not  helped  Mexico.  She  lies  prostrate, 
impoverished,  famine-stricken,  overwhelmed  with  the  woes  and  outrages 
of  internecine  strife,  the  helpless  victim  of  a  condition  of  anarchy  which 
the  Administration  only  served  to  promote.  For  ourselves,  we  have  wit- 
nessed the  murder  of  our  citizens  and  the  destruction  of  their  property. 
We  have  made  enemies,  not  friends.  Instead  of  commanding  respect  and 
deserving  good  will  by  sincerity,  firmness,  and  consistency,  we  provoked 
misapprehension  and  deep  resentment.  In  the  light  of  the  conduct  of 
the  Administration  no  one  could  understand  its  professions.  Decrying 
interference,  we  interfered  most  exasperatingly.  We  have  not  even  kept 
out  of  actual  conflict,  and  the  soil  of  Mexico  is  stained  with  the  blood  of 
our  soldiers.  We  have  resorted  to  physical  invasion,  only  to  retire  without 
gaining  the  professed  object.  It  is  a  record  which  cannot  be  examined 
without  a  profound  sense  of  humiliation. 

When  the  Administration  came  into  power,  Huerta  was  exercising 
authority  as  Provisional  President  of  Mexico.  He  was  certainly  in  fact 
the  head  of  the  Government  of  Mexico.  Whether  or  not  he  should 
be  recognized  was  a  question  to  be  determined  in  the  exercise  of  a  sound 
discretion,  but  according  to  correct  principles.  The  President  was  entitled 
to  be  assured  that  there  was  at  least  a  de  facto  government;  that  inter- 
national obligations  would  be  performed;  that  the  lives  and  property  of 
American  citizens  would  have  proper  protection.  To  attempt,  however, 
to  control  the  domestic  concerns  of  Mexico  was  simply  intervention,  not 
less  so  because  disclaimed.  The  height  of  folly  was  to  have  a  vacillating 
and  ineffective  intervention,  which  could  only  evoke  bitterness  and  con- 
tempt, which  would  fail  to  pacify  the  country  and  to  assure  peace  and 
prosperity  under  a  stable  government.  If  crimes  were  committed,  we  do 
not  palliate  them.  We  make  no  defense  of  Huerta.  But  the  Adminis- 
tration had  nothing  to  do  with  the  moral  character  of  Huerta,  if  in  fact 
he  represented  the  Government  of  Mexico.  We  shall  never  worthily 
prosecute  our  unselfish  aims,  or  serve  humanity,  by  wrong-headedness. 
So  far  as  the  character  of  Huerta  is  concerned,  the  hollowness  of  the 
pretensions  on  this  score  is  revealed  by  the  Administration's  subsequent 


ACCEPTANCE  277 

patronage  of  Villa  (whose  qualification  as  an  assassin  are  indisputable) 
whom  apparently  the  Administration  was  ready  to  recognize  had  he 
achieved  his  end  and  fulfilled  what  then  seemed  to  be  its  hope. 

The  question  is  not  as  to  the  non-recognition  of  Huerta.  The  Admin- 
istration did  not  content  itself  with  refusing  to  recognize  Huerta,  who  was 
recognized  by  Great  Britain,  Germany,  France,  Russia,  Spain  and  Japan. 
The  Administration  undertook  to  destroy  Huerta,  to  control  Mexican 
policies,  even  to  deny  Huerta  the  right  to  a  candidate  for  the  office  of 
President  at  the  election  the  Administration  demanded.  With  what  bewil- 
derment must  the  Alexicans  have  regarded  our  assertion  of  their  right 
to  manage  their  own  affairs !  In  the  summer  of  1913,  John  Lind  was 
despatched  to  the  City  of  Mexico  as  the  president's  "personal  spokesman 
and  representative"  to  the  unrecognized  Huerta  in  order  to  demand  that 
the  latter  eliminate  himself.  It  was  an  unjustifiable  mission,  most  offen- 
sive to  a  sensitive  people.  John  Lind  lingered  irritatingly.  The  Admin- 
istration continued  to  direct  its  efforts  at  the  destruction  of  the  government 
Mexico  had. 

In  the  Spring  of  1914,  occurred  the  capture  of  Vera  Cruz.  Men  from 
one  of  our  ships  had  been  arrested  at  Tampico  and  had  been  discharged 
with  an  apology.  But  our  Admiral  demanded  a  salute,  which  was  refused. 
Thereupon  the  President  went  to  Congress,  asking  authority  to  use  the 
armed  forces  of  the  United  States.  Without  waiting  for  the  passage  of 
the  resolution,  Vera  Cruz  was  seized.  It  appeared  that  a  shipload  of 
ammunition  for  Huerta  was  about  to  enter  the  port.  There  was  a  natural 
opposition  to  this  invasion  and  a  battle  occurred  in  which  nineteen 
Americans  and  over  a  hundred  Mexicans  were  killed.  This,  of  course, 
was  war.  Our  dead  soldiers  were  praised  for  dying  like  heroes  in  a  war 
of  service.  Later,  we  retired  from  Vera  Cruz,  giving  up  this  noble  war- 
fare. We  had  not  obtained  the  salute  which  was  demanded.  We  had  not 
obtained  reparation  for  affronts.  The  ship  with  ammunition  which  could 
not  land  at  Vera  Cruz  had  soon  landed  at  another  port,  and  its  cargo  was 
delivered  to  Huerta  without  interference.  Recently  the  naked  truth  was 
admitted  by  a  Cabinet  officer.  We  are  now  informed  that  "we  did  not  go 
to  Vera  Cruz  to  force  Huerta  to  salute  the  flag."  We  are  told  that  we 
went  there  "to  show  Mexico  that  we  were  in  earnest  in  our  demand  that 
Huerta  must  go."  That  is,  we  seized  Vera  Cruz  to  depose  Huerta.  The 
question  of  the  salute  was  a  mere  pretext. 

Meanwhile,  the  Administration  utterly  failed  to  perform  its  obvious 
duty  to  secure  protection  for  the  lives  and  property  of  our  citizens.  It 
is  most  unworthy  to  slur  those  who  have  investments  in  Mexico  in  order 
to  escape  a  condemnation  for  the  non-performance  of  this  duty.  There 
can  be  no  such  escape,  for  we  have  no  debate,  and  there  can  be  no  debate, 
as  to  the  existence  of  this  duty  on  the  part  of  our  Government.  Let  me 
quote  the  words  of  the  Democratic  Platform  of  1912 :  "The  constitutional 


278  ACCEPTANCE 

rights  of  American  citizens  should  protect  them  on  our  borders  and  go 
with  them  throughout  the  world,  and  every  American  citizen  residing  or 
having  property  in  any  foreign  country  is  entitled  to  and  must  be  given 
the  full  protection  of  the  United  States  Government,  both  for  himself 
and  his  property."  The  bitter  hatred  aroused  by  the  course  of  the  Admin- 
istration multiplied  outrages,  while  our  failure  to  afford  protection  to  our 
citizens  evoked  the  scorn  and  contempt  of  Mexicans.  Consider  the  igno- 
minious incident  at  Tampico  in  connection  with  the  capture  of  Vera  Cruz. 
In  the  midst  of  the  greatest  danger  to  the  hundreds  of  Americans  con- 
gregated at  Tampico,  our  ships  which  were  in  the  harbor  were  withdrawn 
and  our  citizens  were  saved  only  by  the  intervention  of  German  officers 
and  were  taken  away  by  British  and  German  ships.  The  official  excuse 
of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  is  an  extraordinary  commentary.  Our  ships, 
it  seems,  had  been  ordered  to  Vera  Cruz ;  but,  as  it  appeared  that  they  were 
not  needed,  the  order  was  rescinded.  Then,  we  are  told,  our  Admiral 
was  faced  with  this  remarkable  dilemma.  If  he  attempted  to  go  up  the 
river  at  Tampico  and  take  our  citizens  on  board,  the  word  of  "aggress've 
action,"  as  the  Secretary  called  it,  "would  have  spread  to  the  surrounding 
country"  and  it  was  "almost  certain  that  reprisals  on  American  citizens 
would  have  followed  and  lives  would  have  been  lost."  We  had  so  incensed 
the  Mexicans  that  we  could  not  rescue  our  own  citizens  at  Tampico,  save 
at  the  risk  of  the  murder  of  others.  We  must  take  Vera  Cruz  to  get 
Huerta  out  of  office  and  trust  to  other  nations  to  get  our  own  citizens 
out  of  peril.  What  a  travesty  of  international  policy! 

Destroying  the  government  of  Huerta,  we  left  Mexico  to  the  ravages 
of  revolution.  I  shall  not  attempt  to  narrate  the  sickening  story  of  the 
barbarities  committed,  of  the  carnival  of  murder  and  lust.  We  were  then 
told  that  Mexico  was  entitled  to  spill  as  much  blood  as  she  pleased  to 
settle  her  own  affairs.  The  Administration  vacillated  with  respect  to 
the  embargo  on  the  export  of  arms  and  munitions  to  Mexico.  Under  the 
resolution  of  1912,  President  Taft  laid  such  an  embargo.  In  August, 
1913,  President  Wilson  stated  that  he  deemed  it  his  duty  to  see  that 
neither  side  to  the  struggle  in  Mexico  should  receive  any  assistance  from 
this  side  of  the  border,  and  that  the  export  of  all  arms  and  munitions  to 
Mexico  would  be  forbidden.  But  in  February,  1914,  the  embargo  was 
lifted.  In  April,  1914,  the  embargo  was  restored.  In  May,  1914,  it  was 
explained  that  the  embargo  did  not  apply  to  American  shipments  through 
Mexican  ports,  and  ammunition  for  Carranza  was  subsequently  landed  at 
Tampico.  In  September,  1914,  the  embargo  was  lifted  on  exports  across 
the  border;  thereupon  military  supplies  reached  both  Villa  and  Carranza. 
In  October,  1915,  an  embargo  was  declared  on  all  exports  of  arms  except 
to  the  adherents  of  Carranza.  There  was  an  utter  absence  of  consistent 
policy. 

For  a  time  we  bestowed  friendship  on  Villa.  Ultimately  we  recog- 
nized Carranza,  not  on  the  ground  that  he  had  a  constitutional  govern- 


ACCEPTANCE  279 

ment,  but  that  it  was  a  de  facto  government.  The  complete  failure  to 
secure  protection  to  American  citizens  is  shown  conclusively  in  the  note 
of  the  Secretary  of  State  of  June  20,  1916,  in  which  he  thus  described  the 
conditions  that  have  obtained  during  the  past  three  years : 

"For  three  years  the  Mexican  republic  has  been  torn  with  civil  strife; 
the  lives  of  Americans  and  other  aliens  have  been  sacrificed;  vast  prop- 
erties developed  by  American  capital  and  enterprise  have  been  destroyed 
or  rendered  non-productive;  bandits  have  been  permitted  to  roam  at  will 
through  the  territory  contiguous  to  the  United  States  and  to  seize,  without 
punishment  or  without  effective  attempt  at  punishment,  the  property  of 
Americans,  while  the  lives  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  who  ventured 
to  remain  in  Mexican  territory  or  to  return  there  to  protect  their  inter- 
ests have  been  taken,  in  some  cases  barbarously  taken,  and  the  murderers 
have  neither  been  apprehended  nor  brought  to  justice.  *  *  *  It  would 
be  tedious  to  recount  instance  after  instance,  outrage  after  outrage,  atrocity 
after  atrocity,  to  illustrate  the  true  nature  and  extent  of  the  widespread 
conditions  of  lawlessness  and  violence  which  have  prevailed." 

The  Santa  Ysabel  massacre,  the  raid  at  Columbus,  the  bloodshed  at 
Carrizal,  are  fresh  in  your  minds.  After  the  Columbus  raid  we  started  a 
"punitive  expedition."  We  sent  a  thin  line  of  troops  hundreds  of  miles 
into  Mexico,  between  two  lines  of  railway  neither  of  which  we  were 
allowed  to  use  and  which  we  did  not  feel  at  liberty  to  seize.  We  were 
refused  permission  to  enter  the  towns.  Though  thus  restricted,  the  enter- 
prise was  still  regarded  by  the  Mexicans  as  a  menace.  Our  troops  xaced 
hostile  forces  and  it  is  not  remarkable  that  our  men  fell  at  Carrizal.  What 
other  result  could  be  expected?  We  were  virtually  ordered  to  withdraw, 
and  without  accomplishing  our  purpose  we  have  been  withdrawing  and 
we  are  now  endeavoring  to  safeguard  our  own  territory.  The  entire 
National  Guard  has  been  ordered  out  and  many  thousands  of  our  citizens 
have  been  taken  from  their  peaceful  employment  and  hurried  to  the 
Mexican  border.  The  Administration  was  to  seize  and  punish  Villa  for 
his  outrage  on  our  soil.  It  has  not  punished  any  one;  we  went  in  only 
to  retire,  and  future  movements  are  apparently  to  be  determined  by  a 
joint  commission. 

The  Nation  has  no  policy  of  aggression  toward  Mexico.  We  have  no 
desire  for  any  part  of  her  territory.  We  wish  her  to  have  peace,  stability, 
and  prosperity.  We  should  be  ready  to  aid  her  in  binding  up  her  wounds, 
in  relieving  her  from  starvation  and  distress,  and  in  giving  her  in  every 
practicable  way  the  benefits  of  our  disinterested  friendship.  The  conduct 
of  this  Administration  has  created  difficulties  which  we  shall  have  to 
surmount.  We  shall  have  to  overcome  the  antipathy  needlessly  created 
by  that  conduct  and  to  develop  genuine  respect  and  confidence.  We  shall 
have  to  adopt  a  new  policy  of  firmness  and  consistency  through  which 
alone  we  can  promote  an  enduring  friendship.  We  demand  from  Mexico 


280  ACCEPTANCE 

the  protection  of  the  lives  and  the  property  of  our  citizens  and  the  se- 
curity of  our  border  from  depredations.  Much  will  be  gained  if  Mexico 
is  convinced  that  we  contemplate  no  meddlesome  interference  with  what 
does  not  concern  us,  but  that  we  propose  to  insist  in  a  firm  and  candid 
manner  upon  the  performance  of  international  obligations.  To  a  stable 
government,  appropriately  discharging  its  international  duties,  we  would 
give  ungrudging  support.  A  short  period  of  firm,  consistent  and  friendly 
dealing  will  accomplish  more  than  many  years  of  of  vacillation. 

EUROPEAN    WAR. — MAINTENANCE    OF    AMERICAN    RIGHTS 

In  this  land  of  composite  population,  drawing  its  strength  from  every 
race,  the  national  security  demands  that  there  shall  be  no  paltering  with 
American  rights.  The  greater  the  danger  of  divisive  influence,  the  greater 
is  the  necessity  for  the  unifying  force  of  a  just,  strong  and  patriotic  posi- 
tion. We  countenance  no  covert  policies,  no  intrigues,  no  secret  schemes. 
We  are  unreservedly,  devotedly,  whole-heartedly,  for  the  United  States. 
That  is  the  rallying  point  for  all  Americans.  That  is  my  position.  I  stand 
for  the  unflinching  maintenance  of  all  American  rights  on  land  and  sea. 

We  have  had  a  clear  and  definite  mission  as  a  great  neutral  nation. 
It  was  for  us  to  maintain  the  integrity  of  international  law ;  to  vindicate 
our  rights  as  neutrals ;  to  protect  the  lives  of  our  citizens,  their  property 
and  trade  from  wrongful  acts.  Putting  aside  any  question  as  to  the  high- 
est possibilities  of  moral  leadership  in  the  maintenance  and  vindication  of 
the  law  of  nations  in  connection  with  the  European  War,  at  least  we  were 
entitled  to  the  safe-guarding  of  American  rights.  But  this  has  not  been 
secured.  We  have  had  brave  words  in  a  series  of  notes,  but  despite  our 
protests  the  lives  of  Americans  have  been  destroyed.  What  does  it  avail 
to  use  some  of  the  strongest  words  known  to  diplomacy  if  Ambassadors 
can  receive  the  impression  that  the  words  are  not  to  be  taken  seriously? 
It  is  not  words,  but  the  strength  and  resolution  behind  the  words,  that 
count.  The  chief  function  of  diplomacy  is  prevention;  but  in  this  our 
diplomacy  failed,  doubtless  because  of  its  impaired  credit  and  the  manifest 
lack  of  disposition  to  back  words  with  action.  Had  this  Government  by 
the  use  of  both  informal  and  formal  diplomatic  opportunities  left  no  doubt 
that  when  we  said  "strict  accountability"  we  meant  precisely  what  we  said, 
and  that  we  should  unhesitatingly  vindicate  that  position,  I  am  confident 
that  there  would  have  been  no  destruction  of  American  lives  by  the  sink- 
ing of  the  Lusitania.  There,  we  had  ample  notice ;  in  fact,  published  notice. 
Furthermore,  we  knew  the  situation  and  we  did  not  require  specific  notice. 
Instead  of  whittling  away  our  formal  statements  by  equivocal  conversa- 
tions, we  needed  the  straight,  direct  and  decisive  representations  wh'ch 
every  diplomat  and  foreign  office  would  understand.  I  believe  that  in 
this  way  we  should  have  been  spared  the  repeated  assaults  on  American 


ACCEPTANCE  281 

lives.  Moreover,  a  firm  American  policy  would  have  been  strongly  sup- 
ported by  our  people  and  the  opportunities  for  the  development  of  bitter 
feeling  would  have  been  vastly  reduced. 

It  is  a  great  mistake  to  say  that  resoluteness  in  protecting  American 
rights  would  have  led  to  war.  Rather,  in  that  course  lay  the  best  assur- 
ance of  peace.  Weakness  and  indecision  in  the  maintenance  of  known 
rights  are  always  sources  of  grave  danger;  they  forfeit  respect  and  invite 
serious  wrongs,  which  in  turn  create  an  uncontrollable  popular  resentment. 
That  is  not  the  path  of  national  security.  Not  only  have  we  a  host  of 
resources  short  of  war  by  which  to  enforce  our  just  demands,  but  we 
shall  never  promote  our  peace  by  being  stronger  in  words  than  in  deeds. 
We  should  not  have  found  it  difficult  to  maintain  peace,  but  we  should 
have  maintained  peace  with  honor.  During  this  critical  period,  the  only 
danger  of  war  has  lain  in  the  weak  course  of  the  Administration. 

I  do  not  put  life  on  the  same  footing,  but  the  Administration  has  not 
only  been  remiss  with  respect  to  the  protection  of  American  lives ;  it  has 
been  remiss  with  respect  to  the  protection  of  American  property  and 
American  commerce.  It  has  been  too  much  disposed  to  be  content  with 
leisurely  discussion.  I  cannot  now  undertake  to  review  the  course  of 
events,  but  it  is  entirely  clear  that  we  failed  to  use  the  resources  at  our 
command  to  prevent  injurious  action,  and  that  we  suffered  in  conse- 
quence. We  have  no  ulterior  purposes,  and  the  Administration  should 
have  known  how  to  secure  the  entire  protection  of  every  legitimate  Ameri- 
can interest  and  the  prompt  recognition  of  our  just  demands  as  a  neutral 
nation. 

We  denounce  all  plots  and  conspiracies  in  the  interest  of  any  foreign 
nation.  Utterly  intolerable  is  the  use  of  our  soil  for  alien  intrigues.  Every 
American  must  unreservedly  condemn  them,  and  support  every  effort  for 
their  suppression.  But  here,  also,  prompt,  vigorous  and  adequate  measures 
on  the  part  of  the  Administration  were  needed.  There  should  have  been 
no  hesitation ;  no  notion  that  it  was  wise  and  politic  to  delay.  Such  an 
abuse  of  our  territory  demanded  immediate  and  thorough-going  action. 
As  soon  as  the  Administration  had  notice  o|  plots  and  conspiracies,  it 
was  its  duty  to  stop  them.  It  was  not  lacking  in  resources.  Its  re- 
sponsibility for  their  continuance  cannot  be  escaped  by  the  condemnation 
of  others. 

PREPAREDNESS 

We  are  a  peace-loving  people,  but  we  live  in  a  world  of  arms.  We 
have  no  thought  of  aggression,  and  we  desire  to  pursue  our  democratic 
ideals  without  the  wastes  of  strife.  So  devoted  are  we  to  these  ideals, 
so  intent  upon  our  normal  development,  that  I  do  not  believe  that  there  is 
the  slightest  danger  of  militarism  in  this  country.  Adequate  preparedness 
is  not  militarism.  It  is  the  essential  assurance  of  security ;  it  is  a  necessary 
safeguard  of  peace. 


282  ACCEPTANCE 

It  is  apparent  that  we  are  shockingly  unprepared.  There  is  no  room 
for  controversy  on  this  point  since  the  object  lesson  on  the  Mexican 
border.  All  our  available  regular  troops  (less,  I  believe,  than  40,000)  are 
there  or  in  Mexico,  and  as  these  have  been  deemed  insufficient  the  entire 
National  Guard  has  been  ordered  out;  that  is,  we  are  summoning  practi- 
cally all  our  movable  military  forces  in  order  to  prevent  bandit  incursions. 
In  view  of  the  warnings  of  the  past  three  years,  it  is  inexcusable  that  we 
should  find  ourselves  in  this  plight.  For  our  faithful  guardsmen,  who 
with  a  fine  patriotism  responded  to  this  call  and  are  bearing  this  burden, 
I  have  nothing  but  praise.  But  I  think  it  little  short  of  absurd  that  we 
should  be  compelled  to  call  men  from  their  shops,  their  factories,  their 
offices  and  their  professions  for  such  a  purpose.  This,  however,  is  not  all. 
The  units  of  the  National  Guard  were  at  peace  strength,  which  was  only 
about  one-half  the  required  strength.  It  was  necessary  to  bring  in  re- 
cruits, for  the  most  part  raw  and  untrained.  Only  a  small  percentage  of 
the  regiments  recruited  up  to  war  strength  will  have  had  a  year's  training 
in  the  National  Guard,  which  at  the  maximum  means  one  hundred  hours 
of  military  drill,  and,  on  the  average,  means  much  less.  Take  the  Eastern 
Department  as  an  illustration.  The  States  in  this  Department  contain 
about  72.  per  cent,  of  the  entire  organized  militia  of  the  country.  I  am 
informed,  by  competent  authority,  that  the  quota  of  militia  from  this  De- 
partment, recently  summoned  with  the  units  raised  to  war  strength  as 
required  would  amount  to  about  131,000  men ;  that  in  response  to  this  call 
there  are  now  en  route  to  or  on  the  border  about  54,000  men,  and  in  camp 
in  their  respective  States  about  28,000  men ;  and  thus,  after  what  has  al- 
ready been  accomplished,  there  still  remain  to  be  supplied  in  recruits  about 
48,000  men.  Men  fresh  from  their  peaceful  employments  and  physically 
unprepared  have  been  hurried  to  the  border  for  actual  service.  They 
were  without  proper  equipment,  without  necessary  supplies ;  suitable  con- 
ditions of  transportation  were  not  provided.  Men  with  dependent  families 
were  sent;  and  conditions  which  should  have  been  well  known  were  dis- 
covered after  the  event.  And  yet  the  exigency,  comparatively  speaking, 
was  not  a  very  grave  one.  It  involved  nothing  that  could  not  readily  have 
been  foreseen  during  the  past  three  years  of  disturbance,  and  required 
only  a  modest  talent  for  organization.  That  this  Administration  while 
pursuing  its  course  in  Mexico  should  have  permitted  such  conditions  to 
exist  is  almost  incredible. 

In  the  demand  for  reasonable  preparedness  the  Administration  has 
followed,  not  led.  Those  who  demanded  more  adequate  forces  were  first 
described  as  "nervous  and  excited."  Only  about  a  year  and  a  half  ago  we 
were  told  that  the  question  of  preparedness  was  not  a  pressing  one;  that 
the  country  had  been  misinformed.  Later,  under  the  pressure  of  other 
leadership,  this  attitude  was  changed.  The  Administration,  it  was  said, 
had  "learned  something,"  and  it  made  a  belated  demand  for  an  increased 
army.  Even  then,  the  demand  was  not  prosecuted  consistently  and  the 


ACCEPTANCE  283 

pressure  exerted  on  Congress  with  respect  to  other  Administrative  meas- 
ures was  notably  absent.  The  President  addressed  Congress  but  little  over 
six  months  ago,  presenting  the  plans  of  the  War  Department,  and  Congress 
was  formally  urged  to  sanction  these  plans  as  "the  essential  first  steps." 
They  contemplated  an  increase  of  the  standing  force  of  the  regular  army 
from  its  then  strength  of  5,023  officers  and  102,985  enlisted  men,  to  a 
strength  of  7,136  officers  and  134,707  enlisted  men,  or  141,843  all  told.  It 
was  said  that  these  additions  were  "necessary  to  render  the  army  ade- 
quate for  its  present  duties."  Further,  it  was  proposed  that  the  army 
should  be  supplemented  by  a  force  of  400,000  disciplined  citizens  raised  in 
increments  of  133,000  a  year,  through  a  period  of  three  years.  At  least  so 
much  "by  way  of  preparation  for  defense"  seemed  to  the  President  to  be 
"absolutely  imperative  now."  He  said :  "We  cannot  do  less."  But  within 
two  months  this  program  was  abandoned  and  the  able  Secretary  of  War 
who  had  devoted  himself  persistently  to  this  important  question  felt  so 
keenly  the  change  in  policy  that  he  resigned  from  the  Cabinet.  Now,  the 
Army  Organization  Bill  provides  for  an  army  on  paper  of  178,000,  but  in 
fact  it  provides  for  only  105,000  enlisted  men  for  the  line  of  the  regular 
army  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1917,  and  I  am  informed  that  for 
the  net  fiscal  year  there  will  be  an  increase  of  only  15,000.  The  plan  for 
the  supplemental  Federal  Army  completely  under  Federal  control  was 
given  up. 

We  are  told  that  the  defects  revealed  by  the  present  mobilization  are 
due  to  the  "system."  But  it  was  precisely  such  plain  defects  that  under 
the  constant  warnings  of  recent  years,  with  the  whole  world  intent  on 
military  concerns,  should  have  been  studied  and  rectified.  The  Adminis- 
tration has  failed  to  discharge  its  responsibilities.  Apparently,  it  is  now 
seeking  to  meet  political  exigencies  by  its  naval  program.  But  it  has 
imposed  upon  the  country  an  incompetent  naval  administration. 

We  demand  adequate  national  defense ;  adequate  protection  on  both 
our  Western  and  Eastern  coasts.  We  demand  thoroughness  and  efficiency 
in  both  arms  of  the  service.  It  seems  to  be  plain  that  our  regular  army 
is  too  small.  We  are  too  great  a  country  to  require  of  our  citizens  wno  are 
engaged  in  peaceful  vocations  the  sort  of  military  service  to  which  they 
are  now  called.  As  well  insist  that  our  citizens  in  this  metropolis  be 
summoned  to  put  out  fires  and  police  the  streets.  We  do  not  count  it  in- 
consistent with  our  liberties,  or  with  our  democratic  ideals,  to  have  an  ade- 
quate police  force.  With  a  population  of  nearly  one  hundred  million  we 
need  to  be  surer  of  ourselves  than  to  become  alarmed  at  the  prospect  of 
having  a  regular  army  which  can  reasonably  protect  our  border,  and  per- 
form such  other  military  service  as  may  be  required,  in  the  absence  of  a 
grave  emergency.  I  believe,  further,  that  there  should  be  not  only  a  rea- 
sonable increase  in  the  regular  army,  but  that  the  first  citizen  reserve 
subject  to  call  should  be  enlisted  as  a  Federal  army  and  trained  under 
Federal  authority. 


284  ACCEPTANCE 

The  country  demands  that  our  military  and  naval  programs  shall  be 
carried  out  in  a  business-like  manner  under  the  most  competent  adminis- 
trative heads ;  that  we  shall  have  an  up-to-date  preparation ;  that  the 
moneys  appropriated  shall  be  properly  expended.  We  should  also  have 
careful  plans  for  mobilizing  our  industrial  resources;  for  promoting  re- 
search and  utilizing  the  investigations  of  science.  And  a  policy  of  adequate 
preparedness  must  constantly  have  in  view  the  necessity  of  conserving  our 
fundamental  human  interests ;  of  promoting  the  physical  well-being  of  our 
population,  as  well  as  education  and  training;  of  developing  to  the  utmost 
our  economic  strength  and  independence.  It  must  be  based,  upon  a  pro- 
found sense  of  our  unity,  and  democratic  obligation.  It  must  not  mean 
the  abandonment  of  other  essential  governmental  work,  but  that  we  shall 
have,  in  both,  efficiency,  and,  in  neither,  waste  or  extravagance.  We  should 
also  be  solicitous,  by  wise  provision  and  conference,  to  remove  so  far  as 
possible  the  causes  of  irritation  which  may  in  any  degree  threaten  friendly 
relations.  In  our  proposals  there  is,  I  repeat,  no  militarism.  There  is 
simple  insistence  upon  common  sense  in  providing  reasonable  measures  of 
security  and  avoiding  the  perils  of  neglect.  We  must  have  strength  of 
self-respect ;  a  strength  which  contains  no  threat,  but  assures  our  defense, 
safeguards  our  rights  and  conserves  our  peace. 

THE  ORGANIZATION  OF  PEACE 

We  are  deeply  interested  in  what  I  may  term  the  organization  of 
peace.  We  cherish  no  illusions.  We  know  that  the  recurrence  of  war 
is  not  to  be  prevented  by  pious  wishes.  If  the  conflict  of  national  inter- 
ests is  not  to  be  broguht  to  the  final  test  of  force,  there  must  be  the 
development  of  international  organization  in  order  to  provide  international 
justice  and  to  safeguard  so  far  as  practicable  the  peace  of  the  world. 

Arbitration  treaties  are  useful  within  their  proper  sphere,  but  it  is 
worse  than  folly  to  ignore  the  limitations  of  this  remedy  or  to  regard 
such  treaties  as  an  adequate  means  of  preventing  war.  There  should  be 
an  international  tribunal  to  decide  controversies  susceptible  of  judicial 
determination,  thus  affording  the  advantage  of  judicial  standards  in  the 
settlement  of  particular  disputes  and  of  the  gradual  growth  of  a  body  of 
judicial  precedents.  In  emphasizing  the  desirability  of  such  a  tribunal 
for  the  disposition  of  controversies  of  a  justiciable  sort,  it  must  not  be 
overlooked  that  there  are  also  legislative  needs.  We  need  conferences  of 
the  Nations  to  formulate  international  rules,  to  establish  principles,  to 
modify  and  extend  international  law  so  as  to  adapt  it  to  new  conditions, 
to  remove  causes  of  international  differences.  We  need  to  develop  the 
instrumentalities  of  conciliation.  And  behind  this  international  organiza- 
tion, if  it  is  to  be  effective,  must  be  the  co-operation  of  the  nations  to 
prevent  resort  to  hostilities  before  the  appropriate  agencies  of  peaceful 
settlement  have  been  utilized.  If  the  peace  of  the  world  is  to  be  main- 


ACCEPTANCE  285 

tained,  it  must  be  through  the  preventive  power  of  a  common  purpose. 
Without  this,  it  will  still  remain  not  only  possible,  but  practicable,  to  dis- 
regard international  obligations,  to  override  the  rights  of  States,  particu- 
larly of  small  States,  to  ignore  principles,  to  violate  rules.  And  it  is  only 
through  international  co-operation  giving  a  reasonable  assurance  of  peace 
that  we  may  hope  for  the  limitation  of  armaments.  It  is  to  be  expected 
that  nations  will  continue  to  arm  in  defense  of  their  respective  interests, 
as  they  are  conceived,  and  nothing  will  avail  to  diminish  this  burden  save 
some  practical  guaranty  of  international  order.  We,  in  this  country  can, 
and  should,  maintain  our  fortunate  freedom  from  entanglements  with 
interests  and  policies  which  do  not  concern  us.  But  there  is  no  national 
isolation  in  the  world  of  the  Twentieth  Century.  If  at  the  close  of  the 
present  war  the  nations  are  ready  to  undertake  practicable  measures  in 
the  common  interest  in  order  to  secure  international  justice,  we  cannot 
fail  t6  recognize  our  international  duty.  The  peace  of  the  world,  is  our 
interest,  as  well  as  the  interest  of  others,  and  in  developing  the  necessary 
agencies  for  the  prevention  of  war  we  shall  be  glad  to  have  an  appropriate 
share.  And  our  preparedness  will  have  proper  relation  to  this  end  as  well 
as  to  our  own  immediate  security. 

INDUSTRY   AND   TRADE — A  FOOL'S   PARADISE 

When  we  contemplate  industrial  and  commercial  conditions,  we  see 
that  we  are  living  in  a  fool's  paradise.  The  temporary  prosperity  to  which 
our  opponents  point  has  been  created  by  the  abnormal  conditions  incident 
to  the  war.  With  the  end  of  the  war  there  will  be  the  new  conditions 
determined  by  a  new  Europe.  Millions  of  men  in  the  trenches  will  then 
return  to  work.  The  energies  of  each  of  the  now  belligerent  nations, 
highly  trained,  will  then  be  turned  to  production.  These  are  days  of 
terrible  discipline  for  the  nations  at  war,  but  it  must  not  be  forgotten 
that  each  is  developing  a  national  solidarity,  a  knowledge  of  method,  a 
realization  of  capacity,  hitherto  unapproached.  In  each,  the  lessons  of 
co-operation  now  being  learned  will  never  be  forgotten.  Friction  and 
waste  have  been  reduced  to  a  minimum;  labor  and  capital  have  a  better 
understanding,  business  organization  is  more  highly  developed  and  more 
intelligently  directed  than  ever  before.  We  see  in  each  of  these  nations 
a  marvellous  national  efficiency.  Let  it  not  be  supposed  that  this  efficiency 
will  not  count  when  Europe  once  more  at  peace  pushes  its  productive 
powers  to  the  utmost  limit. 

On  the  other  hand,  in  this  country,  with  the  stoppage  of  the  manu- 
facture of  munitions,  a  host  of  men  will  be  turned  out  of  employment. 
We  must  meet  the  most  severe  competition  in  industry.  We  are  undisci- 
plined, defective  in  organization,  loosely  knit,  industrially  unprepared. 

Our  opponents  promised  to  reduce  the  cost  of  living.  This  they  have 
failed  to  do;  but  they  did  reduce  the  opportunities  of  making  a  living. 


286  ACCEPTANCE 

Let  us  not  forget  the  conditions  that  existed  in  this  country  under  the 
new  tariff  prior  to  the  outbreak  of  the  war.  Production  had  decreased, 
business  was  languishing,  new  enterprises  were  not  undertaken,  instead 
of  expansion  there  was  curtailment,  and  our  streets  were  filled  with  the 
unemployed.  It  was  estimated  that  in  the  City  of  New  York  over  300,000 
were  out  of  work.  Throughout  the  country  the  jobless  demanded  relief. 
The  labor  commissioners  of  many  States,  and  our  municipal  administra- 
tions, devoted  themselves  to  the  problem  of  unemployment,  while  the 
resources  of  our  voluntary  charitable  organizations  were  most  severely 
taxed.  What  ground  is  there  for  expecting  better  conditions  when  the 
unhealthy  stimulus  of  the  war  has  spent  its  force  and  our  industries  and 
working-men  are  exposed  to  the  competition  of  an  energized  Europe? 

It  is  plain  that  we  have  protective,  upbuilding  policies.  It  is  idle  to 
look  for  relief  to  the  Democratic  Party  which  as  late  as  1912  declared  in 
its  platform  that  it  was  "a  fundamental  principle  of  the  Democratic  Party 
that  the  Federal  Government,  under  the  Constitution,  had  no  right  or 
power  to  impose  or  collect  tariff  duties  except  for  the  purpose  of  revenue. 
We  are  told  in  its  present  platform  that  there  have  been  "momentous 
changes"  in  the  past  two  years,  and  hence,  repudiating  its  former  attitude, 
the  Democratic  Party  now  declares  for  a  "non-partisan  tariff  commis- 
sion." But  have  the  "momentous  changes"  incident  to  the  European  War 
changed  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States?  Is  it  proposed  to  use  a 
tariff  commission  to  frame  a  tariff  for  revenue  only?  Is  the  opposing 
party  ready  to  confess  that  for  generations  it  has  misread  the  Constitu- 
tion? Is  that  party  now  prepared  to  accept  the  protective  principle? 
Rather,  so  far  as  the  tariff  is  concerned,  it  would  appear  to  be  without 
principle.  Witness  its  action  in  connection  with  the  sugar  duties,  its 
reaffirmation  of  the  doctrine  of  a  revenue  tariff,  its  dye-stuffs  proposal, 
and  its  formulation  in  lieu  of  protective  duties  of  an  "anti-dumping" 
provision,  the  terms  of  which  are  sufficient  to  show  its  ineffective  character. 

The  Republican  Party  stands  for  the  principle  of  protection.  We 
must  apply  that  principle  fairly,  without  abuses,  in  as  scientific  a  manner  as 
possible;  and  Congress  should  be  aided  by  the  investigations  of  an 
expert  body.  We  stand  for  the  safeguarding  of  our  economic  independ- 
ence, for  the  development  of  American  industry,  for  the  maintenance  of 
American  standards  of  living.  We  propose  that  in  the  competitive 
struggle  that  is  about  to  come  the  American  working-man  shall  not  suffer. 

The  Republican  Party  is  not  a  sectional  party.  It  thinks  and  plans 
nationally.  Its  policies  are  for  the  promotion  of  the  prosperity  of  every 
part  of  the  country,  South,  East,  North  and  West.  It  is  not  simply  a 
question  of  a  wise  adjustment  of  the  tariff  in  accordance  with  sound 
principle,  but  there  is  also  the  need  in  other  respects  for  stable  conditions 
for  commercial  and  industrial  progress.  If  we  are  to  meet  effectively 
the  conditions  which  will  arise  after  the  war  is  over,  we  must  put  our 


ACCEPTANCE  287 

house  in  order  Let  it  be  understood  that  the  public  right  is  to  be  main- 
tained without  fear  or  favor.  But  let  us  show  that  we  can  do  this  with- 
out impairing  the  essential  agencies  of  progress.  There  is  no  forward 
movement,  no  endeavor  to  promote  social  justice,  which  in  the  last 
analysis  does  not  rest  upon  the  condition  that  there  shall  be  a  stable 
basis  for  honest  enterprise.  This  subject  has  several  important  phases 
to  which  at  this  time  I  can  allude  only  briefly.  We  should  place  our 
transportation  system  on  a  sure  footing.  We  should  be  able  wisely  to 
adjust  our  regulative  powers  so  that  the  fundamental  object  of  protecting 
the  public  interest  can  be  fully  secured  without  uncertainties  or  con- 
flicts and  without  hampering  the  development  and  expansion  of  trans- 
portation facilities.  This  national  end  may  be  accompanied  without  the 
sacrifice  of  any  interest  that  is  essentially  local,  or  without  weakening 
public  control.  Our  present  system  is  crude  and  inadequate.  Moreover, 
in  the  severe  economic  struggle  that  is  before  us,  and  in  seeking,  as  we 
should,  to  promote  our  productive  industries  and  to  expand  our  com- 
merce— notably  our  foreign  commerce — we  shall  require  the  most  efficient 
organization,  quite  as  efficient  as  that  found  in  any  nation  abroad.  There 
must  be  no  unnecessary  wastes  and  no  arbitrary  obstructions.  We  have 
determined  to  cut  out,  root  and  branch,  monopolistic  practices,  but  we 
can  do  this  without  hobbling  enterprise  or  narrowing  the  scope  of  legiti- 
mate achievement.  Again,  we  must  build  up  our  merchant  marine.  It 
will  not  aid  to  put  the  Government  into  competition  with  private  owners. 
That,  it  seems  to  me,  is  a  counsel  of  folly.  A  surer  way  of  destroying 
the  promise  of  our  foreign  trade  could  hardly  be  devised.  It  has  well  been 
asked — Does  the  Government  intend  to  operate  at  a  profit  or  at  a  loss? 
We  need  the  encouragement  and  protection  of  Government  for  our  ship- 
ping industry,  but  it  cannot  afford  to  have  the  Government  as  a  com- 
petitor. 

LABOR 

We  stand  for  the  conservation  of  the  just  interests  of  labor.  We 
do  not  desire  production,  or  trade,  or  efficiency  in  either,  for  its  own 
sake,  but  for  the  betterment  of  the  lives  of  human  beings.  We  shall  not 
have  any  lasting  industrial  prosperity,  unless  we  buttress  our  industrial 
endeavors  by  adequate  means  for  the  protection  of  health ;  for  the  elim- 
ination of  unnecessary  perils  to  life  and  limb ;  for  the  safeguarding  of 
our  future  through  proper  laws  for  protection  of  women  and  children  in 
industry;  for  increasing  opportunities  for  education  and  training.  We 
should  be  solicitous  to  inquire  carefully  into  every  grievance,  remember- 
ing that  there  are  few  disputes  which  cannot  easily  be  adjusted  if  there 
be  an  impartial  examination  of  the  facts.  We  make  common  cause  in 
this  country,  not  for  a  few,  but  for  all ;  and  our  watchword  must  be 
co-operation,  not  exploitation.  No  plans  will  be  adequate  save  as  they 
are  instinct  with  genuine  democratic  sympathy. 


288  ACCEPTANCE 

I  stand  for  adequate  Federal  Workmen's  Compensation  laws,  dealing 
not  only  with  the  employees  of  Government,  but  with  those  employees 
who  are  engaged  in  interstate  commerce,  and  are  subject  to  the  hazard 
of  injury,  so  that  those  activities  which  are  within  the  sphere  of  the 
constitutional  authority  of  Congress  may  be  dealt  with  under  a  suitable 
law. 

AGRICULTURE — CON  SERVATION 

We  propose  to  promote  by  every  practicable  means  our  agricultural 
interests,  and  we  include  in  this  program  an  effective  system  of  rural 
credits.  We  favor  the  wise  conservation  of  our  natural  resources.  We 
desire  not  only  that  they  shall  be  safeguarded,  but  that  they  shall  be 
adequately  developed  and  used  to  the  utmost  public  advantage. 

NATIONAL  TRUSTEESHIP — THE  PHILIPPINES 

We  turn  to  other  considerations  of  important  policy.  One  of  these  is 
our  attitude  toward  the  Philippines.  That,  I  may  say,  is  not  a  question 
of  self-interest.  We  have  assumed  international  obligations  which  we 
should  not  permit  ourselves  to  evade.  A  breach  of  trust  is  not  an 
admissible  American  policy,  though  our  opponents  have  seemed  to  con- 
sider it  such.  We  should  administer  government  in  the  Philippines  with 
a  full  recognition  of  our  international  duty,  without  partisanship,  with 
the  aim  of  maintaining  the  highest  standards  of  expert  administration, 
and  in  the  interest  of  the  Filipinos.  This  is  a  matter  of  National  honor. 

WOMAN   SUFFRAGE 

I  endorse  the  declaration  in  the  platform  in  favor  of  woman  suffrage. 
I  do  not  consider  it  necessary  to  review  the  arguments  usually  advanced 
on  the  one  side  or  the  other,  as  my  own  convictions  proceed  from  a  some- 
what different  point  of  view.  Some  time  ago,  a  consideration  of  our 
economic  conditions  and  tendencies,  of  the  position  of  women  in  gainful 
occupations,  of  the  nature  and  course  of  the  demand,  led  me  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  granting  of  suffrage  to  women  is  inevitable.  Opposition 
may  delay,  but  in  my  judgment  cannot  defeat  this  movement.  Nor  can  I 
see  any  advantages  in  the  delay  which  can  possibly  offset  the  disadvantages 
which  are  necessarily  incident  to  the  continued  agitation.  Facts  should  be 
squarely  met.  We  shall  have  a  constantly  intensified  effort  and  a  dis- 
tinctly feminist  movement  constantly  perfecting  its  organization  to  the 
subversion  of  normal  political  issues.  We  shall  have  a  struggle  increasing 
in  bitterness,  which  I  believe  to  be  inimical  to  our  welfare.  If  women  are 
to  have  the  vote,  as  I  believe  they  are,  it  seems  to  me  entirely  clear  that 
in  the  interest  of  the  public  life  of  this  country,  the  contest  should  be 
ended  promptly.  I  favor  the  vote  for  women. 


ACCEPTANCE  289 

ADMINISTRATIVE    EFFICIENCY — CIVIL    SERVICE    LAWS — BUDGET 

Confronting  every  effort  to  improve  conditions,  is  the  menace  of 
incompetent  administration.  It  is  an  extraordinary  notion  that  democracy 
can  be  faithfully  served  by  inexpertness.  Democracy  needs  exact  knowl- 
edge, special  skill  and  thorough  training  in  its  servants.  I  have  already 
spoken  of  the  disregard  of  proper  standards,  in  numerous  instances,  in 
appointments  to  the  diplomatic  service.  Unfortunately  there  has  been 
a  similar  disregard  of  executive  responsibility  in  appointments  to  impor- 
tant administrative  positions  in  our  domestic  service.  Even  with  respect 
to  technical  bureaus  the  demands  of  science  have  been  compelled  to  yield 
to  the  demands  of  politics. 

We  have  erected  against  importunities  of  spoilsmen  the  barriers  ol 
the  civil  service  laws,  but  under  the  present  Administration  enactments 
providing  for  the  creation  of  large  numbers  of  places  have  been  deliber- 
ately removed  from  the  merit  system.  The  principles  of  our  civil  service 
laws  have  been  shamelessly  violated.  We  stand  for  fidelity  to  these 
principles  and  their  consistent  application.  And,  further,  it  is  our  pur- 
pose that  administrative  chiefs  shall  be  men  of  special  competence  emi- 
nently qualified  for  their  important  work. 

Our  opponents  promised  economy,  but  they  have  shown  a  reckless 
extravagance.  They  have  been  wasteful  and  profligate.  It  is  time  that 
we  had  fiscal  reform.  We  demand  a  simple  business-like  budget.  I 
believe  it  is  only  through  a  responsible  budget,  proposed  by  the  Executive, 
that  we  shall  avoid  financial  waste  and  secure  proper  administrative 
efficiency,  and  a  well-balanced  consideration  of  new  administrative  pro- 
posals. 

We  live  in  a  fateful  hour  In  a  true  sense,  the  contest  for  the 
preservation  of  the  Nation  is  never  ended.  We  must  still  be  imbued  with 
the  spirit  of  heroic  sacrifice  which  gave  us  our  country  and  brought  us 
safely  through  the  days  of  civil  war.  We  renew  our  pledge  to  the  ancient 
ideals  of  individual  liberty,  of  opportunity  denied  to  none  because  of  race 
or  creed,  of  unswerving  loyalty.  We  have  a  vision  of  America  prepared 
and  secure ;  strong  and  just ;  equal  to  her  tasks ;  an  exemplar  of  the 
capacity  and  efficiency  of  a  free  people.  I  endorse  the  platform  adopted 
by  the  Convention  and  accept  its  nomination. 


ADDRESS  OF  THE  HON.  LAWRENCE  Y.  SHERMAN 
OF  ILLINOIS 

Notifying   Mr.  Fairbanks  of  His  Nomination 
for  the  Vice-Presidency 

Senator  Lawrence  Y.  Sherman's,  of  Illinois,  speech  notifying  Charles 
W.  Fairbanks  of  his  nomination  for  Vice-P resident  follows : 

"Pursuant  to  instructions  of  the  Republican  national  convention  of 
1916  and  in  behalf  of  the  committee  of  notification,  you  are  formally  ad- 
vised of  your  nomination  as  the  candidate  of  the  Republican  party  for 
Vice-President. 

"Both  candidates  on  our  national  ticket  enlisted  on  the  call  of  the 
Republican  convention  representing  a  majority  of  the  American  people. 
Neither  hesitated  in  volunteering  his  services.  Both  are  now  rendering 
that  service  in  the  common  cause  of  redeeming  the  country  from  the  mis- 
rule and  habitual  incapacity  of  the  Democratic  party  now  nearing  the  end 
of  its  third  failure  in  half  a  century. 

"In  the  providence  that  watches  over  the  affairs  of  men,  the  misman- 
agement of  the  Democratic  party  is  always  limited  to  one  term.  The  in- 
clusion of  a  one-term  pledge  in  its  platform  in  1912  and  its  significant 
absence  in  1916  will  not  prevent  the  practical  operation  of  the  principle. 
President  Wilson  relied  upon  it  when  a  candidate  and  not  only  failed  to 
keep  it  when  in  office  but  repudiated  it  in  his  Palmer  letter  a  month  before 
he  was  inaugurated.  The  American  people  will  enforce  obedience  to  his 
broken  promise  as  well  as  the  penalty  for  a  series  of  the  most  remarkable 
breaches  of  platform  pledges  in  the  history  of  American  politics. 

DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  FLAYED 

The  Republican  party  does  not  rely  merely  upon  the  broken  faith  of 
its  political  adversary.  The  performances  of  the  Democratic  party  are 
worse  than  its  broken  promises.  It  is  a  helpless  aggregation  drifting  aim- 
lessly in  our  foreign  affairs  and  driving  with  malign  purpose  toward  in- 
dustrial ruin  in  our  domestic  affairs. 

"It  has  utterly  failed  to  read  the  significance  of  world-wide  events  and 
resulting  conditions  in  their  relation  to  our  future  trade.  It  leaves  us 
exposed  and  helpless  for  either  offensive  or  defensive  business  operations 
at  home  or  abroad  when  peace  is  restored. 

200 


NOTIFICATION  291 

"It  trusts  to  chance  for  its  issues  and  to  opportunity  for  its  alleged 
principles.  If  it  ever  arrives  at  an)-  given  point  it  is  by  accident  and  not 
by  intelligent  design  in  following  a  defined  and  intended  course  of  action. 
As  the  inevitable  result  of  war  it  claims  the  credit  of  trade  balances  with 
which  the  legislation  of  the  Democratic  party  has  no  more  to  do  than  the 
change  of  seasons  which  Holy  Writ  promises  us  while  the  earth  remaineth. 
The  largest  affirmative  result  in  this  Democratic  administration  is  its  ap- 
propriations. Its  largest  negative  thing  is  its  treasury  deficit  visible 
through  the  most  marvelous  system  of  bookkeeping  ever  devised  since  the 
ancients  invented  the  science  of  numbers.  It  is  worthy  of  a  promoter 
rather  than  a  financier. 

CALLED    INCOMPETENT 

"It  has  resorted  to  an  odious  stamp  tax  in  time  of  peace  for  the  first 
time  in  our  history.  Its  excise  taxes  on  occupations,  investments,  mer- 
chandise and  insurance,  with  its  small  collections  on  customs  duties,  brand 
the  Democratic  party  as  incapable  in  peace  and  incompetent  to  develop  and 
protect  our  resources  for  defensive  war. 

"The  Republicans  and  the  majority  of  the  American  people  favor  a 
protective  tariff.  One-half  our  government  receipts  ought  to  be  collected 
from  customs  duties  protective  in  character  We  believe  in  this  as  a  cardi- 
nal principle  of  our  party  faith.  Our  adversaries  admit  the  soundness  of 
the  Republican  principles  by  restoring  the  duty  on  sugar  and  favoring  in 
the  revenue  bill  now  pending  a  protective  rate  on  dyes  and  their  component 
materials  and  an  anti-dumping  law  the  essential  principle  of  which  they 
rejected  when  offered  by  Republicans  as  an  amendment  to  the  Democratic 
tariff  act  of  1913. 

"We  will  distribute  the  burdens  of  taxation  equitably  and  not  sec- 
tionally.  Property  is  now  classified  and  taxed  so  that  some  kinds  are  ex- 
empt and  other  are  taxed  so  as  to  bear  nearly  all  the  burdens  of  obnoxious 
special  taxes.  Our  American  foreign  policies  never  have  been  and  are  not 
now  expressed  in  and  will  not  be  performed  by  diplomatic  notes  worthless 
at  their  face  value  and  gone  to  protest  in  the  foreign  capitals  of  both  hem- 
ispheres. 

FOREIGN  POLICY 

"Our  foreign  trade  will  be  encouraged  and  sustained  by  protecting 
American  citizens  and  their  property  wherever  found.  Our  citizens  abroad 
for  commercial  purposes  will  not  be  accused  of  commercial  greed  and 
selfish  ends  when  they  ask  their  country  for  protection  and  safety. 

"If  there  ever  was  any  reason  why  the  American  people  should  go  to 
war  with  any  nation  in  Europe  this  principle  campaign  asset  would  weigh 
with  the  thinking  people  of  the  republic.  It  is  a  claim  to  a  spurious  virtue 
for  there  is  no  more  cause  for  war  with  any  European  belligerent  than 
Pierce  had  in  the  Crimean  war,  Grant  in  the  Franco-Prussian  war  or 


292  NOTIFICATION 

Roosevelt  in  the  Russ-Japanese  war.  If  this  administration  can  not  man- 
age the  Mexican  affair,  what  would  it  do  with  a  powerful,  resourceful 
and  united  nation? 

"Mr.  Fairbanks,  you  will  bring  to  your  office  experience,  ability,  de- 
votion to  duty  and  a  high  standard  of  Republican  faith.  On  behalf  of 
our  committee  and  our  party  I  congratulate  you,  the  State  of  Indiana,  and 
our  country  on  your  selection  as  a  candidate  for  the  highest  office  save  one 
in  the  gift  of  the  American  people." 


MR.  FAIRBANKS'  REPLY 

The  speech  of  acceptance  of  Charles  Warren  Fairbanks  of  the  nomin- 
ation for  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  on  the  Republican  ticket, 
follows : 

Senator  Sherman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Notification  Committee — I  am 
deeply  sensible  of  the  high  honor  of  the  commission  which  you  bring  me. 
To  be  chosen  as  the  candidate  of  the  Republican  party  for  the  vice-presi- 
dency of  the  United  States  is  a  distinction  which  any  patriotic  American 
may  well  covet,  I  accept  the  nomination  and  pledge  you  my  utmost  service 
during  the  campaign.  If  the  people  ratify  the  choice  of  the  convention  I 
shall  consecrate  my  best  efforts  to  the  discharge  of  my  official  functions. 
As  you  are  aware,  this  is  a  call  which  was  unsolicited  by  me;  that  fact 
intensifies  my  sense  of  duty  to  those  in  behalf  of  whom  you  speak. 

The  platform  adopted  by  the  Chicago  convention  has  my  hearty  ap- 
proval. Carried  into  the  public  administration  and  written  into  the 
statutes  it  will  insure  industrial  and  national  prosperity  during  the  years 
of  our  ascendency. 

This  is  an  hour  when  we  must  put  our  faith  to  the  test.  We  should 
have  nothing  short  of  the  best  political  party  in  the  management  of  the 
vast  and  complicated  mechanism  of  our  government. 

We  have  before  us  for  our  judgment  the  platforms  of  the  political 
parties  which  are  appealing  for  the  popular  suffrage.  The  Democratic 
party  has  established  an  unchallenged  reputation  for  the  repudiation  of  its 
platform  utterances  at  its  will.  We  never  know  what  covenants  it  will 
keep  or  what  it  will  reject  when  clothed  with  power. 

Political  parties  have  individualities  by  which  we  may  easily  identify 
them.  We  readily  recognize  the  Republican  party  by  its  long  and  success- 
ful conduct  of  the  public  business — its  efficient  administration  of  our  poli- 
tical concerns.  It  has  been  a  pledge-making  and  a  pledge-redeeming  party. 
To  keep  faith  with  the  people  has  been  its  supreme  desire. 

One  of  the  greatest  problems  which  presents  itself  for  our  solution 
goes  to  the  very  root  of  our  national  prosperity  and  to  the  contentment  of 


ACCEPTANCE  -.".).! 

millions  of  our  countrymen.  We  may  take  counsel  of  our  friends  who 
are  engaged  in  the  great  war.  Although  the  hour  of  peace  is  beyond  their 
vision,  they  are  already  planning  with  reference  to  their  industrial  affairs 
when  they  leave  the  trenches.  We  have  given  much  thought  to  military 
invasion.  We  should  prepare  for  commercial  invasion  which  would  para- 
lyze American  industry  and  blight  our  happiness. 

HOW   DEMOCRATS  CAME  INTO  POWER 

The  Democratic  party  came  into  power  through  an  unhappy  division 
within  our  own  ranks.  It  represented  a  minority  of  the  people,  and  does 
not  today  hold  a  commission  from  the  majority.  When  invested  with 
power  it  immediately  set  to  work  to  force  down  the  throats  of  the  majority 
policies  to  which  they  were  and  ever  since  have  been  opposed.  Democ- 
racy stands,  as  it  had  stubbornly  stood  for  many  years,  for  a  free  trade 
or  revenue  tariff,  while  the  Republican  party  stands,  as  it  has  always 
loyally  stood  for  the  great  doctrine  of  American  protection.  Our  future 
industrial  prosperity  depends  upon  our  choice  between  the  two  in  the 
pending  campaign. 

What  protection  and  free  trade  mean  we  know  from  our  actual  ex- 
perience ;  they  are  not  in  the  domain  of  the  academic. 

The  present  free  trade,  or  tariff  for  revenue  law,  which  Democracy 
regards  with  such  high  favor,  has  worked  infinite  damage.  This  law, 
which  is  to  be  maintained  if  Democracy  triumphs,  must  stand  or  fall,  not 
!>y  what  Democratic  conventions  say  of  it,  but  by  what  it  has  said  for  itself 
under  normal  trade  conditions.  Even  before  it  was  approved  by  Mr.  Wil- 
son, who  took  pride  in  the  executive  act,  business  began  to  furl  its  sails. 
The  coming  storm  was  apparent  and  prudence  took  possession  of  our 
people.  The  certainty  of  the  law  spread  fear  among  us.  Our  competitors 
in  Europe  and  in  the  Orient  were  filled  with  joy.  Commercial  travelers 
from  England,  France,  Germany  and  elsewhere  were  put  upon  the  road 
in  the  United  States  and  promptly  began  writing  orders.  The  slowing 
down  process  began  with  a  wrench.  The  workingmen,  who  were  the  first 
to  feel  the  blighting  effects  of  the  reversal  of  our  great  economic  policy, 
began  to  lose  their  jobs ;  factories  were  closed ;  trains  were  taken  off  our 
railway  schedules ;  thousands  of  idle  cars  accumulated  upon  the  sidetracks ; 
mines  were  closed ;  the  workers  in  our  charities  received  increased  appeals 
from  the  unfortunate  victims  of  the  free  trade  policy.  That  Democracy 
was  again  in  power  was  made  evident  throughout  the  republic. 

THE  IRONY  OF  FATE 

So  strong  was  the  pressure  of  the  unemployed  that  the  administration 
was  obliged  to  organize  for  the  purpose  of  securing  them  work  and  wages. 
This  seemed  like  mockery.  To  close  the  field  of  labor's  opportunity  and 


294  ACCEPTANCE 

rob  them  by  the  thousands  of  their  chance  for  wage,  and  then  to  organize 
search  for  work  among  those  who  were  holding  fast  to  what  they  had, 
seemed  like  the  very  irony  of  fate.  The  best  employment  agencies  we 
have  had  in  a  half  century  have  been  Republican  protective  tariff  measures, 
such  as  bore  the  name  of  William  McKinley  and  others. 

With  the  loss  of  work  and  wages  under  the  Wilson  administration, 
the  public  revenue  diminished.  The  Underwood  law  proved  not  only  dis- 
astrous to  labor,  but  failed  as  a  revenue  producer.  The  melancholy  ex- 
periences of  the  years  following  the  repeal  of  the  McKinley  law  were  being 
repeated  under  the  Underwood  enactment;  the  experiences  of  the  years 
beginning  with  1893  were  being  repeated  in  1913.  Hope  was  fast  dying 
out,  when  all  Christendom  was  shocked  by  the  European  war.  Demands 
from  the  belligerent  nations  were  made  upon  us  for  urgent  military  re- 
quirements ;  our  idle  men  were  recalled  to  the  fields  of  industry ;  our 
foreign  commerce  rose  to  colossal  figures  and  the  golden  currents  sought 
our  shores;  prosperity  returned  to  us  in  many  quarters — not  because  of 
Democracy,  but  in  spite  of  it.  It  is  not  the  prosperity  of  peace;  it  is  not 
prosperity  thoroughly  diffused  throughout  the  country;  it  is  the  prosperity 
of  war,  based  upon  the  misfortunes  of  others;  it  is  a  prosperity  which  is 
known  to  be  but  temporary ;  there  is  no  thought  of  permanence  in  it ;  all 
is  spectacular,  artificial,  ephemeral. 

There  is  no  observer  who  does  not  know  that  when  the  war  ceases  and 
the  contest  is  transferred  from  the  trenches  to  the  factories,  an  unpre- 
cedented war  of  markets  will  be  on.  Our  standard  of  wages  and  living 
will  be  matched  against  the  lower  wage  and  living  standards  of  other 
countries  more  sharply  than  ever  in  our  past  history. 

DISASTROUS  TO  INDUSTRIES 

The  protective  tariff  when  again  adopted  by  the  Republican  party 
must  prove  our  safeguard.  The  Democratic  free  trade  measure  was 
disastrous  to  our  industries  and  public  revenues  before  the  war  began. 
Upon  what  theory,  based  upon  rational  judgment,  can  we  assume  that  we 
shall  have  a  more  favorable  experience  when  peace  is  again  restored  than 
we  had  in  the  midst  of  peace  when  Democracy  overthrew  our  industries  ( 

The  Democratic  party  threw  away  millions  of  dollars  at  our  customs 
houses  by  the  enactment  of  their  unwise  law.  Many  millions  were  given 
to  our  foreign  competitors  without  the  gain  to  us  of  a  dollar.  This  is 
strikingly  illustrated  in  a  number  of  instances.  I  shall  advert  to  one  of 
the  largest.  It  is  but  a  type  of  many  others. 

We  are  the  greatest  sugar  consuming  nation  in  the  world.  We  are 
sending  approximately  $150,000,000  annually  to  foreign  countries  for  sugar 
which  should  be  produced  at  home. 

When  McKinley  came  into  power  he  sought  to  stimulate  a  wide  in- 
terest in  the  development  of  the  beet  sugar  industry.  A  duty  of  $1.95  a 


ACCEPTANCE  295 

hundred  pounds  was  placed  upon  sugar,  which  continued  for  sixteen  years 
with  but  little  change.  Nearly  $100,000,000  was  invested  in  the  industry 
during  this  period.  At  the  same  time  foreign  sugar  producers  paid  at  the 
customs  houses  over  $1,100,000,000  for  the  privilege  of  selling  their  com- 
modity in  the  market  of  the  United  States. 

We  have  succeeded  in  developing  sugar  in  some  fourteen  states.  Many 
hundred  of  millions  of  dollars  have  been  distributed  to  farmers,  laborers, 
railroads,  etc.,  in  the  process  of  growing,  refining  and  distributing  it.  To 
the  extent  that  we  have  produced  sugar  at  home  we  have  curtailed  our 
foreign  demand  for  it. 

According  to  the  opinion  of  James  Wilson,  former  secretary  of  agri- 
culture, we  have  about  274,000,000  acres  suited  to  the  production  of  sugar 
beets — more  than  sufficient  for  all  of  our  domestic  needs.  A  duty  upon 
sugar  is  justified  from  the  standpoint  of  building  up  a  great  American 
industry.  Furthermore,  in  the  process  of  creating  it,  we  shall  derive  many 
millions  of  dollars  of  revenue  and  to  that  extent  relieve  the  tax  burdens 
which  would  otherwise  rest  upon  the  shoulders  of  our  people. 

When  the  Underwood  law  was  enacted  it  provided  that  the  tariff  upon 
sugar  should  be  gradually  reduced  until  it  reached  the  free  list,  May  I, 
1916,  This  was  a  staggering  blow  to  the  great  industry,  and  a  tremendous 
loss  of  public  revenue.  Forced  by  the  necessities  of  the  administration, 
congress  repealed  the  free  trade  clause  of  the  Underwood  sugar  schedule, 
not  because  the  tariff  aided  an  industry,  but  for  revenue  only.  The  repeal 
was  effected  a  short  time  before  sugar  was  scheduled  to  go  upon  the  free 
list.  This  reversal  of  the  hostile  policy  of  the  Democratic  administration 
is  but  temporary;  if  the  party  remains  in  power  it  will  pursue  the  sugar 
industry  to  its  death. 

Before  congress  repealed  the  free  trade  provision  affecting  the  sugar 
schedule,  duties  amounting  to  many  millions  of  dollars,  which  otherwise 
would  have  been  paid  by  foreign  sugar  producers  were  lost  to  our  treasury 
and  the  deficiency  was  raised  by  obnoxious  stamp  taxes  imposed  upon  the 
people.  This  was  a  direct  injury  to  us,  not  only  in  the  loss  of  large 
revenue,  but  in  the  crippling  of  a  great  and  developing  industry  which  the 
Republican  party  had  carefully  sought  to  foster  during  the  administration 
of  Harrison,  McKinley,  Roosevelt  and  Taft. 

MERCHANT     MARINE 

The  rebuilding  of  our  merchant  marine  is  one  of  the  imperative  and 
urgent  needs  of  the  times.  Our  national  safety  and  industrial  independ- 
ence demand  that  we  shall  not  dally  further  with  this  great  question.  We 
must  enact  such  laws  as  will  enable  us  to  compete  successfully  with  other 
maritime  nations.  We  once  held  a  pre-eminent  position  in  the  carrying 
trade  of  the  high  seas,  but  we  have  lost  our  place  of  leadership,  and  it 
devolves  upon  us  now,  if  we  are  the  great  people  we  profess  to  be,  to 


296  ACCEPTANCE 

regain  it.  It  is  estimated  that  for  the  ten  years  prior  to  the  beginning  of 
the  European  war  we  paid  to  foreign  ship  owners  for  carrying  our  imports 
and  exports  approximately  $1,500,000,000.  The  annual  drain  since  then 
amounts  to  approximately  $300,000,000.  This  tremendous  outgo  if  prop- 
erly financed  would  put  no  additional  burden  upon  the  government,  and 
would  result  in  a  large  saving  to  the  country.  The  war  has  emphasized 
the  perils  of  our  dependency  upon  other  nations  for  the  carrying  of  our 
foreign  commerce.  We  are  seriously  handicapped  in  our  effort  to  expand 
our  markets  into  and  beyond  the  seas  because  we  must  depend  so  largely 
upon  foreign  ship  owners  for  the  transportation  of  our  products.  A  mer- 
chant vessel  is  a  good  commercial  traveler  and  will  search  out  business  in 
all  harbors  for  the  country  whose  flag  it  bears. 

We  are  opposed  to  a  government-owned  or  a  government-operated 
merchant  marine.  Such  a  merchant  marine  is  violative  of  sound  govern- 
mental policy ;  it  will  prove  expensive  and  serve  to  check  individual  enter- 
prise from  entering  one  of  the  most  important  fields  of  our  national  de- 
velopment. In  the  face  of  the  tremendous  drains  upon  the  national 
treasury  it  is  unfortunate,  indeed,  that  the  Democratic  party  has  seen  fit  to 
project  the  government  into  the  purchase  of  merchant  ships  and  to  the 
expenditure  of  so  vast  a  sum  of  money  as  it  now  contemplates.  With  fa- 
voring laws  sufficient  private  capital  will  be  invested  to  enable  us  to  con- 
struct in  American  shipyards  and  with  American  labor  all  the  merchant 
vessels  required  to  give  us  our  rightful  place  in  the  ocean-carrying  trade 
of  the  world.  Although  we  sorely  need  a  great  merchant  marine  we 
should  not  seek  it,  as  the  Democratic  administration  proposes,  by  contra- 
vening sound  national  policies. 

ECONOMY 

We  are  resolved  to  restore  economy  in  government.  Our  Democratic 
friends  have  repeatedly  pledged  themselves  to  economy  in  public  adminis- 
tration, but  when  in  power  have  been  extravagant  and  reckless.  Some  of 
the  strongest  Democratic  leaders  have  denounced  the  extravagances  of 
their  party,  but  have  been  impotent  to  give  us  relief.  Economy  is  in 
Democratic  platforms,  but  it  seems  to  have  no  place  in  Democratic  admin- 
istration. 

For  nearly  four  years  we  have  walked  in  darkness  and  doubt ;  we 
have  endured  stress  and  strain  in  our  domestic  affairs  and  have  felt  the 
humiliation  of  lost  prestige  in  the  chancellories  of  the  world.  We  are 
eager  to  put  our  country's  domestic  concerns  upon  a  sounder  footing  and 
to  lift  our  flag  to  its  former  pre-eminence  in  the  esteem  of  the  nations  of 
the  earth.  We  covet  nothing  more  earnestly  than  the  good  name  of 
America,  and  any  political  party  which  tarnishes  it  through  ignorance  or 
design  forfeits  the  popular  confidence. 


ACCEPTANCE  297 

We  believe  unqualifiedly  in  the  maintenance  of  a  firm  foreign  policy — 
doing  justice  to  others  and  demanding  like  justice  for  ourselves.  This  is 
the  surest  method  of  regaining  the  world's  esteem  and  insuring  the  preva- 
lence of  honorable  peace  with  our  international  neighbors. 

Our  opponents  pride  themselves  upon  the  assumed  fact  that  their 
candidate  for  the  presidency  has  kept  the  country  out  of  war.  Their  as- 
sertion is  too  broad ;  it  comprehends  more  than  the  truth.  We  have  not 
been  kept  out  of  war,  for  there  has  been  real  war  in  Mexico,  due  to  our 
own  aggression.  It  does  not  redound  to  our  credit.  That  it  was  not  greater 
is  due  to  the  fact  that  Mexico  is  not  greater.  There  has  been  no  desire  upon 
the  part  of  any  power  beyond  the  seas,  either  in  Europe  or  in  the  Orient, 
to  go  to  war  with  us. 

It  is  not  a  very  difficult  task  for  any  President  to  keep  out  of  war  if 
nobody  wants  to  fight  us,  and  when  our  people  thoroughly  believe  that  an 
enlightened,  firm  diplomatic  policy  will  meet  successfully  all  of  our  in- 
ternational necessities. 

MEXICO 

We  regard  the  dealings  of  the  President  with  Mexico  as  vacillating. 
He  has  been  given  a  free  hand  and  has  no  one  to  blame  for  what  he  has 
done  or  failed  to  do  except  himself.  I  have  tried,  so  far  as  my  influence 
would  go,  to  uphold  his  hands,  regardless  of  whether  we  agreed  among 
ourselves  as  to  the  soundness  of  his  policy.  In  foreign  affairs  we  have 
always  been  loyal  to  our  constitutional  leader.  Our  patience  has  been  put 
to  the  test  in  Mexico.  We  have  sharply  disagreed  with  the  President,  but 
have  stood  by  him,  nevertheless.  We  have  seen  things  go  from  bad  to 
worse;  we  have  seen  the  butchery  of  our  countrymen  upon  both  sides  of 
the  border ;  we  have  seen  millions  of  dollars'  worth  of  property  destroyed, 
but  we  have  steadfastly  supported  him,  and  shall  continue  to  do  so  until 
the  close  of  the  chapter  of  his  power.  A  settlement  day  is  now  at  hand, 
not  between  the  President  and  Mexico,  but  between  the  President  and  the 
electors  of  the  United  States.  Our  patience  is  exhausted  and  we  believe 
our  national  interest  requires  a  new  deal. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  view  the  President's  course  with  Mexico  in  detail ; 
one  or  two  conspicuous  facts  will  suffice.  It  was  our  manifest  duty  to 
have  recognized  Huerta  as  the  President,  either  de  facto  or  de  jure; 
he  was  clearly  in  power  under  the  forms  of  Mexican  law  and  was  entitled 
to  recognition  by  diplomatic  precedent.  He  was  a  powerful  soldier  and 
the  one  man  above  all  others  in  his  country  who  was  capable  of  establish- 
ing order.  He  had  been  recognized  by  the  leading  powers  outside  of  the 
United  States;  but  our  chief  executive  turned  against  him,  gave  aid  and 
encouragement  to  his  enemies  and  in  time  effected  his  overthrow.  We 
have  been  called  upon  to  incur  large  obligations  in  Mexico  and  along 
the  border  which  would  have  been  unnecessary,  in  my  judgment,  if  we 


298  ACCEPTANCE 

had  recognized  Huerta.  Such  recognition  would  have  given  him  financial 
credit  and  added  strength  to  his  arm.  The  interposition  of  President 
Wilson  in  the  domestic  affairs  of  Mexico  was  unwarranted  in  sound  in- 
ternational policy  and  has  proved  disastrous  in  point  of  fact. 

We  do  not  generally  appreciate  the  importance  of  the  Mexican  pro- 
blem. The  relations  between  the  two  countries  are  so  intimate  that  every- 
thing in  honor  should  be  done  to  maintain  good  neighborhood  between 
them.  The  population  of  Mexico  is  15,000,000.  There  are  some  40,000 
American  dwellers  within  the  republic,  and  upon  its  invitation.  The  wealth 
of  the  country  is  roundly  $2,400,000,000.  American  investments  amount  to 
more  than  $1,000,000,000,  or  approximately  45  per  cent,  of  the  total. 

The  Mexican  situation  is  a  challenge  to  the  Monroe  doctrine,  the  main- 
tenance of  which  is  so  vital  to  the  future  peace  and  safety  of  the  United 
States.  It  is  fair  to  say  that  except  for  the  engagement  of  European 
powers  in  a  war  at  home,  which  involves  their  very  existence,  a  protest 
would  have  come  from  them  against  the  wrongs  which  have  been  inflicted 
upon  their  subjects  and  citizens  in  Mexico.  The  protest  would  have  come 
so  peremptorily  that  we  could  not  have  disregarded  it,  or  have  satisfied 
the  just  indignation  of  our  European  friends  by  a  few  polite  notes. 

The  terrible  struggle  in  Europe  will  tend  to  intensify,  rather  than 
moderate,  the  spirit  of  nationalism  throughout  the  world,  and  in  the 
future,  as  never  before,  it  will  be  necessary  for  us  to  maintain  a  standard 
of  Americanism,  free  from  division  by  sectionalism,  class  prejudice  or 
alien  sympathy.  There  never  was  a  time  when  it  was  more  important  for 
us,  as  Americans,  to  avoid  creating  lines  of  cleavage  in  this  country  based 
upon  place  of  birth  or  occupational  status.  We  can  not  properly  censure 
Americans  of  foreign  birth  for  sympathy  with  the  nations  which  once 
claimed  their  allegiance,  as  against  the  nations  with  which  they  are  fighting, 
and  the  attempt  to  impute  treasonable  motives  to  any  one  class  of  our 
citizens  because  of  their  original  nationality,  or  the  sympathies  which  go 
with  it,  so  long  as  these  do  not  interfere  with  their  paramount  loyalty  to 
this  republic,  or  in  any  way  infringe  it,  is  severely  to  be  condemned.  The 
greatest  menace  in  this  country  is  not  so  much  the  man  who  loves  two 
countries  as  the  man  who  loves  no  country  at  all. 

PREPAREDNESS 

We  stand  for  preparedness  measured  by  our  national  needs — a  strong 
army  and  navy  adequate  to  compel  respect  for  our  diplomacy  and  to  in- 
sure peace.  Hand  in  hand  with  our  physical  preparedness,  must  go  in- 
dustrial preparedness,  which  shall  insure  prosperity  for  the  millions  who 
labor  and  who,  in  the  final  analysis,  are  the  real  source  of  our  national 
strength. 


ACCEPTANCE  299 

The  limitations  of  the  hour  prevent  me  from  considering  all  the 
phases  and  issues  of  the  campaign.  Later  I  shall  avail  myself  of  the  op- 
portunity to  discuss  them. 

In  conclusion,  my  friends,  I  wish  to  say  that  it  is  a  very  great  pleas- 
ure to  me  to  be  associated  in  this  contest  with  Charles  Evans  Hughes — our 
leader.  He  has  in  the  fullest  degree  exemplified  in  his  life  and  public 
services  the  best  aims  and  highest  aspirations  of  the  American  people. 
His  election  will  be  an  assurance  that  we  shall  go  forward  in  the  enjoy- 
ment of  a  new  era  of  honor  and  prestige  abroad  and  prosperity  and  con- 
tentment at  home.  We  rejoice  that  the  light  of  a  better  day  is  breaking. 


INDEX 


A. 

Abraham,  Albert,  speech  nominating  candidate  for  Vice-President. . .  209 

Adjournment,  roll  call  on 189 

Final    219 

Alternate  delegate,  decision  on  right  to  vote in,  112,  187 

Alward,  D.  E.,  elected  reading  clerk 29 

Automobile  Ride,  announcement 37 

B. 

Baldridge,  Howard  H.,  speech  nominating  candidate  for  Vice-President  200 

Baldwin,  E.  D.,  elected  Assistant  Secretary 29 

Bancroft,  H.  H.,  elected  Reading  Clerk 29 

Beamish,  Richard  J.,  elected  Reading  Clerk 29 

Bennett,  William  S.,  elected  Parliamentarian 29 

Called  upon  to  preside 67 

Bennett,  A.  S.  elected  Tally  Clerk 30 

Borah,  William  E.,  remarks  by 84 

Bowers,  Frank  K.,  elected  Assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms 30 

Bowman,  D.  H.,  elected  reading  clerk 29 

Branch,  E.  F.,  elected  Assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms 30 

Britt,  Eugene  W.,  speech  seconding  nomination 161 

Brown,  Elon  R.,  remarks  by 104 

Brumbaugh,  Martin  G.,  speech  nominating  for  President 154 

Speech  seconding  nomination 174 

Speech  withdrawing  name 183 

Burkett,  Elmer  E.,  speech  nominating  for  Vice-President 206 

Bullett,  William  M.,  remarks  by 109 

Burton,  Theodore  E.,  speech  nominating  for  President 124 

Speech  seconding  nomination 162 

Speech  withdrawing  name 200 

Butler,  Marion,  speech  seconding  nomination 170 

Butler,  Nicholas  Murray,  speech  nominating  Elihu  Root 119 

Bynum,  William  P.,  speech  seconding  nomination 159 

300 


INDEX  301 

C. 

Calhoun,  William  J.,  speech  nominating  Lawrence  Y.  Sherman 135 

Cannon,  Joseph  G.,  remarks  by 81 

Carlson,  Fred.  A.,  elected  Assistant  Reporter 29 

Catron,  Thomas  B.,  remarks  by 208 

Chapin,  B.  E.,  elected  Assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms 30 

Cochran,  W.  S.,  remarks  by 108 

Collins,  Emerson,  speech  nominating  Martin  G.  Brumbaugh 154 

Committees — 

Conferring  with  Progressive   Convention 103,  no,  192 

Credentials    31,  32,    39 

Escorting  Temporary  Chairman  to  Chair 13 

Notification  of  Candidate  for  President 216 

Notification  of  candidate  for  Vice-President 217 

Permanent    Organization 31,  33,    67 

Resolutions    31,  35,    88 

Rules  and  Order  of  Business 30,  34,    68 

Convention,  call  for 8,      9 

Election   of   Officers,   permanent 67 

Election   of    Officers,    temporary 29 

Election  of  Permanent  Chairman 67 

Election  of  Temporary  Chairman 13 

Entertainment   of 37,  2I3 

Permanent  roll    of 41 

Rules  and  Order  of  Business 68,  156 

Territorial   Representation 68 

Vice-President,   honorary 218 

Credentials  Committee  31,  32 

Report  of  • 39 

Cummins,  Albert  B.,  speech  nominating  for  President 142 

Seconding  speech 167,  168 

D. 

Davis,  Fred,  elected  Reading  Clerk 29 

Delegates  and  alternates,  roll  of 41 

Depew,  Chauncey  M.,  remarks  by 75 

Dunham  L.  L.,  elected  Tally  Clerk 30 

du  Pont,  Coleman,  nominating  speech  for 132 

Withdrawal  of  name 199 


302  INDEX 

E. 

Emory,  W.  O.,  speech  seconding  nomination 165 

Evans,  H.   Clay,   remarks  by 210 

Evjue,  William  T.,  elected  Reading  Clerk 29 

Ewing,  Amos,  elected  Tally  Clerk 30 

F. 

Fairbanks,  Charles  W.,  nominating  speech  for  President 137 

Seconding  speeches 166 

Withdrawal  of  name 200 

Vice-President,    speech    nominating 205 

Vice-President,   speech  seconding 208 

Nominated  for  Vice-President 211,  213 

Speech  accepting  nomination 292 

Fall,  Albert  B.,  speech  nominating  Theodore  Roosevelt. . . '. 148 

Flavell  J.  R.,  elected  Assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms 30 

Fulton,  Charles  W.,  speech  seconding  nomination 159 

G. 

Galvin,  J.  M.,  elected  Reading  Clerk 29 

Gleason,  Lafayette  B.,  elected  Temporary  Secretary 29 

Grover  D.  Lawrence,  remarks  by 210 

Gross,  Edward  J.,   remarks  by 

H. 

Hanson,  J.  J.,  elected  Chief  Doorkeeper 29 

Harding,  Warren  G.,  elected  Temporary  Chairman 13 

Elected  Permanent  Chairman 67 

Remarks  as  Permanent  Chairman 67 

Rulings  by 100,  106,  108,  in,  112,  113,  166,  183,  201,  205 

Speech  notifying  candidate  for  President 273 

Speech   as   Temporary  Chairman 14 

Thanks  to,  Resolution  of 214 

Harger,  C.  M.,  elected  Assistant  Secretary 29 

Hart,  George  L.,  elected  Official  Reporter 29 

Haynes,  Paul,  elected  Assistant  Secretary 29 

Hazelbarker,  F.  A.,  elected  Assistant  Secretary 29 

Heyburn,  William,  remarks  by 108 

Hilles,  Charles  D.,  calls  Convention  to  Order 7 

New    National    Committee    meeting 219 

Presents  Recommendation  for  Temporary  Chairman 13 

Presents  recommendation  for  Temporary  Officers 29 


IXDEX  303 

Hooper,  B.  W.,  remarks  by 108 

Howard,  Guy  V.,  elected  Assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms 29 

Hughes,  Charles  E.,  life  of 222 

Message   to    Convention 259 

Nominated  for  President 202 

Notified  of  nomination 273 

Speech  accepting  nomination 274 

Speech  placing  in  nomination 1 14 

Speeches   seconding   nomination 157,  159 

J. 

Jennings,  Malcolm,  elected  Reading  Clerk 29 

Johnson,  George  W.,  elected  Tally  Clerk 30 


Kaufman,  C.  G.,  elected  Tally  Clerk 30 

Kelly,  Francis  C.,  elected  chaplain 29 

Prayer  by 38 

Kelly,  E.  J.,  elected  Assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms 30 

Kendall,  W.  E.,  speech  nominating  Albert  B.  Cummins 142 

Kentucky,  Member  of  National  Committee  from 103,  106,  108 

King,  Wesley,  elected  Tally  Clerk 30 

L. 

La  Follette,  Robert  M.,  speech  nominating  for  President 150 

Speech    seconding   nomination 174 

Langley,  J.  W.,  remarks  by 106 

Levi,  Gerson  B.,  elected  Chaplain 29 

Prayer  by    IQI 

Lodge  Henry  Cabot,  remarks  on  resolutions 101 

Remarks    202 

Speech  nominating  John  W.  Weeks 130 

Lundeen,  Ernest,  speech  seconding  nomination 167 

Lyons  John  J.,  elected  Assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms 30 

It 

Marshall,  John  K.,  elected  Assistant  Reporter 29 

Martin,  Alvah  H.,  Jr.,  elected  Assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms 30 

Martin,  Hugh  L.,  elected  Assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms 30 

Massachusetts,  vote  on  President 186 

McCall,  S.  W.,  remarks  by 201 

McCormack,  W.  L.,  elected  Tally  Clerk 30 


304  INDEX 

McCormick,  Medill,  remarks  by 196 

McCoy,  Joseph,  Jr.,  elected  Assistant  Secretary 29 

McDowell,   William    F.,    elected   Chaplain 29 

Prayer  by <• 107 

McGuire,  Bird,  speech  seconding  nomination 164 

Meekins,  Isaac  M.,  speech  seconding  nomination 162 

Miller,  Thomas  W.,  speech  nominationg  Coleman  du  Pont 132 

Minnesota,  member  of  National  Committee no,  215 

Moore,  A.  P.  remarks  by  202 

Morrow,  Edwin  P.,  speech  seconding  nomination 165 

N. 

National  Committee — 

Announcement  of  meeting  of    219 

Campaign  Committee  220 

Connecticut    203 

Election  of    103,  1 10,  203 

Executive   Committee    220 

Kentucky,  Member  of 103,  106,  108 

List  of    203,  220,  221 

Minnesota   no,  215 

New  York   203 

Officers  and  members  of 220,  221 

South  Carolina  no 

Tennessee,  member  of  104 

West  Virginia    203 

New  York,  poll  on  Presidential  nomination 176 

Nomination  of  candidates,  ruling  by  chairman in 

Nominations,  vacancies  in 214 

Nominating  speeches  for  candidate  for  President  by — 

Nicholas  Murray  Butler 119 

William  J.  Calhoun 135 

Albert  B.   Fall 148 

N.  E.  Kendall 142 

Henry  Cabot  Lodge 130 

Thomas  W.  Miller 132 

M.  B.  Olbrich 150 

Charles  S.   Whitman 114 

Frank    B.    Willis 124 

William  R.  Wood 137 

Notification  of  Candidate — 

President    273 

Vice-President    290 

Officers  of  Convention,  permanent 67 


INDEX  305 

Temporary    13,  29 

Resolution  of  thanks  to 214 

Olbrich,  M.  B.,  speech  nominating  Robert  M.  La  Follette 150 

Order,  points  of 100,  106,  183,  201  205 

P. 

Pennsylvania,  poll  on  vote  for  President 178 

Permanent  Roll  of  Convention 41 

Phillips,  Herman  A,  elected  Parliamentarian 29 

Phillips,  James  L.,  elected  Assistant  Secretary 29 

Platform   88 

Platform,  minority  report 95 

Plumb,  H.  C,  elected  Assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms 30 

Pollock,  Robert  M.,  seconding  nomination 174 

Potter,  Wm.,  speech  seconding  nomination 171 

Prayers  by — 

Francis  C.  Kelley 38 

William  F.  McDowell 107 

John   Timothy   Stone 8 

President — 

Ballot  on  nomination,  first 175,  178,  181 

Second    183,  1 86 

Third  197 

Speech  presenting  name  of  Martin  G.  Brumbaugh 154 

Theodore  E.   Burton 124 

Albert  B.   Cummins 142 

Coleman  du  Pont 132 

Charles  \V.  Fairbanks 137 

Charles  E.  Hughes 114 

Robert  M.  La  Follette 150 

Theodore  Roosevelt 148 

Elihu    Root 119 

Lawrence  Y.    Sherman 135 

John  W.   Weeks 130 

Speeches  seconding  nomination  for  President  by — 

Eugene  W.  Britt 161 

Marion  Butler 170 

\Ym.  P.   Bynum 159 

\V.  O.  Emory 165 

Charles  W.  Fulton 159 

Ernest  Lundeen 167 

Bird    McGuire 164 

Isaac  M.  Meekins 162 

Edwin   P.    Morrow 165 

Robert  M.  Pollock 174 


306  INDEX 

William  Potter .' 171 

Thomas    Soule 163 

A.  M.  Stevenson 169 

Frank  R.  Stewart 162 

William  S.  Vare 174 

Leo    Weinberg 157 

Henry  A.  Whitaker 172 

S.   E.   Wilson 168 

Preston,  James  D.,  elected  Assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms 30 

Progressive  Convention — 

Communication  from 102 

Committee  to  confer  with 103 

Report  from  Conference  Committee no,  192 

Resolution  to  confer  with 103 

R. 

Rathbone,  Henry  R.,  elected  Reading  Clerk 29 

Rawson,  Charles  A.,  elected  Assistant  Secretary 29 

Relf,  C.  D.,  elected  Tally  Clerk 30 

Reynolds,  James  B.,  reading  of  Call  of  Convention  by 8 

Reports  of — 

Committee  to  confer  with  Progressive  Convention no,  192 

Credential    Committee 39 

Permanent    organization 67 

Resolutions   Committee 88 

Rules  and  order  of  business 68 

Resolutions,  relative  to — 

Committee  to  confer  with  Progressive  Convention 103 

Committee  on  Credentials 30 

Committee  on  notification  of  candidate  for  President 216 

Committee  on  notification  of  candidate  for  Vice-President 217 

Committees  on  notification,  chairman  of 213 

Committee  on  permanent  organization 31 

Committee  on  Resolutions 31 

Committee  on  Rules  and  Order  of  Business 31 

Printing  Convention  proceedings 214 

Rules  of  Convention 30 

Seconding    speeches 156 

Temporary  officers 29 

Territorial    representation 68 

Thanks  to  chairman  and  officers 214 

Thanks  to  citizens  of  Chicago 215 

Thanks  to  Entertainment  Committee 214 

Vacancies  in  nominations ~, 214 


INDEX  307 

Resolutions,  report  of  committee  upon — (platform) 88 

Roll  calls  on — 

Adjournment 189 

Presidential  nomination — 

First  ballot 175,  178,  181 

Second    ballot 183,  186 

Third  ballot 197 

Vice-Presidential    nomination 211 

Roll  of  Convention,  permanent 41 

Roosevelt,  Theodore — 

Communication  from,  to  Conference  Committee 193 

Nominating  speech  for 148 

Seconding  speeches 169,  170,  171,  172 

Root,  Elihu — 

Nominating  speech  for 118 

Seconding  speech 159,  161 

Withdrawal  of  name 200 

Rules,  Committee  on   31 

Rules,  Committee  Report  of 68 

Rules,  Suspension  of,  Ruling  on 201 

Rules,  Seconding  Speeches 156 

Temporary  30 

S. 

Scott,  \Y.  E.,  elected  Reading  Clerk 29 

Settle,  Thomas,  speech  seconding  nomination 163 

Sherman,  Lawrence  Y. — 

Speech  nominating  for  President 135 

Withdrawal  of  name 196 

Speech  notifying   Mr.   Fairbanks 290 

Smith,  Frank  A.,  elected  Chief  Assistant  Secretary 29 

Smith,  Frank  H.,  elected  Assistant  Secretary 29 

Smith,  John  \Y.,  elected  assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms 30 

South  Carolina,  member  National  Committee no 

Speeches,  rule  limiting 156 

Stevenson,  A.  M.,  speech  seconding  nomination 169 

Remarks   by    108 

Stewart,  Frank  R.,  speech  seconding  nomination 162 

Stoll,  R.  C,  remarks  by 103 

Stone,  John  Timothy,  elected  chaplain 29 

Prayer  by  8 

Stone,  William  F,  elected  Sergeant-at-Arms 29 

Sutherland,  George,  called  to  preside 123 


308  IXDEX 

T. 

Tennessee,  National  Committee  Member 104 

Territorial    Representation 68 

Thayer,  E.  P.,  elected  Assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms 29 

Topping,  W.  H.,  elected  Assistant  Secretary 29 

True,  H.  O.,  elected  Tally  Clerk 30 

V. 

Vacancies  in  Nominations 214 

Vare,  Wm.  S.,  speech  seconding'  nomination 174 

Venable,  Earl,  elected  Tally  Clerk 30 

Vice-Presidents  of  Convention,  list  of  honorary 2I& 

Vice-President,   ballot   for 211 

Vice-President,  speeches  presenting — 

Elmer  E.  Burkett,  by  H.  H.  Baldridge 206 

Charles  W.  Fairbanks,  by  John  Wanamaker 205 

William  Grant  Webster,  by  Albert  Abraham 209 


W. 

Waite,  W.  A.,  elected  assistant  Secretary 29 

Wanamaker,  John,  speech  nominating  Charles  W.  Fairbanks  for  Vice- 
President    205 

Warren,  Charles  B.,  remarks  on  rules 73 

Waters,  William  O.,  elected  Chaplain 29 

\\  atkins,  Roy  M.,  elected  Assistant  Secretary 29 

Webster,  Wm.  Grant,  speech  nominating  for  Vice-President 209 

Weeks,  John  W.— 

Speech  nominating  for  President 130 

Speeches    seconding    nomination 163,  164,  165 

Withdrawal  by  195 

Weinberg,  Leo,  speech  seconding  nomination 157 

Whitaker,  Henry  A.,  speech  seconding  nomination 172 

White,  A.  W.,  elected  assistant  Sergeant-at-Arms 30 

White,  David  J.,  elected  recording  clerk 29 

Whitman,  Charles  S.,  speech  nominating  Charles  E.  Hughes 114 

Williamson,  Thomas,  elected  assistant  Secretary 29 

Willis,  Frank  B.,  nominating  speech  by 124 

Remarks  by  208 

Wilson,  S.  E.,  speech  seconding  nomination 168 

Wood,  William  R.,  nominating  speech  by 137 


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